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This essay explores the corporate and social dimensions of discipleship by examining the theological vision of the Parish Communion movement of the last century. It outlines what the Parish Communion movement sought to achieve liturgically and how that was undergirded by its underlying ecclesiology. Elements of the theology underpinning the movement are examined, including its corporate Body theology and its social theology. How these themes contribute to contemporary elaborations of discipleship are then explored, including a reflection on the legacy of the movement in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay provides an exhaustive list (tabulated in the Appendix) of Michael Polanyi's book reviews published from 1939 to 1971. This list was compiled by careful comparative examination of existing bibliographies checked against copies of the reviews recently procured from publications. Our analysis offers a deep dive into the philosophical and historiographical significance of several selected reviews. In examining these reviews, we shed light on Polanyi's distinctive approach. Typically, his reviews are concise pieces. Instead of extensively laying out the content of the books he is reviewing, Polanyi succinctly distills their primary theses and juxtaposes or aligns them with his own perspectives. Philosophically, these reviews are a gateway into understanding how Polanyi positioned his ideas vis-à-vis several seminal thinkers of his era. From a historiographical standpoint, they chart the evolving contours of Polanyi's intellectual journey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the process of formation of historical science and social thought in Mexico in the 19th century. The author focuses on the important works of some of the most famous researchers of Mexican history, which laid the foundation for Mexican historiography. The author notes that the origin and formation of Mexican national historiography and social thought was associated with key political events in the country's history: War of Independence 1810-1824, creation of the first liberal constitutions, Mexican-American War 1846-1848. and territorial disputes with the United States, bourgeois reforms, the civil war of 1854–1860, the Anglo-French-Spanish intervention, the liberation war of the Mexican people of 1861–1867. These events occupied an im-portant place in the works of the first Mexican historians, who often personally took part in the process of the political formation of an independent state and became the starting points around which the historical concepts of the Mexican history of the national period were formed. these events primarily attracted the attention of historians and became the starting points around which the historical concepts of the Mexican history.

The article examines the combined travelogue of Bukhara traveler, Jadid and doctor Mirzo Sirodjiddin Hakim - “Tuhafi ahli Bukhoro [Gifts to Bukharians].” The text written in Persian and published in 1912, with the permission of the imperial authorities in Bukhara, combines a wide range of lexical constructions of the modern era and traditional Arabic-language structures. The purpose of the article is to analyze the subjective ideas of Mirzo Sirodjiddin Hakim of Bukhara, the West, the East, and Russia. The structure of the article is determined by the need to reconstruct the biography of the author of the travelogue and, to identify the features of the social and cultural context that influenced the formation of his worldview. The “Tuhafi ahli Bukhoro” was used as the main source in the article, and while an additional book published in Tehran in 1990 on the text was used as an additional comparative source. The methodological basis of the research is through both biographical and post-colonial approaches. The author reveals that the ideas expressed by Mirzo Sirodjiddin Hakim are largely the result of the experience and practices acquired from his travels. These identified narratives, through which Hakim combined his own knowledge of regional cultures, uses Islamic rhetoric, as well as modern discourse to express an assessment of the position of the Islamic world in the context of rivalry with Christian civilization. Whereas Mirzo Sirojiddin Hakim considered Europe to be the ideal of a progressive society, he perceived Russia as a more important civilizer of the Asian peoples and believed that the progressive future of Bukhara needed to be closer associated with Russia.

Considering empirical observations of the public opinion landscape, policy foundations, current governance deficiencies, and the state of academic research, it is imperative to innovative methods of managing online public opinion chaos to fortify the foundation of ideological security. The personal factors such as emotions, psychology, and cognition within public opinion determine the feasibility of implementing flexible governance. Flexible governance is a good governance model that combines logical, axiomatic, and emotional rationales, and its integration with rigid governance model becomes a crucial pathway for addressing the chaos in online public discourse. This study applies theories such as communication studies and media availability, and employs a combination of qualitative interviews, case analysis, and quantitative empirical methods to focus on key issues such as “why initiate efforts to safeguard ideological security through public opinion” “how can online public opinion chaos be flexibly governed” “what is the target of flexible governance” “the logical processes and influences of flexible governance,” and “feasible measures for flexible governance.” The research findings indicate that public opinion establishes connections with ideology through its own social materiality and social engineering characteristics. The convergence of factors such as the fundamental spirit and the ineffectiveness of rigid measures has confirmed the potential for combining flexible governance to address the chaos in online public discourse. Currently, online public opinion chaos has manifested new characteristics in terms of content, timing, space, and values. In particular, social thought, which is its close form, has already posed potential challenges to ideological security. Flexible governance is implemented through four dimensions: stance, approach, elements, and tools. It involves the integration of a fundamental standpoint that combines “internal rigidity” with “logical congruence,” aiming to meet basic human needs and promote a co-governance mentality. It interweaves multiple elements to enhance their interconnectedness and adopts a dialectical approach to handle and utilize media tools. Communication theory, media availability theory, as well as empirical data from the Modified Delphi Method, Multi-Input Weighted Superiority Plot Method and AHP, indicate that users, values, media, discourse and scenarios sequentially influence the governance process, thus determining governance performance. Based on these indicators, five recommendations are proposed: endogenous governance, entity-centric governance, media-centric governance, regenerative governance, and situational governance. These recommendations underscore the importance of strategies such as theoretical self-validation and conceptual innovation, issue resolution and truth restoration, technological empowerment and emotional communication, discourse transformation and public sentiment management, as well as scenario construction and ambiance creation, to effectively manage the chaos in online public discourse and support ideological work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As "justice natives," today's undergraduate students are motivated to engage directly with the world around them in ways unseen throughout most previous generations. Interestingly, secular humanistic perspectives on changemaking are in keeping with a wide variety of biblical teachings and principles of Christian social thought. At the same time, educators and practitioners can better engage these students to lessen a disconnect that often seems to emerge between social justice causes and the modern church. This paper applies a praxis‐based approach, Kingian Theology, the Beatitudes from the gospels, elements of liberation theology, Wesley's thoughts about community engagement, and principles of both Catholic and broader Christian social thought to the modern idea of changemaking, positioning Christianity and the gospels as a liberating force for equality rather than as a colonizing or even racist‐associated oppressive ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reason for this ponder is to investigate the impact of coaches-leadership styles on athletes' execution. The consider utilized a mixed-methods think about the plan, coordination of quantitative and subjective approaches, and a five-point Likert scale; the RLSS survey was utilized to decide the effect of coach-leadership fashion on athletes' execution. Majority rule administration fashion has the most elevated cruel esteem compared to 3.05 and standard deviation esteem of 0.37, social thought authority fashion scores the moment most noteworthy cruel esteem compared to 3.03 and standard deviation esteem of 0.47, and positive criticism cruel esteem 3.02 and standard deviation of 0.39, and social bolster cruel esteem 3.01 and standard deviation 0.47and preparing and instruction cruel esteem 3.00 and standard deviation 0.48 and absolutist authority fashion has the least cruel esteem comparing to 2.93 and standard deviation esteem of 0.54 showing that dictatorial authority fashion is ineffectively related with competitors execution. Relapse coefficient investigation appears that there's a critical and positive effect of preparing and instruction coach administration styles on athletes' execution. The social back fashion beta coefficient esteem is 0.23 with critical esteem of 0.958 which is higher than 0.05, subsequently, social bolster fashion was found to have not a factually critical effect on athlete's execution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Willis Hoover was one of the prominent founders of Chilean Pentecostalism at the beginning of the 20th century in Chile, and his influence was felt in the education of pastors and believers. From the beginning, the movement took root in the poor sectors of society. Although the latter is quite well known, there is a lack of analysis of Pastor Hoover's own ideas in general and on social issues in particular, as well as the influence he received in this regard from Methodism, his tradition of origin. In view of this, the present essay outlines general characteristics of his social thought based on his writings, and its continuities and discontinuities with Methodism from the perspective of political theology in a Pentecostal key in order to shed light on the character that Hoover sought to imprint on the nascent Pentecostal movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article poses questions about the relationship between Allameh Tabatabaʾi’s political philosophy and Islamic revolution and answers them. The method of this article is using library resources and documents, and it uses them to answer the questions. The achievement of the article is that Allameh Tabatabaʾi was the theoretician and one of the founders of Islamic revolution and had a considerable presence in Iran’s political arena as a political activist. Allameh Tabatabaʾi was a thinker with socio-political commitment and responsibility, and would attempt to perform his human, moral, religious and seminary duties. He had also political activities in proportion to his own situation. The present article is an introduction to this issue, and this subject deserves to attract some broad studies and inquiries.

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The institution of the Kaaba takes up a significant position in the ontological, religious, jurisprudential and political idea of Islam. For this reason, it is vital to talk about the Kaaba from different aspects. The Kaaba is a complex phenomenon in Islam. If we want to explore its position and its role, it is necessary to approach it in different ways, from different aspects. It is one of the central figures and concepts in Islam around which the entire collective consciousness is formed. We cannot in the slightest expect to get a proper understanding of its essence if we do not devote ourselves to it comprehensively. Considering only one of its levels will certainly distract us from understanding its complete essence. Because of that, in this paper we will analyze different levels of the Kaaba, from historical and geographical levels to the legal, theological and ontological ones. Finally, we will pay attention to the position of the Kaaba in the literary tradition of Islam.

Justice is known to be the virtue of social structures and institutions in modern social thought. In classical thought, justice was the sum of all virtues or the highest of them, and at the same time it was a virtue for society and a virtue for man. Evaluating the conceptual and functional evolution of justice can be a criterion for measuring the impact of various factors such as religion, culture, politics and economics in comparison with justice. The aim of the present study is to examine the concept of justice in the social thought of medieval Christian philosophers and seeks to restore the concept and function of justice in medieval philosophy in relation to social institutions. Accordingly, by emphasizing the social thought of five famous philosophers of this period, aspects of the importance of the concept of justice have been explored. Among Christian philosophers, Augustine was regarded as the initiator of Neoplatonic philosophy and Thomas Aquinas as the culmination of Aristotelian Peripatetic school. In addition, Anselm of Canterbury was regarded as a prominent Christian theologian, Meister Eckhart as a leading figure in Christian mysticism, and finally Marsilius of Padua as a revisionist political philosopher of ecclesiastical world domination. In this study, using descriptive-analytical method, it is concluded that the thinkers influenced by Neoplatonic thought, namely Augustine, Anselm and Eckhart, mainly considered justice from an individual perspective and Aristotelian thinkers, namely Aquinas and Marcellus, considered justice from a social perspective. In order to achieve that, they have considered the formation of the government and the centrality of the law necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The validity of the Theory of Social Representations (TSR), as a contributing field within social psychology, has not been exempt from constant debate on the epistemological foundations that sustain it. This article answers the question: Where is the theory of social representations going? taking three critical aspects as a reference: retraction, slowdown and the possibilities offered by the TSR. It is concluded that beyond the debate on the epistemological statute, the TSR moves between the conformist tendency to repeat the old models proposed by its founders and the richness of the themes, methodological routes and diversity of interdisciplinary work that the TSR offers from the problematic of Latin America, and particularly Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article brings together the history of the social sciences and the history of social thought in Socialist Romania. It is concerned with the development of ideas about the social beyond collectivism, especially about the relationship between individual and society under socialism, from the early 1960s to the end of the 1970s. The analysis speaks to three major themes in the current historiography of Cold War social science. First, the article investigates the role of disciplinary specialization in the advancement of new ideas about the social in the postwar period. Specifically, it asks how the debate over the relationship between sociology and Marxism-Leninism has challenged ideas about collectivism from Stalinist social science. Second, the article shows how social practice, individual and collective agency, and people's subjectivities became theoretically relevant in the 1960s, and how they were integrated, via empirical sociological research, into the reworked conceptual apparatus of post-Stalinist Marxism-Leninism. This complicates accounts about the role of quantification and theorization in postwar social science by foregrounding the intense reflection on the role of empirical research in sociology under state socialism. Third, the article shows how the relationship between individual and society became a topic of interest across social sciences in the 1960s and 1970s. The Marxist humanist approach to the social, although it never achieved the institutional status of a distinct discipline, adds an important perspective from East Central Europe to the existing historiography of the 'thinning' of the social in social sciences and social thought beginning in the 1950s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the results of the implementation of a didactic proposal whose purpose was to promote the development of social thinking skills in high school students through the use of artistic expressions as a historical source and as an expression of the study of their thinking skills, addressing The teaching of the period of Structural Transformations in Chile. The experience was analyzed in its planning and implementation results from the Design-Based Research model, looking for possibilities for improvement from reflection on practice. The results show the didactic potential of artistic creations to promote skills such as contextualization and historical empathy, and the risks of working the past from problems of social relevance in the present, to develop chronological temporal or continuity and change skills, do not guide them with relevant instructional designs.

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Social problems can be discussed in different ways. One is a philosophical interpretation of the essence of the problem, another is a historical consideration of the origin of the problem, and the third is a sociological analysis of the relationship between the problem and the development, namely decadence, of social life. However, all this belongs to the scientific method of social research, when we try to approach the analysis and solution of the problem by perceiving the problem as a phenomenon with certain characteristics and properties. Nevertheless, there is also a way when we just want to point out the problem, to draw people's attention to its harmfulness, to remind them that they are largely accustomed to it, to the extent that they no longer notice it even though its harmfulness is still obvious, perhaps even more than ever before. This is exactly the method that some writers, satirists, opt for. They offer a caricature of the social situation, because they believe that this is the only way we will get startled and realize how unconscious and unscrupulous we have been in relation to certain harmful circumstances in which we live and raise our children and future generations. Very often satirists do not offer any concrete solution, because that is not what they intend to do. Their method is not scientific, so that we would expect them to analyze a problem and then propose a solution. Their intention is solely to shake up the members of their community, wake them up from the dream they have fallen into, and encourage them to do something. Not more than that. In this paper, we will try, holding probably the greatest satirist in the history of Islam, Ubayd Zakani, as an example, to find out to what extent satirical thought could have been useful in the period following the Mongols' occupation of almost all Muslim territories.

Travel journals are primarily a literary genre in which the writer expresses his impressions about the geographical and other characteristics of the region through which he travels, along with demographic, cultural, religious, cognitive and ethical characteristics of the people he encounters during his travels. This literary genre has an extraordinary potential to reveal the cognitive frameworks of the collective thought of a nation that is directly or indirectly manifested through various folk customs and traditions. Travel journals are beneficial in two ways when it comes to social thought. First, an author who visits new regions and meets a people that he has not had the opportunity to talk to before, informs his readers about the customs, beliefs, fears and hopes of that people. Demographic descriptions and analyses of all interesting, and sometimes strange, events that he witnessed, are a testimony to his modern readers about the existence of different views of the world, not so far away from them. Moreover, it will provide later readers with authentic information about how people once thought and how a community functioned. Secondly, an author who writes about his impressions after encountering a new tradition inadvertently makes his own judgment about it. In that way, he implicitly and indirectly points to the collective consciousness that he brings through his subjective judgments from the region which he belongs to, from his homeland. This aspect is most noticeable with later readers, because they can observe from a certain distance both the people to whom the author belongs to and the people about whom the author reports. If the author is affected by a certain phenomenon, it means that the collective consciousness of his people would not approve of such an action, and if he supported a tradition, it meant that his people would also agree with it. In this paper, we will try to offer a brief insight into the history of travel journals in Islam, and to present sociological potentials of some of the main travel journals prepared by Muslim authors during their arduous and difficult journeys.

Ever since the emergence of Islam in the Arabian Peninsula, the question of the relationship between religion and government, or more specifically, the issue of the relationship between representatives of religious thought and life with authorities has always been highly topical. The Prophet of Islam already formed the first Islamic rule in Medina, as a model of concretization of a new form of social life. His successors tried to preserve this model even after his death, even though they were not most successful in that. The institution of the caliphate was formed very quickly, which was not a bad idea, but in practice it proved to be a far cry from the initial ideals of Islam and the Prophet. First the Umayyad and then the Abbasid caliphates, and after them many other dynasties in various ruling forms such as sultanates and ilkhanates, ruled according to the traditional models of their ancestors, trying, at least formally, to approach some Islamic principles. In such circumstances, the special duty of representatives of Muslim thought, philosophers, lawyers, theologians and all others, was to clarify various practical models according to which Islamic dogma will appear in the clearest and most concrete form in the ruling structure and its ideological background. Thus, different models of relationships between representatives of religious thought and rulers appeared, and consequently, between religion and government itself. One of the most famous theories that explains this relationship was the theory of wilayat al-faqih, which advocates the idea that in the period after the Prophet and his true successors, it is necessary that Muslim jurists and thinkers, i.e. ulama, be included in power. The level of their participation in government can be maximum or minimum, and will vary depending on the political will of the governing structure dominant in society at a given moment. This theory became especially prominent in recent times when it was very extensively analysed and expressed by Ayatollah Ruhulah Khomeini, who even founded the structure of the newly formed Islamic Republic of Iran on its foundations. The truth is, however, that this theory has a very long history, more than a few hundred years old. In this paper, we will try to present some of the main models that this political and social idea has given rise to throughout history, and especially since the formation of the Safavid dynasty (16th century).

This essay is a response to Struan Jacobs, "Recovering the Thought of Edward Shils," which is an extended review of Adair-Toteff and Turner's The Calling of Social Thought. It considers Edward Shils as a "stranger," in the sense defined by Georg Simmel, relative to contemporary sociology. Christian Smith's claim that American sociology is implicitly pursuing a "sacred project" is invoked, in contrast with Shils' vision for consensual sociology. The expansion by CST to "Social Thought" as a calling (vocation), and its ties to science as understood by Polanyi, are strongly affirmed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political epistles, or advisory court papers, form a very serious segment of Islamic intellectual heritage, especially when it comes to social thought. Such scriptures were common even before the advent of Islam, in areas where Persians ruled, and they only reappeared during the period of Seljuk rulers. The famous Seljuk vizier, Persian Nizam al-Mulk, wrote the first official political message in Islam. His epistle was called Siyasat-nama, which literally means "political epistle" - hence the new name of such prose literature. These epistles were actually books or leaflets written for rulers, and contained messages and advice on how to run the country, about social life, social justice, the relationship between religion and social life, education and care, healing, economy and many other aspects of social life. They were mostly written by viziers, advisers, ministers, but sometimes lawyers, religious authorities, philosophers, and even mystics. There are three types of political epistles. The first group consists of epistles written by viziers, advisers, and other executives within the ruling set. The basic characteristic of such epistles is their inward view of power. The second group of political epistles consists of essays in the style of today's open letters, which were left behind by prominent representatives of religious thought. Because of the normative nature of its content, this group should be clearly distinguished from scientific treatises on social sciences or other social topics. The third group of political epistles rather looks back on the past. In this group of epistles, the author does not offer a clear insight into the future, does not make specific recommendations, nor does he mention any normative values towards which rulers or their viziers should move. He merely points to the tradition of the earlier kings and sultans of the dynasty from which the ruler originated, and thus implicitly indicates what is expected of his rule. In this paper, we first seek to elucidate various features and characteristics of political epistles, in order to find out what their impact on the development of general social thought in Islam was. In order to achieve the best results, we will look more closely at the contributions of the two most significant figures in the history of political epistles. The first was Nizam al-Mulk, the famous Seljuk ruler, and the second, Rashid al-Din Fazlullah, the great vizier in the period of Ilkhanate.

Ya'qubi, the great 9th century Muslim historian and geographer, left significant works behind. However, his innovative approach to exploring history is what he is particularly famous for. He decided to correct, substantially and seriously, the historiographical method advocated by many generations of historians before him, as well as by some of his contemporaries, such as al-Tabari. He deemed that history could not be viewed in isolation from other related scientific disciplines. In his opinion, a historian must be well aware of geographical and natural features of the region he wants to write about, to obtain thorough information of the conceptual and cognitive platform on which its inhabitants based their beliefs, the culture and demographic specificities of the people, and many other details. Only then will he be able to recognize the essence of historical events, and, above all, the purpose and direction of social trends. Ya'qubi paid close attention to political, financial, military and other social turmoil in history. He reported on them very accurately. Yet, he still believed that all those elements were in fact the consequence of a more serious and fundamental factor, cultural history. That is why cultural, thought and spiritual development in the history of different peoples, both before and after the advent of Islam, was the core and mainstay of his research.

This paper discusses the challenges of the political narratives and discourse of, what we would and some scholars have argued as, Islamic feminism in contemporary Iran. The paper explains briefly the social origins and accompanying intellectual and political developments that led to the emergence and shaped the political narratives in Iranian Islamic feminism. Next, it outlines and discusses the nature and characteristics of the Islamic feminist discourse. In doing so, the paper highlights and explains the central intellectual and ethical-political principles deliberated and advocated by several writers and thinkers within and related to this discourse and women's discourse in general, including Ali Shariati, as well as Murtada Mutahhari whose views on women and gender inform mainstream perspectives on the status and role of women in Iranian society. The paper then examines the challenges confronted by the discourse of Islamic feminism and concludes by considering the implications of Islamic feminist narratives and discourse on contemporary Iranian thought and society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The well-known Muslim thinker Fayz Kashani (17th century) considers the active participation of every individual in some form of social life to be indispensable, and claims that this necessity derives from religious literature, that is, from the Islamic philosophical and juridical thought. Fayz employs philosophy in order to shape the structure of his social idea, while he uses jurisprudence whenever he wants to talk about the practical solution of certain social problems. In this context, he believes that social life guarantees 'an organization of material life' as well as 'spiritual and mental education', in which he, as a representative of the traditional Islamic thought, also included upbringing. However, these two aspects will be enabled only if a religious authority, harmonized with the divine law or with religion, is established. It is because every being can progress in a versatile way if there is a clear plan ahead based on all its capacities and abilities. And its capacities and abilities are fully known only by the being who created it. However, one should not forget that a divine authority is represented in human society at various stages. In this paper, we will explain Fayz's opinion on all these stages, as well as on the social results of each of them. Fayz lived in the central cities of Iran during the rule of the Safavid dynasty, and since he was in direct or indirect contact with the supreme structures of authority and social life for most of his life, his social thought will not only reveal the universal aspects of the Islamic view of society, but will also provide us with a lasting approach to general social turmoil in the period of the political domination of the Safavids, but also in the period when this domination began to wane.

Abu Nasr al-Farabi (870-950), one of the founders of Islamic peripatetic philosophy, left an indelible mark in the history of Islamic social thought. He attempted to make a clear comparison between the philosophical utopia and the objective state of the society in which he lived during the rule of the Abbasid dynasty. Therefore, his social theories can be equally useful to historians, philosophers, and sociologists. In order to be able to briefly outline the basic tenets of his social thought, we first clarified the phrases and terms he used most, which include: practical philosophy, social philosophy, political philosophy, politics, government, and society. Next, we proceeded to explain his definition of society and social life, and to conduct a more detailed analysis of his multiple classifications of various societies. Namely, he made a classification of social life both quantitatively and qualitatively. According to the first division, he first pointed out that there were two types of community: complete and incomplete. He then divided each type into a large, medium and small community. In his view, a big complete community is a global world community incorporating all of humanity, a medium-sized complete community refers to a state or a dynasty, while a small complete community is a city. At times al-Farabi considered the big and medium-sized complete communities to be Ummahs, although he used this term more frequently to refer only to a medium-sized complete community, that is, for an Islamic government. On the other hand, according to his classification a big incomplete community is a tribe, medium-sized is a village and small a hamlet. Interestingly, he considered a family to be the germ of social life, but not a separate social unit. For each of these groups and subgroups al-Farabi wrote extensive explanations and explicated their clear characteristics. Al-Farabi's qualitative division of societies is somewhat different, as it more directly incorporates certain segments of his general philosophical thought, most of all his attitude toward bliss. He initiated an extensive debate on the essence of utopia, or the 'city of virtue' as he liked to call it. In the second part of this paper we will consider the basic characteristics of such a city, as well as some other al-Farabi's social classifications.

African intellectual traditions have much to offer social analysis, yet many historical African intellectuals remain obscured by history and peripheral to contemporary academic work. This paper turns to the writings of the prolific amaXhosa intellectual S.E.K. Mqhayi, exploring his social and political thought, and considering how his work can be taken as part of an African sociological tradition. Focusing on Mqhayi's use of history and biography as both the method and site of social analysis, the paper shows how Mqhayi developed a powerful vantage point on social transformations in order to create knowledge for African people under colonialism. The piece closes with a consideration of how Mqhayi and other African intellectuals writing outside of the academy might be integrated into teaching and researching an African sociological tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The sociological approach to the concept of creativity lacks some accuracy, since it is addressed from an a priori perspective and admitted without reflecting on what it means socially and culturally. In this connection, the present article tries to provide a specific description of the term from its genealogy and on the basis of the socio-cultural-historical context where it arises. More precisely, it deals with the idea conveyed by western myths, the narrative about the identification of the instituting generatrix forces or the procreative divinities that lie behind the birth of the cosmos, of the world, of society, of the earth, of gods, of humans, of animals, and of plants. Thus, from an interpretative examination of the myths about Mother Goddess, those about Biblical Genesis, as well as of Greek creation myths, an attempt will be made to draw a conceptual map that delimits the most defining features of creativity (1). The ultimate goal is to check whether such characters have survived to the present day (2). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the beliefs of residents of the south of the city of Rio de Janeiro about themselves, the people living in the suburbs, and the Cariocas in general. The theoretical approach is composed of the theory of social representations, more precisely its structural approach elucidated by the central core theory, and the theory of social identity. The method involves a questionnaire that includes Likert items about what it is to be Carioca, exemplified by its most striking characteristics, and free evocations with the terms "Carioca" inductors, "southern residents" and "suburban residents". The research participants are 100 residents of the southern zone of Rio de Janeiro in the administrative regions of Lagoa and Botafogo. Data analysis of Likert items was done using ANOVA and the free evocations were performed through prototypical analysis. The results show that the social representation and the identity of the residents of the southern zone seem to be based on more positive and distinct characteristics of the representation of the suburban residents. Also, both categories of residents of the two zones of Rio de Janeiro, suburban and southern zone, appear as a cut of a larger category, the category of Carioca. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work had the objective to know the Social Representation that the families of adolescent criminal offenders have on health and illness, and to analyze the social support received from the effectors who provide assistance to the demands of these groups. The offenders' families receive multiple assistance benefits from the health system, although the over-provision does not seem to have favorable effects promoting family health, in view of its persistent dysfunction and multi-symptomatic problems. Method: The framework of the study was a qualitative exploration, using the hierarchical evocations test and focus groups as instruments of inquiry. The unit of analysis was oriented to the mothers of the juvenile criminal offenders who participated in the strengthening program of Mendoza's Juvenile Criminal Court. Results: It was possible to observe the Protective Behaviors as the social representation of health, and the Coping Ability, as the social representation of illness. These representational nuclei distance themselves from the role assigned to care effectors who are valued for the treatment of individual, acute symptoms, within the hospital care assistance environment far from health promotion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]