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To evaluate and understand the dynamics of citizen participation in social networks concerning the war in Ukraine and delve into the phenomenon of cyberactivism, this study focuses on the conversation generated in Spanish around the conflict on Twitter. The research analyses 1,138,747 original tweets to investigate the general characteristics of the conversation, the user interaction patterns, and the creation and structure of communities and to determine the connecting factors. The study employs machine learning and artificial intelligence techniques via the Graphext data analytics tool. The conversation volume is very high, but the network of interactions is characterized by being unstructured and dominated by white noise, with disjointed interactions setting the tone of the conversation. Verified accounts and emotionality stand out as factors of connection and interconnection in the network. This case study highlights a form of social and political participation oriented towards visibility and information about the cause at a level of deliberation and debate that shows empathy and sympathy in a context close to slacktivism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the use of citizen journalism for social mobilization in war-affected Tigray. A mixed approach was used, involving individual interviews, focus group discussions and a quantitative content analysis. The results revealed that citizen journalists provided information for community members to unite, support each other and make informed decisions. This was valuable for women and girls, as the allied forces used rape and hunger as weapons of war. Citizen journalists have inspired people to discuss war-related issues, enlightening capable individuals to join the Tigray Defence Forces. They travelled long distances to send videos and news reports to the Tigray Media House (TMH) and other news organizations abroad. The war coverage of TMH alerted the international community to undertake an independent investigation of genocide. This study contributes to our understanding of the role of citizen journalism during an information blackout, in which mobile phones were not alternative communication channels but the main sources of information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Latin American Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

To evaluate and understand the dynamics of citizen participation in social networks concerning the war in Ukraine and delve into the phenomenon of cyberactivism, this study focuses on the conversation generated in Spanish around the conflict on Twitter. The research analyses 1,138,747 original tweets to investigate the general characteristics of the conversation, the user interaction patterns, and the creation and structure of communities and to determine the connecting factors. The study employs machine learning and artificial intelligence techniques via the Graphext data analytics tool. The conversation volume is very high, but the network of interactions is characterized by being unstructured and dominated by white noise, with disjointed interactions setting the tone of the conversation. Verified accounts and emotionality stand out as factors of connection and interconnection in the network. This case study highlights a form of social and political participation oriented towards visibility and information about the cause at a level of deliberation and debate that shows empathy and sympathy in a context close to slacktivism.

Copyright of Esferas is the property of Esferas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The recent deterioration of living conditions in Venezuela has resulted in an unprecedented migratory crisis, infrastructure collapse, and institutional decline. In the middle of this complex situation, migrants’ left-behind properties are being transformed into new uses. These changes often contradict zoning regulations, prompting a series of legal, social, and spatial strategies to conceal them. This article examines ongoing spatial and programmatic transformations of vacant homes in Caracas, the country’s capital, framing these changes within disciplinary discourses of shrinking and departure cities and in a specific experience of collapse that shapes daily life in the city. The article studies spatial transformations in terms of their material conditions and the opaque and informal procedures that produce them, describing the process from the point of view of various actors, from architects and entrepreneurs to local residents and planning authorities. Through interviews, site visits, and photographic documentation, the article describes the challenges and possibilities for social organization and institutional renovation in a climate of emigration and uncertainty.

This essay presents “Islam as Method” as a multi-dimensional approach that serves as an academic framework, a process of engagement, and an activist strategy. It argues that Islam, in the “Islam as Method” thesis, is an ontological category rooted in a commitment to divine unity and ethical principles such as justice (‘adl), dignity (karama) and excellence (ihsan). These commitments enable Muslim activists to assert intellectual and cultural autonomy beyond Euro-American academic, political, and ideological constraints. Drawing on examples from Islamicate contexts, this multi-dimensional approach recognizes the diversity within Islamic traditions while identifying common ethical threads that guide collective action. By emphasizing shared principles and the dynamic reinterpretation of Islamic ethics, “Islam as Method” challenges the dominance of secular and (neo)liberal perspectives and fosters the development of autonomous, cross-cultural dialogue. Informed by the works of contemporary scholars like the late Shabbir Akhtar, Taha Abdurrahmane and Khaled Aboul El Fadl, this method suggests that an intense epistemological shift is underway, allowing committed Muslims to reclaim their agency and produce coherent, ethical knowledge aligned with their values and historical experiences.

Copyright of Interface - Comunicação, Saúde, Educação is the property of Fundacao UNI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the dynamics of crime governance and social mobilization in Brazil's impoverished communities to answer why residents of favelas mobilize against state interventions while seemingly accepting the rule of organized criminal groups (OCGs). Previous studies have primarily explored the materialistic hypothesis or the role of coercion and fear in shaping community behavior. This article employs the tools provided by the literature on contentious politics and a qualitative meta-analysis to systematically assess the varied ways in which OCGs interact with the state and favela residents, mapping the heterogeneous effects produced as a result. The findings suggest that in favelas where criminal organizations are perceived as benign, residents may rely on them to fulfill basic needs, while the state is seen as an outsider that brings disruption of routines and violence. In favelas where criminal organizations are malign, there are few incentives for change as the outcomes of challenging OCGs are uncertain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work discusses the constitution of social mobilizations in a network, highlighted as a phenomenon of extensive and ostensible debate due to its recency and particularity. Its emergence is reflected from its reproduction in space, characterizing spatialities of insurgency and urbanity, insofar as its sociopolitical content is detonated. Through a bibliographic review, the enunciation of space is articulated as a consubstantial object to the insurgency, being support, language and tool simultaneously.

In the recent past, social media has become a central channel and means for political and societal mobilization. Mobilization refers to the process by which political parties, politicians, social movements, activists, and other political and social actors induce citizens to participate in politics in order to win elections, convince others of their own positions, influence policies, and modify rulings. While not sufficient on its own for facilitating participation, mobilization is necessary for participation to occur, which justifies examining mobilization specifically to understand how people can be involved in politics. This thematic issue of Media and Communication presents various perspectives on the role of social media in mobilization, embracing both its recruitment side (traditional and non-established political actors, social and protest movements) and its network side (the ways citizens respond to mobilization appeals). Taken together, the thematic issue highlights the multifaceted nature and scholarly fruitfulness of mobilization as an independent concept.

This article examines the dynamics of crime governance and social mobilization in Brazil’s impoverished communities to answer why residents of favelas mobilize against state interventions while seemingly accepting the rule of organized criminal groups (OCGs). Previous studies have primarily explored the materialistic hypothesis or the role of coercion and fear in shaping community behavior. This article employs the tools provided by the literature on contentious politics and a qualitative meta-analysis to systematically assess the varied ways in which OCGs interact with the state and favela residents, mapping the heterogeneous effects produced as a result. The findings suggest that in favelas where criminal organizations are perceived as benign, residents may rely on them to fulfill basic needs, while the state is seen as an outsider that brings disruption of routines and violence. In favelas where criminal organizations are malign, there are few incentives for change as the outcomes of challenging OCGs are uncertain.

Over the past decade, there has been a revival of social protest and labor union activity in Chile. In this article, we examine the effects of this phenomenon to analyze its influence on working-class identity. Using International Social Survey Programme surveys from 2009 and 2019, we investigate whether class location and union membership affect people's subjective identification with the working class and how that effect may have changed over the decade. Our findings suggest that subjects who are situated in a 'subordinated' class position (unskilled workers or informal self-employed workers) are more likely to identify with the working class compared to subjects located in a privileged class position (employers, experts, or managers). However, surprisingly, our analysis does not indicate that working-class identity is reinforced by union membership. In addition, our results do not demonstrate that the effect of class or union membership has strengthened over the past decade. At the end of this article, we offer some possible explanations for these findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early days of the founding of the People’s Republic of China，the Communist Party of China （CPC） led and mobilized the people of all ethnic groups to carry out a vigorous patriotic health campaign. From the perspective of historical generation，the patriotic health movement from 1949 to 1955 was mainly aimed at eliminating diseases that endangered people’s health and crushing the American germ warfare conspiracy. From 1956 to 1959，the patriotic health movement mainly focused on eliminating pests and diseases and promoting the development of agricultural productivity. From the fundamental practice perspective，the first is political mobilization，adhering to the leadership of the CPC. The second is mass mobilization，adhering to implementing the Party’s mass line. The third is publicity and mobilization，enriching the form and content of publicity. From the perspective of significant achievements，we have shattered the American bacterial warfare conspiracy，improved backward health conditions，and reduced the incidence of social diseases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Galician Journal of Economics / Revista Galega de Economía is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the social mobilizations (2020-2022) during and after the COVID-19 lockdown in Colombia, the graffiti- projections produced, projected, and published by La nueva banda de la terraza played an essential role in visualizing, nurturing, and accompanying the social protests and the demands. As part of an unparalleled visual activism in Colombia, the graffiti-projections, which began in Medellín and soon expanded to other cities and beyond the country's borders, created an expanded para-cinema of protests, played an essential role in a complex web of actions and practices that made it possible, for the first time in the republican history of Colombia, to create a comprehensive, multivocal, and diverse social movement. The present analysis discusses how the graffiti- projections catalyzed engagement and dialogue and strengthened the democratization of the public sphere by developing an expanded para-cinema that involved textuality and social media, reenergized graffiti, street art, and communal Do-It-With-Others, and developed emancipatory strategies and networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how the Indigenous social protest of “La Minga 2020” became an opportunity for re-appropriating and decolonizing the public space of La plaza de Bolivar, while fostering collective opposition to the ongoing violence affecting Indigenous communities in Colombia. Through the analysis of “La Minga 2020”, the colonial character of the plaza de Bolivar, and the use of theoretical concepts such as Contact Zones and decolonization of spaces, the article reflects on how Indigenous people transformed the hegemonic space into a place of collectiveness.

This article analyzes the emergence of new political agendas as a result of the social mobilization that took place in Panama during the pandemic and how these were finally translated into a new institution for the negotiation of public policies – The Single Roundtable for Dialogue (Mesa Única de Diálogo). Analytical narratives are used based on secondary sources. To this end, the literature and various indicators were examined and a newspaper search was conducted on the phenomenon studied. The hypothesis is that, although there have been previous protests in the Panamanian nation, there is a before and an after in relation to the one that occurred in July, 2022, in terms of the meaning and scope of the demands of mobilized actors. It was a moment of political irruption, in which those who do not usually have a voice demonstrated that they have one. This text characterizes the conditions of public policies in the Panamanian political system; describes the social and economic effects of COVID-19; and describes the process of political irruption and emergence of new agendas during the mobilization. The conclusions illustrate how the aforementioned protests constituted an interruption of the previous equilibrium of the country, where the notion of the public had been distorted and needed to be reformulated.

Crimes related to sexual abuse or rape provoke great social mobilizations, as happened with the gang called “la manada”. How the aftermath of the social mobilizations and socioeconomic factors influence the perception of security and the perception of justice, measured as judiciary decisions, are the aims of this paper. A randomized sample collected in two waves was obtained (N=605). The first one (N1=454) was performed after the judicial sentence of the case. A second wave (N2=151) was performed four months later, after the social alarm decreased. The perception of security increased after the peak moments of social mobilizations. The trust in justice was low and decreased after the social mobilizations. The perception of justice was higher among higher income levels. The perception of security decreases during the social mobilizations but it improves in a short period of time. The effects on the perception of justice last for a longer period.

The «War on Drugs», militarization, institutional and criminal violence in Mexico have caused a serious humanitarian crisis, that has seen over 112.000 disappearances of people from 2006 to 2023. In response to this tragedy, a human rights movement has arisen, composed mainly by relatives of disappeared that have grouped into Victims' Relatives Organizations (VRO), claiming truth and justice for their beloved ones. Despite having no previous experience in social activism, shared networks or political affinities, some of these groups have managed to build a strong collective identity, achieving important results in terms of public policies, laws against enforced disappearances, consciousness-raising. Drawing on social movement's literature and thanks to field research carried out in Mexico through the analysis of a single VRO named «United Forces for our Disappeared in Coahuila and Mexico», this article aims to analyse the collective identity formation and boundary work of the group, that is the process through which participants create identity boundaries, developing a sense of who they are and who they are not. I argue that the comprehension of the boundary work of this kind of groups helps to better understand how individuals and organizations create unity from diversity in order to stimulate collective actions and social mobilizations in high-risk contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research aimed to critically examine the technological risks and social mobilization that resulted from the installation of 4.5G mobile phone antenna technologies in Comuna 6, northeast Colombia, during the covid-19 health emergency. The citizens' views on the dangers of the technology to their health were taken into consideration. The findings, which were based on a qualitative technique, showed that the citizens linked the antennas with the generation of negative external forces, as inevitable evils, and with only benefit generators from a more technical determinism standpoint. The debate on technological coupling in society took the form of a reflective discourse that laid the foundation for absorbing uncertainty that resulted from misinformation and post-truth views regarding the relationship between covid-19 and the new 5G cell phone network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Polis (07176554) is the property of Polis - Revista Academica Universidad Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Terrorism studies have devoted considerable attention to the motivations and emotions of perpetrators but far less to those of victims of terrorism. This articles fills this gap by analyzing the reasons why victims of ETA's terrorism in Spain avoided resorting to violence despite their grievances and victimization. Victims of ETA's terrorism experienced injustice, distrust, vulnerability, helplessness, and superiority: a set of shared beliefs that in other contexts led individuals to engage in violence. However, victims of ETA's terrorism did not respond violently, many of them also engaging in social mobilization and protest. The article analyzes how victims channeled their emotions after their victimization so that self-control prevailed when feelings of rage and revenge arose. This analysis confirms that individuals are not merely recipients of stimuli, but active constructors of meanings. It also allows to contrast the rationality and emotionality of the victims' response to terrorism with that of their victimizers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Yuanyangchi Reservoir, located in Jinta County of Gansu Province and inaugurated in 1947, was the first large-scale modern earthen dam in China. Aimed at addressing regional social crises resulting from irrigation-related disputes, proponents of the Yuanyangchi Reservoir project went through a tumultuous process to get this project endorsed by the relevant authorities. This project was ultimately endorsed thanks to the Nationalist government's preferential policies in favour of China's Northwest and frontier regions and its obsession of "maintaining the unity in the rear regions" during the Second World War. During the implementation of the project, the local gentry proactively mobilized resources by means of their social authority and thus engendered a unique scenario, in which traditional social mobilization methods were evoked to promote a modern water conservancy project. It sheds light on China's transition from a traditional approach to water conservancy to the modern one. To facilitate the implementation of the project, engineers helped introducing intra-basin deliberation mechanisms and measures to ensure the humanistic management of construction sites. All these efforts left a lasting influence on local society beyond irrigation and played a subtle role in the local modernization drive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resumen El incremento de la demanda de vivienda en régimen de alquiler tras la crisis del 2008, junto a la entrada de fondos de inversión, provocó el alza de los precios y supuso un aumento de los lanzamientos por impago de alquiler. La situación provocada por el Covid-19 le dio a la vivienda un papel significativo, evidenciado la precariedad del inquilinato frente al acceso a una vivienda. Este artículo analiza en qué medida las políticas y prácticas llevadas a cabo por los distintos actores en relación a la vivienda en régimen de alquiler han contribuido a promover la (in)justicia socioespacial, y cómo esta se ha visto afectada por la pandemia. Para ello, se ha elaborado un marco analítico basado en la teoría critica de justicia social de Nancy Fraser que se ha aplicado a tres casos de estudio. Se concluye que la vivienda en régimen de alquiler tiene un enorme potencial para asegurar el derecho a una vivienda digna y, por tanto, promover la redistribución de recursos, sin embargo, esto no ocurrirá si no hay reconocimiento previo en los discursos y representación equitativa en la toma de decisiones de todos los actores. Abstract The increase in the demand for rental housing after the 2008 crisis, together with the entry of investment funds, caused prices to rise and led to an increase in evictions due to non-payment of rent. The situation caused by Covid-19 gave housing a significant role, evidencing the precariousness of tenancy as opposed to access to housing. This article analyzes to what extent the policies and practices carried out by different actors in relation to rental housing have contributed to promote socio-spatial (in)justice, and how this has been affected by the pandemic. To this end, an analytical framework based on Nancy Fraser's critical social justice theory has been developed and applied to three case studies. It’s concluded that rental housing has an enormous potential to ensure the right to decent housing and therefore promote the redistribution of resources, however, this will not happen if there is no prior recognition in the discourses and equitable representation in decision-making of all actors.

This article analyzes the emergence of new political agendas as a result of the social mobilization that took place in Panama during the pandemic and how these were finally translated into a new institution for the negotiation of public policies –The Single Roundtable for Dialogue (Mesa Única de Diálogo). Analytical narratives are used based on secondary sources. To this end, the literature and various indicators were examined and a newspaper search was conducted on the phenomenon studied. The hypothesis is that, although there have been previous protests in the Panamanian nation, there is a before and an after in relation to the one that occurred in July, 2022, in terms of the meaning and scope of the demands of mobilized actors. It was a moment of political irruption, in which those who do not usually have a voice demonstrated that they have one. This text characterizes the conditions of public policies in the Panamanian political system; describes the social and economic effects of COVID-19; and describes the process of political irruption and emergence of new agendas during the mobilization. The conclusions illustrate how the aforementioned protests constituted an interruption of the previous equilibrium of the country, where the notion of the public had been distorted and needed to be reformulated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Sociológicos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dearq is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A critical gap in the dark tourism literature concerns the possibility of social mobilization outcomes after taking part in dark tourism experiences. While a crucial driver behind the creation of museums focusing on war and genocide is to prevent their reoccurrence by socially mobilizing travelers, few studies look at whether travelers can become socially mobilized and take actions for human rights. We apply the Framing Theory of Social Action to investigate whether travelers employ framings in their discourse to reveal social mobilization outcomes after visiting exhibits at a Holocaust Museum. Travelers engage in photo-elicitation and in-depth interviews about their post-experience of visiting exhibits that are focusing on the Holocaust, women's rights, and apartheid at Illinois Holocaust Museum & Education Center (IHMEC). Travelers suggest they engage in the main form of social mobilization outcomes: feeling empowered, pursuing remembrance and education, and identifying societal issues that warrant mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transformative travel is based on the sustainable approach of encouraging travelers to immerse themselves at the destination, be challenged, engage in introspection, identify their prejudices, and develop worldviews that are more inclusive of others' beliefs, knowledge, and customs. A significant gap present in the transformative travel literature is the lack of understanding of the travelers' external activism outcomes, which are outcomes related to a perceived change in the travelers' personal role in supporting societal change (e.g. becoming an activist). This area is crucial to examine because the ultimate goal of self-reflection in travelers is to sustain external activism. Therefore, the objective of this study is to investigate whether travelers express the presence of external activism outcomes in their discourse of perceived transformation. Travelers, who describe themselves as being transformed, share their discourse of external activism outcomes via short-answer testimonies, which are analyzed using content analysis. Their discourse reveals that travelers frame external activism as outcomes of their perceived transformation. Practitioners can use findings to advocate and market transformative travel as a sustainable way to foster inclusivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diasporas are significant actors in the international political arena. By leveraging the human and financial capital in their possession, operating in a more open political space, and enabling access to information and communication technologies, the diasporas are well-positioned to contribute to socio-political change in their respective places of origin and settlement. This article aims to understand the role and influence of the African diaspora in the political affairs of their homeland, taking the caseof the transnational political practice of the Oromo diaspora and their involvement during the 2015 Oromo protest that propelled political change in Ethiopia. It does so by examining how the new identity of the educated Oromo youth developed and contributed to the emergence of a vibrant diaspora community committed to bringing about democratic change in their homeland. The article further discusses how the expansion of transnationalism and the Internet interacted with the politicized ethnic identity of thenew generation of the Oromo diaspora to reframe and organize the popular protest against repression in their homeland. The article is based on primary and secondary data collected through interviews, focus group discussions, and social media analysis. This article shows that the diaspora's involvement in homeland politics contributed to the diffusion and scale shift of the 2015 Oromo protest, transforming it into a transnational human rights agenda. It further explicates that the Oromo protest brought about harmony and political solidarity among multiple ethnic identities and political views of the Ethiopian diaspora to challenge the regime in their homeland.

A study case in a village in Colombia illustrates the contemporary tension between local lifestyle and global/transnational models. Hundreds of petroglyphs, probably made in prehispanic times, started to be widely valued by the local community when large-scale mining companies were attempting to enter into their lands. These petroglyphs have been resignified since then as Cultural heritage, a term coined officially by UNESCO, and adopted and enriched by the local community in order to strengthen their own fight defending their territory against the large-scale mining and other economic activities such as monoculture farming. The process of local resistance is an ongoing process. The community have been working together since then and they have gained relevant achievements in terms of political participation and self-determination for governance linking the cultural, historical, social and environmental issues. In other terms, thanks to the risks they have had to face they have been developing their own economic and social alternatives for living as a way of social resistance. This case, even if it is a sign of people’s agency concerning their sovereignty and autonomy as a political group, it is also an expression of the geopolitics of colonialism that still operates even in the so-called postcolonial times, being the extractivist economy one of its main mechanisms.

Copyright of Bitácora Urbano/Territorial is the property of Bitacora Urbano/Territorial and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Social Work / Praca Socjalna is the property of Akademia Pedagogiki Specjalnej im Marii Grzegorzewskiej and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to review three books that inform us about the diverse relations of power and power asymmetries in the entry of genetically engineered organisms (GEOs) in countries like Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Canada. From a political economy and an agrarian and peasant studies perspective, the authors show that not only the set of rules of national institutions, global corporations, and the global market establish the basis that favor the entry of GEOs. Instead, the conjugation of power asymmetries performed by different actors in power, historical processes, and gender and race inequalities are the ones that trace the path for a realignment of the agrarian system supported by science and based on the stigmatization of social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Iluminuras is the property of Revista Iluminuras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article reconsiders a social mobilization that took place in the psychiatric hospitals of the Seine Department at the beginning of 1948. In order to fight against a prefectoral project whose aim was to eliminate the psychiatric hospitals of Moisselles and Perray-Vaucluse, the families of the patients and the nurses of the psychiatric hospitals got involved in “defense committees” organized by the unions. Though heterogeneous, these committees denounced not only the proposed abolition of the Institutions, which, according to them, would have led to the transfer of patients to hospitals located in the provinces, but also the policy of public spending cuts that justified the project. The event thus highlights an opposition between two logics: that of the Department civil servants and elected officials bound by their budget requirements, and that of families and nurses claiming that the transfers would be harmful to the patients’ health.

Ghana has had relatively high immunization coverage of more than 85% for infant antigens in the first year of life. However, there is a decline in immunization coverage for vaccines provided during the second year of life (2YL) of the child. As part of the 2YL project implemented in Ghana to strengthen the 2YL immunization platform, social mobilization strategies were utilized to help improve coverage for vaccines provided in the 2YL of a child. This study aims to evaluate the impact of social mobilization components of the 2YL project on immunization coverage in Adaklu district, Volta region, Ghana. In a pre-experimental design; a single-group pretest-posttest design was utilized to assess whether there was a significant change in immunization coverage pre-and post-intervention. Data on health facilities’ immunization coverage were collected from DHMIS II (District Health Management Information System) before, during, and after the intervention. The Pearson chi-square, fisher's exact, Wilcoxon sign rank test, and paired t-test were used to evaluate the impact of the intervention implemented in 2017 on identified outcomes mainly Penta3, MR1, MR2, and MenA. The results indicated a significant improvement in the dropout rate between the first and second dose of MeaslesRubella vaccines in health facilities within the district. The number of health facilities that recorded a negative rate increased to 70% in 2018 from 25% in 2016. Also, the annual district immunization coverage for the Second dose of Measles (MR2) increased from 73% in 2016 to 84% in 2017 and 82.5% in 2018. In addition, Penta 3 coverage increased from 90.6% in 2016 to 100 plus % in 2017. The implementation of the social mobilization had a positive effect on immunization coverage in the district. The intervention resulted in increased immunization coverage and significantly reduced the measles Rubella dropout rate.

This article examines the sweeping assault on democratic rights in the United States today, the far-reaching impact of Donald Trump’s presidency and development of «permanent Trumpism» on American political culture, and the activist mobilization against these forces. The authors discuss the growing alarm among scholars of democracy about the increasing «autocratization» of US politics and the «Orbanization» of the Republican Party. They examine how these dynamics are playing out at the local level, with a focus on the «swing» state of Michigan. They look at the growth of armed White Power groups and the turn to political violence in the US. They analyze the proliferation of conspiratorial claims (such as the assertion that the 2020 election was stolen) and the mainstreaming of far-right ideas (such as the «Great Replacement») via a right-wing media ecosystem that increasingly sustains a parallel epistemic universe. The authors map out the apparatus of election theft that is setting the stage for another coup attempt, and various measures designed to make it more difficult to vote. They review the scholarly debate about the nature of Trumpism. Finally, they discuss the growing resistance to Trumpism and various forms of organizing to defend democracy and defeat authoritarianism. Received: 11 July 2022 Accepted: 23 November 2022

This paper aims to review three books that inform us about the diverse relations of power and power asymmetries in the entry of genetically engineered organisms (GEOs) in countries like Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Canada. From a political economy and an agrarian and peasant studies perspective, the authors show that not only the set of rules of national institutions, global corporations, and the global market establish the basis that favor the entry of GEOs. Instead, the conjugation of power asymmetries performed by different actors in power, historical processes, and gender and race inequalities are the ones that trace the path for a realignment of the agrarian system supported by science and based on the stigmatization of social movements.

Public participation in decision-making is one of the core principles of Impact Assessment. However, the mechanisms and processes that communities use to build organizational, consensual and knowledge capacities to get involved in decisions are yet to be better known. This paper aims to explore the implications of self-organized and self-mobilized participation in decision-making processes in the context of the Constitutional Ruling T-622/2016, which recognized the rights of the Atrato River (Colombia) to be healthy and ecologically supportive to the different populations, thus triggering a series of governmental actions supported by Impact Assessment. Through an exploratory approach guided by participant observation and supported by literature review, documentary research and interviews, it was revealed that social inequity and violence resulting both from governmental neglect and the lack of social and environmental rights are the main drivers of mobilization, followed by the violation of the community's traditional ties with the environment and, also, the coordination between grassroots communities and external actors. According to our findings, early meetings among stakeholders grounded on a balanced share of influence on decisions contributed to promote synergies in Impact Assessment and decision-making, thus leading to the previous identification of the likely causes of socio-environmental degradation and alternatives to mitigation.

Over recent years, immigrants have been met with unjust prejudiced behavior instead of warm welcome. However, not all citizens of a nation endorse such behavior, instead they try to oppose it through social mobilization. In the context of an ongoing situation where the national flag is used as a prejudiced means to exclude immigrants, individuals who felt attached with all members of the nation felt significantly more shame for the unjust than individuals who glorify their nation. Consequently, attached identifiers expressed a significantly greater motivation than glorified identifiers to start thinking about social mobilization to reclaim the meaning of the flag as a symbol of inclusion, not exclusion. The current study contributes to the growing debate on how immigrants are received, and it helps explain how national identification and feelings such as shame motivate individuals to start thinking about objecting to prejudicial flag displays. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines imaginaries regarding the Internet and their influence on the forms of technological appropriation by social movements. It focuses on the concepts of myth, the digital sublime and cyber-libertarian rhetoric that mystify the emancipatory power of the Internet. Through an empirical study based on 37 interviews, three focus groups and participant observations, the imaginaries and media practices of the Spanish 15M movement are analysed. Our results reveal three hybrid tensions between: faith in the democratizing power of the Internet and political praxis; complementary actions in virtual and physical space; and the simultaneous use of corporate networks and alternative media. We conclude that utopian myths about the Internet are negotiated with reality in complex ways and inspire political action and technological innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]