Search

In the wake of the 2020 Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests that swept across the nation, this study aims to identify potential cognitive-motivational factors that account for the increased likelihood among pro-movement citizens to engage in BLM activism. Using a nationally representative survey of U.S. adults, we examine a theoretical model grounded in the Orientation-Stimuli-Orientation-Response framework in which the racial empathy that may emerge from perceptions of a hostile information environment plays a pivotal mediating role in the path from partisan support to peaceful/confrontational forms of BLM action. Theoretical and practical implications of our findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminist groups in Mexico City started a mobilization in August 2019 that would later be called the Glitter Revolution. The protest was a reaction to the alleged rape of a 17-year-old girl by four policemen. The protest earned the name after one of the protestors showered Mexico City’s chief of police with pink glitter while he was trying to address activists and reporters. A second protest turned violent, and one of Mexico’s best-known landmarks was defaced by protesters who covered it in graffiti with signs reading “Mexico feminicide,” and “rapists.” This paper engages with literature on the protest paradigm and feminist theories to conduct a qualitative content analysis of news coverage of the two protests. This research shows how: 1) news stories by mainstream media adhere to the protest paradigm deploying a marginalizing framing device to cover the feminist protests; 2) heavy reliance on official sources and information is still prevalent in mainstream news, reinforcing official narratives and discourses; 3) the emergence of new frames that assign more value to historical monuments than to women’s access to justice; 4) and alternative news provided different frames such as feminist movement/activism and gender violence to contextualize the protests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that understanding the power of TikTok's visual discourse is a crucial part of conceptualising the character, inspiration, and ambition of Iran's Gen-Z-led uprising, both at home and across the diaspora. TikTok is a social media platform that depends on visuality. As such, it creates its own specific forms of messaging. This paper seeks to apply an innovative methodology of 'Visual Discourse Tracing' to the Iranian protests. It uses this carefully devised, process-driven method, to highlight the core ways in which TikTok has amplified the message of the Iranian protests, connecting to the grassroots movement and to the longer history of Iranian women's struggle for freedom. Visuality and social media have been crucial in shaping the character of these contemporary protests, necessitating proper theorisation when understanding the wider Iranian protest movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: Anger and long-lasting resistances in the Colombian Pacific Civil: Strikes in Buenaventura and Quibdó (1964-2017) In May 2017, two civic strikes occurred in Buenaventura and Quibdó, Colombia. Amid large cycles of global protest, these contentious collective actions demonstrated, once again, the failure of state promises made for decades to the inhabitants of the Colombian Pacific region. Based on historical-sociological information, we used qualitative-discursive analysis of archival sources, databases, and secondary material, as well as critical Latin American perspectives, to seek to carry out a processual and relational reading of social protest in the Pacific between 1964 and 2017. Our main conclusion is that the various events and struggles that took place during these 53 years constituted moments of historical, political, and cultural condensation of localized, micropolitical, and communal anger and resistance, from which some key challenges appear for the Pacific region and the country. Resumen En mayo de 2017 acontecieron dos paros cívicos en Buenaventura y Quibdó, Colombia. En medio de grandes ciclos de protesta global, estas acciones colectivas contenciosas evidencia-ron, una vez más, el fracaso de las promesas estatales realizadas por décadas a los habitantes de la región del Pacífico colombiano. A partir de una indagación de corte histórico-sociológico, donde empleamos el análisis cualitativo-discursivo de fuentes de archivo, de ba-ses de datos y de material secundario, así como perspectivas críticas latinoamericanas, busca-mos realizar una lectura procesual y relacional de la protesta social en el Pacífico, entre 1964 y 2017. Nuestra principal conclusión es que los diversos eventos y luchas que tuvieron lugar durante estos 53 años constituyeron momentos de condensación histórica, política y cultural de iras y resistencias lugarizadas, micropolíticas y comunales, de los cuales derivan algunos desafíos centrales para la región del Pacífico y el país.

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociedade e Estado is the property of Sociedade e Estado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the national strike of June 2022 in Ecuador, the media was the scene of confrontational discourses regarding the mobilization. The community media, unlike the private media, allied themselves with the demonstrators' positions. This theoretical-analytical reflection addresses two particularities that were evidenced in the practices of community media, the media-space relationship and the configuration of discourses, in order to evaluate the power of these media to sustain different and more responsible communication proposals, especially in contexts of high social conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Neutrosophic Computing & Machine Learning is the property of Multimedia Larga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The 2021 national strike was undoubtedly one of the most important events in Colombia's recent history. Never before had the social protest reached such intensity and breadth as was expressed on April 28, and it continued for at least four months in different cities. Many social sectors with dissimilar agendas demonstrated in the streets throughout the country and faced the repressive and excessive response of the police that left several dead, mutilated, or missing. In this context, the Indigenous movement, one of the main groups participating in the protest, took on public intervention actions in which spirituality had a central place, among them, the call for a "social and communal minga for the care of life." This act, which staged a ritual to constitute a community and popular guard, is an example of how religion is expressed outside the areas socially assigned to it, and allows us to think about the close relationship between spirituality and politics beyond the normative frameworks of liberal secularism. From this perspective, I am interested in exploring the way in which these spiritualities mobilize powers and relationships (with humans and non-humans) as part of a political proposal that problematizes established social orders, subverts dominant frameworks of intelligibility about cultural difference and religious diversity, and challenges our political imagination about what democracy should be. Resumen: El paro nacional de 2021 fue sin duda uno de los acontecimientos más importantes de la historia reciente de Colombia. Nunca antes la protesta social había alcanzado una intensidad y amplitud como la que se expresó a partir del 28 de abril (28A), y se continuó al menos durante cuatro meses en distintas ciudades. Muchos sectores sociales con agendas disímiles se manifestaron en las calles a lo largo y ancho del país y debieron enfrentar la respuesta represiva y desmedida de la Policía que dejó varios muertos, mutilados y desaparecidos. En ese contexto, el movimiento indígena, uno de los actores sociales movilizados, asumió acciones de intervención pública en los que la espiritualidad tuvo un lugar central, entre ellos, el llamado a una "minga social y comunitaria por el cuidado de la vida". Este acto, que puso en escena un ritual para constituir una guardia comunitaria y popular, es un ejemplo de cómo lo religioso se expresa fuera de los ámbitos socialmente asignados a la religión, y nos permite pensar la estrecha relación entre espiritualidad y política, más allá de los marcos normativos propios del secularismo liberal. Desde esta perspectiva, me interesa explorar, de forma situada y en contexto, la manera en que estas espiritualidades movilizan poderes y relaciones (con humanos y no humanos), como parte de una propuesta política que problematiza órdenes sociales establecidos, subvierte marcos de inteligibilidad dominantes sobre la diferencia cultural y la diversidad religiosa, y reta nuestra imaginación política sobre el deber ser de la democracia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the spelling regulations implemented by Facebook and Twitter users during the national strikes of 2019 and 2021 in Colombia. From a glotopolitical perspective, the study identifies the discursive constructions associated with spelling adequacy in virtual interventions (comments and posts) as well as in public spaces (graffiti) within the context of these social movements. The topoï that support these discourses are located, and the argumentative strategies employed by individuals in their publications are highlighted. The analysis focuses on the underlying ideologemes of these interventions and reveals that both proponents and opponents of the strikes share conservative perspectives regarding spelling, often linking it to factors such as education level, intelligence, and criminality. Finally, the research uncovers a relationship between the unrestricted surveillance of spelling regulations and the defense of social regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I bring the political philosophy of Judith Butler to bear on contemporary and inter-related arguments about race and (in)equality. Focusing most directly on the UK context and taking account of recent changes in UK law, I further address the role of social protest in the pursuit of equality and social justice. Starting with a seemingly simple question which echoes the language of contemporary social protest, I ask ‘what does it mean for lives to matter’. In responding to this I pursue the following aims: (i) develop an awareness of human mattering which moves beyond the lens of neoliberal individualism; (ii) generate an understanding of protest as an intensely human and ethical endeavour; (iii) engage Butler's philosophical arguments in a manner that is accessible to those unfamiliar with their work. I begin with an overview of contemporary social protests and outline recent developments in UK law before introducing key concepts from Butler's work. I then apply Butler's arguments to explore the construct and the language of mattering, before expanding on what it means to matter and the role of social protest in the pursuit of grievable lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The group "Last Generation" protests against the climate catastrophe and thereby attracts public attention, but also sometimes aggressive rejection; it polarizes society. In their own statements about their protest and legal persecution, the activists reveal motives for their actions that go beyond concern for the climate. Seven requests to society can be identified in these motifs: the legality principle of the judiciary, the demand for concern for one's own health, the political compromise, the lack of consequences and individualization of one's own actions, the systemic movement towards the climate catastrophe and the disorientation of politics and politics Company. The last generation is positioning itself against this with seven counter-strategies. The significance of these inquiries and the usefulness of these counter-strategies are critically reflected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the development of the existing conflicts encompassed in the historical development of Colombian society, the year 2020 marked a turning point for citizens and institutions as a result of social upheavals that had been occurring and that demanded responses in order to reformulate the functions of the Public Force. This article explores the historical context that gave way to this process of reflexivity and, in turn, assumes a theoretical and political position concerning the perspective of the security forces in the current process of transformation towards a culture of institutional and social peace. This is carried out by means of a qualitative methodology of a comprehensive hermeneutic nature that allows us to explore, based on the Colombian experience, the ways to contribute to the construction of a culture of peace. Thus, finally, Human Security is presented as a concept and practice that allows for the strengthening of Human Rights in the institutions and works towards their promotion and respect, generating trust between the security forces and society, and a change in the institutional and social paradigm that reconciles us as a country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Naturaleza y Sociedad. Desafíos Medioambientales is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Derecho Politico is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Mary Leapor (1722-46) is one of the many under-studied women poets of the eighteenth-century. She is often described as a laboring-class poet which, while historically accurate, implies her immediate marginalization as an writer by her class and gender. Her focus of enquiry explores a new female authorial interiority, embracing her own volition, personality, and aesthetic sensibility through the act of writing itself. This nascent individualism, arising from the examination of feeling, lies at the heart of her work and heralds the social protest that will erupt later in the century. This paper hopes to offer a broader perspective on Leapor's work through close readings of a selection of her poems and analysis of the ideas this precocious, self-educated woman was exploring in her work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article derives from ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Bogotá during the social protests that occurred between November 2019 and April 2022. It focuses on understanding the origins and dynamics of the violence employed by the state’s security forces in these instances of collective action. We argue that this violence, primarily exercised by police special units as a repressive apparatus of the state, cannot simply be explained as an undifferentiated form of domination that institutions resort to when their power is weakened. Instead, it refers to cultural meanings that enable, sustain, and validate it as a privileged way to address conflict. We explore this phenomenon through a category that emerged from the field, which underlies how subjects’ bodies were treated and which refers to deeply ingrained social consensuses: obedience through pain. We argue that this category, rooted in Judeo-Christian religious doctrine, operates as a mandate and principle of action of public force whose most obvious expression is material violence, but which simultaneously involves a radical symbolic violence. As an analytical tool, obedience through pain helps us understand processes of production of subjectivity that legitimize the elimination of others, but also those through which possibilities of existence, resistance, and strategies that challenge forms of state authority unfold. The study thus contributes to clarifying, from a political perspective, the rationality on the basis of which violence operates, rather than merely reiterating its immanence in the Colombian context.

This work addresses collective action in the context of a social movement facing police repression in a democratic country. The movement studied was carried out in a region of southern Chile, had a very high citizen participation and deployed normative and non-normative actions. We aim to understand why people decided to participate and how they came to consider violent action as a legitimate option. We use a mixed methods approach. In a quantitative study we compare participation in normative and non-normative actions, and find they factor together as part of the same action repertoire, making it possible to speak of a continuum of participation instead of different types. We also replicate key findings of the SIMCA model, with protest participation motivated directly by anger and efficacy, but also by positive emotions. In a qualitative study we found similar results and draw out new data highlighting the relevance of the experience of repression in invoking a need for radical action and creating social cohesion among protestors.

The author was analyzing the history of the students’ move-ment in Colombia with a purpose to identify the characteristic features of this movement in the context of the history of the left movement in that country. The Colombian leftists (the Revolutionary Socialist party later on transformed into the Communist Party) tried to establish contacts with the youth movement, however, this area of activities was not among Party’s priorities and these labor ceased soon. Consequently, the special place in the manuscript is given to the research of the students’ movement since 1948, a date when the student-ship managed to enforce its influence and positions in political life of Colombia. The traditions of the students’ movement and its international links were also in the focus of the research. The author comes to the conclusion about correlation between the growing of popularity of leftist ideas in the country with the attitudes of the students’ movement.

This article deals with the issue of population living conditions and the resulting social response in a very short inflationary conjuncture, created by an external shock. It focuses on the effects of the First World War – a cataclysm in the history of humanity that affected all spheres, from the geopolitical and social to the economic – on a particular region of eastern Spain: Catalonia. The article is structured into five main sections. It begins with a discussion of the never-ending debates on living conditions. It then addresses the characteristics of the First World War cycle; the war in Catalonia specifically, along with the trap of economic benefits (limited expansion and inflation) and the effects on the population; and the subsistence crisis in Catalonia and its devastating effects, before finally examining the unrest that led towards a 'revolution of the stomachs'. The article uses an exceptional set of primary sources – letters intercepted by censors – containing personal testimonies of everyday experiences, feelings and reactions to events across social classes. It demonstrates correlations between economic indicators and individual testimonies, identifies and explains the seasonality of protest, and incorporates a gender perspective to show that women were at the forefront of this protest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article derives from ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Bogotá during the social protests that occurred between November 2019 and April 2022. It focuses on understanding the origins and dynamics of the violence employed by the state's security forces in these instances of collective action. We argue that this violence, primarily exercised by police special units as a repressive apparatus of the state, cannot simply be explained as an undifferentiated form of domination that institutions resort to when their power is weakened. Instead, it refers to cultural meanings that enable, sustain, and validate it as a privileged way to address conflict. We explore this phenomenon through a category that emerged from the field, which underlies how subjects' bodies were treated and which refers to deeply ingrained social consensuses: obedience through pain. We argue that this category, rooted in Judeo-Christian religious doctrine, operates as a mandate and principle of action of public force whose most obvious expression is material violence, but which simultaneously involves a radical symbolic violence. As an analytical tool, obedience through pain helps us understand processes of production of subjectivity that legitimize the elimination of others, but also those through which possibilities of existence, resistance, and strategies that challenge forms of state authority unfold. The study thus contributes to clarifying, from a political perspective, the rationality on the basis of which violence operates, rather than merely reiterating its immanence in the Colombian context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Participatory democracy and public consultations are increasingly being used to shape public policy or resolve political issues. In France, the Grand Débat was launched in early 2019 as a democratic response to the Yellow Vests movement, a massive grassroots social protest. With more than 500,000 participants, the Grand Débat platform was interpreted as a popular success by the government and the media, but little is known about which citizens expressed their opinions online. Although participants on the platform were anonymous and only answered public policy questions, we are able to infer their support for the Yellow Vests movement by using a second platform (a Facebook app) that asks similar questions as well as support for the Yellow Vests. We find that a large majority of participants in the Grand Débat did not support the Yellow Vests movement, in contrast to the general population at the time. This is evidence of a strong self-selection of participants on political grounds, resulting in a biased representation of French public opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Blockades are a long‐standing tool used by political groups of various kinds to interrupt or redirect flows of materials, capital, and people. In this introduction to the Symposium, "On the Blockade: Geographies of Circulation and Struggle", we review recent debates concerning the politics of spatial disruption, chokepoints, and circulation struggles. In doing so, we question some tendencies to fetishise the seizure of capital circulation as a de facto progressive form of disruption to the contemporary order. We argue that blockades ought to be considered not merely as tactics or pure negations of capital, but instead are articulations of collective life and open‐ended attempts to build power. Thinking with blockades thus requires accounting for not only their spatial disruption but also their distinct historical contexts and social forms. We introduce the articles in this Symposium through an analysis of five modalities through which blockades can be interpreted: as moments of refusal, redistribution, provocation, subject‐formation, and concrete utopia. Finally, we describe five future directions for scholars and movements: insurgent mapping, feminist interpretation, expansion of blockade networks, analysis of reactionary blockades, and broadening the geographical and historical scope of study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the years, social media has evolved into the primary platform for political activism. Citizens have utilized social media platforms to mobilize people to band together and rise against injustice. Social protests usually occur because of citizens’ emotional reactions to perceptions of injustice. Citizens have traditionally used social protests to voice their dissatisfaction with government policies and to influence political reforms. Citizens’ participation in social protests is fraught with emotion. Emotions elicited by political stimuli play a vital role in initiating and guiding goal-directed behavior. Therefore, this study intends to analyze the emotions expressed in Twitter posts during the #ShutItAllDown social protest. This study uses a quantitative approach. The findings show that both positive and negative emotions expressed on social media accelerate Namibian youth participation in the #ShutItAllDown social protests. Fear, anger, and anticipation instigate people’s participation in protests, whereas joy and happiness are feelings of satisfaction that are experienced during goal achievement. Thus, protest participation arising from both positive and negative emotions enforces government reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Gumushane Universty Electronic Journal of the Faculty of Communication / Gümüshane Üniversitesi Iletisim Fakültesi Elektronik Dergisi is the property of Gumushane Universitesi Iletisim Fakultesi Elektronik Dergisi (e-GIFDER) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective/context: This article studies the use made by the Executive of the state of siege between 1958 and 1990 to silence the opposition and contain social protest, seeking to highlight how the laws that today criminalize protest in Colombia reproduce the authoritarian traits built during this period. Methodology: A qualitative method was developed based on a compilation of legislative decrees issued between 1958 and 1990. This analysis includes a review of the statement of the decrees that established the state of siege, the measures adopted by the Executive to avoid disturbances of public order, and the political context in which these decrees were issued. Conclusions: This study reveals that more worrying than the repression of a specific government, the excesses we observe today by the government and the public forces in the management of social protest are part of political practices that have been rehearsed and reinforced for decades in times of crisis. Originality: Although there are numerous investigations on states of siege, this work contributes to understanding how an authoritarian past has been built and continues to be present in the memory of our institutions and determines how our rulers face dissent.

Reflections by the Nigerian writer and critic Ben Okri on the worldwide impact of the murder of George Floyd at the hands of Minnepolis police.

This article presents the research results based on an inquiry into the relationship between visuality and the right to the city for the particular case of Quito-Ecuador. The audiovisual communicative work on the social protests of the years 2019 and 2022 of the Acapana organization was taken as a case study, paying attention to the way in which its productions collaborated with the urban evolution, and in that sense, with the relationship between visuality and right to the city. It is conceived that the right to the city in relation to visuality defines realities and possibilities for cases such as the city of Quito, where certain audiovisual practices and narratives may be contributing to this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present work analyzes two labor unions that were constituted in the democratic Argentina during the 1990s: the Argentine Workers' Confederation (CTA, for its acronym in Spanish) and the Argentine Workers' Movement (MTA, for its acronym in Spanish). Unlike the labor union of the party in power (the CGT), they opposed to State initiatives grounded in neoliberal principles. This work presents the political processes involved in the constitution of the labor unions as well as the nature of their contentious action, emphasizing the political culture that they enclosed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social protests of 2019 and 2021 in Colombia marked a turning point in the political culture of protest. From the perspective of the processes of mediatization, digitalization, and democratization that digital convergence confers on political participation, a reflection is made around the concept of participatory culture as the axis of analysis of the transformations of social protest, its media construction, and its individual and collective experimentation. Sixteen digital communicative pieces produced by native digital media were analyzed, which, supported by resources of digital communication, evidence a political and media culture of protest, supported by the logic of social media, with a strong counter-hegemonic and discursive opposition component. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The specialized literature on social movements and contentious politics in Argentina during the democratic transition has focused on the emergence and dynamics of particular actors, or has concentrated on certain critical junctures. But it has neglected a global vision of the social mobilization of the period, thus disassociating the emergence of these new actors from the persistent and central character of other classic actors of the mobilization processes, such as the trade unions, after the last military dictatorship. This article seeks to restore this global vision and presents a map of social protest during 1984-1989 with the aim of putting the study of social mobilization processes into perspective. We resort to the analysis of a database of protest events specially designed for this purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hopscotch: An Opera for 24 Cars was a celebrated site-based and technetronic musical performance that sought to bring opera into various communities in Los Angeles, many of which were economically disadvantaged. In the process, this opera set off a firestorm of protests that ultimately resulted in confrontations with community members, protests that would test the very premise of the dissemination of opera and performance outside spaces of privilege and in communities of colour. Informed by the concept of transit-oriented performance, this article analyses some ways in which neoliberalism is distorting opera's modern-day resonances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Prometeo Conocimiento Científico is the property of Puerto Madero Editorial Academica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Maguaré is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Departamento de Antropologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article makes an analysis from a critical perspective of the content of the new citizen security law 2197 of 2022 issued during the government of former president Ivan Duque, which addresses the modifications made by this new law to the Colombian Penal Code (law 599 of 2000) that reflect the use of punitive populism in the measures adopted together with a discourse criminalizing the concept of social protest. In addition, from a constitutional approach, an analysis is made of the fundamental rights, human rights, and principles of a social State of law that would be at risk of being violated with said measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two protest songs created within the first month of the 2019 Chilean uprising were intended as explicit statements against violence and in favor of peace, but they voiced different understandings of violence and proposed different ways out of the conflict. The artists behind each song argued that their recordings were nonpartisan, cutting across traditional left-right divides. The songs' use and reception, however, shows that for Chilean audiences these songs conveyed a clear political cleavage through their lyrics, music, and audiovisual content. More broadly, consideration of music in the Chilean uprising foregrounds the ways in which the uses of music have changed since the classic era of protest song of the 1960s and 1970s. Dos canciones de protesta creadas en el primer mes del levantamiento chileno de 2019 pretendían ser declaraciones explícitas contra la violencia y a favor de la paz, pero expresaban distintas interpretaciones de la violencia y propusieron diferentes formas de salir del conflicto. Los artistas detrás de cada canción argumentaron que sus grabaciones no eran partidistas, cortando así a través de las tradicionales divisiones de izquierda y derecha. El uso y recepción de las canciones, sin embargo, muestra que, para el público chileno, dichas piezas transmitían una clara división política a través de sus letras, música y contenido audiovisual. En términos más generales, considerar el aspecto musical en el levantamiento chileno pone en relieve las formas en que los usos de la música han cambiado desde la era clásica de la canción de protesta de las décadas del sesenta y setenta. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista CS is the property of Rafael Silva Vega and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)