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TABLE OF CONTENTS I. STRUCTURE AND CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNANCE: PROMISE VERSUS PRACTICE 414 II. THE FORCE AWAKENS: STANDING UP FOR STRUCTURE AND THE REMEDY PROBLEM 416 III. JUDICIAL POWER, SEPARATION OF [...]

FEATURE CONTENTS INTRODUCTION I. POLITICAL FRAGMENTATION II. DEMOCRATIC ROMANTICISM III. THE CAUSES OF POLARIZATION IV. POLITICAL POWER, POLITICAL PARTIES V. STRUCTURAL DECLINE IN THE POWER OF PARTY LEADERS VI. A [...], This Feature was delivered originally as the 2013-14 Ralph Gregory Elliot Lecture at Yale Law School.

The historical decline of cleavage politics in post-war Australia is discussed. A drastic decline in the strength of association between structural variables and voting for the ALP was observed in the period before 1960.

It is posited that while decentralization of government can produce many economic and social benefits, it is necessary to have structures of accountability in place within local settings for decentralization to be effective. In many developing nations, this means that power structure reforms in communities will be necessary.

This article discusses the role of family and gender in Antoine Redier's fascist ideologies during 1920s France. Topics include masculinity, moral strength, sex role, and patriarchy reform.

By the fourth decade of the twentieth century ... the earthly paradise had been discredited at exactly the moment when it became realizable. --George Orwell The subterranean stream of Western [...]

Women will not have much choice this coming federal elections since the Democrats have veered to the right and thus closed the difference between the two major political parties. Choosing the lesser evil is better than outright refusal to vote, but neither is it enough. Women should also take action by presenting a systematic and documented argument against the prevailing patriarchal, homophobic, racist, and misogynist attitudes, design a fairer, more humane social policies, and remain organized for the long struggle.

The totalitarian government of the Soviet Union from 1921-1939 took to restructuring the stamp collecting hobby to make it a source of revenue and to develop stamp trading as a means of currency exchange. The main aim was to have complete control over the society. Several governmental institutions were created for restricting philately especially in foreign stamps. There was a decline in interest toward stamp collecting in the post-Stalin years. The sale of state-regulated stamps in international markets earned hard currency, besides promoting national ideologies by way of visual representations.

Welfare economics is not a constructive solution to the problem of poverty because it continues the cycle of dependence instead of stimulating change. Mickey Kaus, in 'The End of Equality,' sees public works employment programs as better stimulants for social change. Redistribution of wealth through taxation does not reduce the large gap between the worlds of the rich and the poor. A wealth-defined social structure is contrary to the principles of democracy. Pres Bill Clinton's administration should formulate a policy that will challenge the status quo created by earlier, misguided ideals of compassion.

The Silesian weavers' 1844 revolution in Prussia stimulated the liberal bourgeoisie into forming an organization geared toward social change. The bureaucracy's unfavorable response to the Centralverein fur das Wohl der arbeitenden Klassen was exemplified by the official who reviewed it for the Interior Ministry who was conservative and wanted no change in social structure. This conservativeness of the civil service was unlike the mood of the Reform era, after the cessation of the Prussian state in 1806, when it had tried to energize Prussian society by reorganizing it.

Our family care system is collapsing. When it worked well, it depended on the unpaid labor of women at home. Now that we've lost a great part of that labor [...]

Catherine Besteman's study on the politics involved in the dissolution of the Somali nation-state seems empirically flawed and theoretically inept. This observation stems from her decision to focus on the elements of 'class formation' that came after dictator Siyad Barre's downfall in 1991, even as a first-hand account of the war may have been more appropriate. Moreover, Besteman's approach was based on a materialist perspective, when one that is based on more recent general theoretical advances would have been more suitable. As such, Besteman failed to advance a theoretically informed understanding of the Somalians' 'anthropology of suffering.'

Social goals and social action are increasingly framed by a host of ambiguously egalitarian notions. The ambiguity of notions like 'social cohesion' originates principally in the tentative accommodation of competition and social justice that former radical approaches considered in fundamental contradiction. The social cohesion terminology has become part of political realism and the question is whether such notions are or could be fuelling practices that promote social justice, overcoming the ambiguity/contradiction of the different/competing interpretations nebulously juxtaposed in their fluid definition. This article comments on interrelated ambiguities in the content of social cohesion, governance and tolerance starting with a reformulated goal (social cohesion) which necessitates new means of implementation ('new governance') that entail the dominance of non-conflictual social relations (tolerance). Social cohesion, governance and tolerance are Janus-faced concepts, full of restrictions and contradictions but also full of possibilities related to the mobilizing potential of their inherently positive meaning. Social cohesion and governance would become real stakes if radical discourse and politics tried to invest them with content and meaning that would effectively transgress their legitimating function of conservative social regulation, and create massive demand for more social justice both in terms of redistributive justice and of democracy.

The article examines levels of concern among Indo-Fijians regarding unemployment, poverty, and the absence of basic facilities such as adequate housing, water, and electricity. Implications for economic rights and public policy are discussed.

This article examines why the state of Sumatra was so volatile, with short cycles of rise and decline, between 1600-1800. The author, maintaining rulers' power depended on control over people rather than land, argues Sumatra was structurally volatile because tension existed over the ideology of royal power and egalitarian principle and village autonomy.

The article examines the ability of neighborhoods to provide empowering scales of social and political organization, using the experiences of the town of Walsall, England, as an example. The author questions this ability given the current construction of neighborhoods as analyzed by Lefebvre's theory on the production of space.

An examination of the political situation in Serbia, Albania and Kosovo and the difficulties faced by the Serb minority in the UN-run protectorate of Kosovo. While the international forces were first deployed in the region in summer 1999 to protect Albanians from Serb armed forces, they now find themselves in the position of protecting Serb villages from Albanian extremists. While physical security in Kosovo has improved, the social situation in the region remains grim and the majority of villagers hold out little hope for any improvement in the future, illustrating the harsh realities of trying to create a working multi-ethnic society.

The most important issue relating to the extension of democracy into civil society, with reference to John Ehrenberg's article of 'Civil Society and Marxist Politics', is discussed. The issue of civil society instead of being abolished as an aspect of bourgeois class-rule, is emerging as an aspect of classless and state-less society.