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System justification theory (SJT) is a thriving field of research, wherein the primary questions revolve around why individuals and groups are motivated to see the systems they depend on as just, fair, and legitimate. This article seeks to answer how accurate the postulates of SJT are when compared to competing self‐interest claims of social identity and social dominance theory. We addressed the ongoing debates among proponents of each theory by identifying who, when, and why individuals decide to system‐justify. We used data comprised of 24,009 participants nested within 42 countries. Multilevel models largely supported the competing claims of social dominance and social identity theories over SJT. The most robust findings were: (1) greater objective socioeconomic status (SES) was associated with greater system justification; (2) the consistent positive relationship between subjective SES and system justification was partially mediated by life satisfaction; and (3) both ends of the political spectrum were willing to system‐justify more when the political party they favored was in power. The results presented are used to discuss both the current state and the future directions for system justification research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examined how potential job candidates react to a hiring organization that requests diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) statements, which conservatives in the United States and elsewhere have criticized as being unrelated to job function and inappropriately political or ideological. Across three studies (two of which were pre‐registered), we compared reactions to requests for DEI (vs. teamwork or conservative values) statements as a function of race (Black vs. White), political conservatism and symbolic racism (Total N = 1108). When a DEI (vs. teamwork or politically conservative values) statement was requested, participants who were more (vs. less) conservative perceived the organization as less just, expressed less interest in the job, and expected poorer person‐organization fit, even when a job‐related rationale was provided. Further, participants who were more (vs. less) conservative evaluated a request for a statement consistent with conservative values more favourably. Thus, criticisms that DEI statements are overly political are not applied to other statements that might elicit similar concerns. Moreover, an internal meta‐analysis suggested that the relationships of conservatism to justice and interest (but not person‐organization fit) in response to requests for DEI (vs. teamwork) statements were not independent of racism. Findings were consistent with social dominance theory; racism may underlie seemingly race‐neutral backlash to DEI statements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While many environmental psychologists have relied on the Wildlife Value Orientations (WVOs) scale to understand the individual patterns in cognitions and behaviors related to wildlife, limits in scope constrain its application across other topics. Conversely, Ecological Dominance Orientation (EDO), defined as preference to maintain an anthropocentric arrangement between humans and the natural environment, has demonstrated applicability across a variety of contexts. Despite both constructs being applied in the field, the relationship between the two constructs remains understudied. We sought to understand the associations between EDO and WVO within the context of support for lethal control of deer within two communities located in Georgia, USA. Results suggest that EDO strongly predicted WVOs and had a strong, positive direct and indirect effect on support for lethal control. Future research centered on EDO may help bridge our understanding of individuals' beliefs about wildlife and other parts of the natural world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rise of extremist and terror activities by the various groups which are alleged to be associated with Muslim religion, people of non-Muslim communities hold a negative perception about Islam and Muslims. This study examined challenges faced by Muslim students in two public universities in Zimbabwe. The study was informed by the Social Dominance Theory. Eighteen Muslim students participated in the study, and they were identified through purposive sampling from students' religious societies. The findings revealed that Islamophobia in public universities has resulted in Muslim students facing various challenges that include stigmatization and labelling, institutional and religious discrimination, being denied their religious rights such as performing their prayers and their societies not being recognised as official religious society at the institutions whilst other faiths and religions are awarded that opportunity. The participants also pointed out that they encounter hate crimes and verbal abuse in the lecture rooms. Students from minor religions therefore face grievous challenges in public space in Zimbabwe where the majority of the population claim to subscribe to Christian faith. The study proffers several recommendations among them; universities should investigate discrimination on grounds of religious affiliation, conducting awareness campaigns to benefit minority religious groups and sensitising university staff to be religiously conscious in their conduct. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As White activists are growing the racial justice movement, their antiracism frequently disrupts the racial hierarchy, which features whiteness in a dominant role, especially in interpersonal relationships. We investigate how White antiracists disrupt whiteness in interpersonal relationships. We interviewed 16 White antiracists who had experienced significant relationship distance due to their antiracism. We conducted thematic analyses to understand the conflicts that emerged between antiracists and their White counterparts as activists challenged White racial dominance. Antiracists disrupted whiteness by exercising social power to punish racist offenders. In response, their White counterparts resisted these challenges by exerting their instruments of power to sanction antiracists. The conflict with White people led antiracists to build greater personal and social capacity for antiracist activism. This study illustrates how conflicts can emerge during social change efforts even at the microlevel as parties exercise power to contest or support the status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This experiment aimed to examine emotional responses to athletic images featuring male and female athletes in 'gender-appropriate', 'gender-neutral', and 'gender-inappropriate' sports. Recruiting 236 subjects, this research has complex findings. The findings include – that when viewing pictures featuring male athletes, female subjects reported a significantly higher level of pleasure and arousal compared to their male counterparts; that regarding affective responses to different types of sports, male subjects reported the lowest level of pleasure and arousal in viewing athletes competing in 'gender-inappropriate' sports and that when viewing pictures featuring athletes competing in 'gender-inappropriate' sports, female subjects reported a significantly higher level of pleasure, arousal, and dominance than their male counterparts. Possible explanations and implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article extends Michael L. Radelet's 1989 study of rare cases in which Whites have been executed for committing capital crimes against Blacks to include an assessment of White executions involving Latinx and Asian victims. The threefold aim is to (1) establish the frequency of such rare cases, and (2) explore the extent to which status characteristics (beyond race, ethnicity or gender) are present for these rare events; and (3) offer social dominance theory as a viable explanation for the patterns found in the data. An analysis of unique data from the Texas Department of Criminal Justice shows that out of 570 executions imposed between April 1982 and July 2020, only six cases led to the execution of Whites for crimes against Blacks (1.1%), sixteen cases for crimes against Hispanics (2.8%), and one case for crimes against an Asian American (0.18%). Beyond the minority status of the victim, two or more status markers were present when Whites were executed for crimes against people of color. The results, which are consistent with expectations drawn from social dominance theory, highlight the differential value placed on minority lives and call into question the legitimacy of the death penalty in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study's purpose is four-fold: (1) To test the nomological validity of the X-Scale; (2) To assess the bi-dimensionality of the consumer xenocentrism construct in a new geographical setting; (3) To determine the predictive validity of consumer xenocentrism on the willingness to buy foreign-made products and preferences for foreign brands; and (4) To analyze the relationship between consumer xenocentrism and demographics variables. The conceptualization of this research is based on System Justification Theory and Social Dominance Theory. The study was carried out across Russia employing an online survey. Results support the bi-dimensionality of the X-Scale, and indicate that consumer xenocentrism is negatively related to the consumer disposition of ethnocentrism and positively with cosmopolitanism. The X-scale explains significantly more variance on foreign brand preferences than its related consumer dispositions. In addition, consumer xenocentrism is manifested toward preferences for products and brands coming from developed countries instead of developing or transitional ones. Russian consumers are xenocentric, and the ones significantly scoring higher in this construct are males and those speaking more than one language. These results lead to a discussion of the nature of Russian consumer xenocentrism and its potential managerial implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research conducted in the United States has revealed that the two subscales of social dominance orientation (SDO), SDO-D and SDO-E, are positively related to punitiveness. However, this issue has not been examined in a non-Western context. Therefore, this study explored the effects of SDO-D and SDO-E on punitiveness in Japan and Korea, societies that are relatively similar. Data collected from 409 Japanese and 417 Korean participants were analyzed using multi-group structural equation modelling. The results indicate that SDO-D was positively associated with the punitiveness subscales in both Japan and Korea and that SDO-E was negatively associated with the subscales only in Japan. The study explains the negative association between SDO-E and punitiveness in light of social dominance theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colleges and universities should serve as inclusive environments positioned to provide a strong education to all students. However, bias and discrimination mar the college atmosphere for many. Simultaneously, there is a paucity of research that examines student views of diversity and inclusion in both higher education and sport management. Employing mixed methods, this research examined the perceptions of diversity and inclusion among undergraduate students in sport management programs. Data demonstrate that student perceptions differ across measures of sex, race/ethnicity, upbringing, internship experiences, and transfer status. Findings suggest implications for embedding diversity and inclusion topics within sport management curricula to develop competencies crucial to students' educational success and future in the sport industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Community psychology is driven by the values of social justice, action, and accountability to oppressed groups, with a large body of literature devoted to understanding how to work in partnership with communities through participatory methodologies (e.g., community‐based participatory research, participatory action research). However, some community psychologists may work in partnership with oppressive institutions (e.g., the criminal justice system) in order to transform these institutions toward greater equity and justice. In this conceptual review, I explore the unique challenges and opportunities of partnering with oppressive institutions for social change. First, I define oppressive institutions as those that are hierarchy‐enhancing under social dominance theory and draw on theories of social change to explain when and why we might choose to partner with these institutions in research and action. I then review case studies of the ethical dilemmas community psychologists have faced in such partnerships. Finally, I propose a conceptual framework for practicing accountability when partnering with hierarchy‐enhancing institutions. This framework includes specific practices that research/evaluation teams might incorporate into their relationships with institutional partners and communities impacted by the institution. Highlights: This article reviews challenges in partnering with oppressive institutions for social change.Case studies of these partnerships demonstrate the potential for collusion with oppression.I propose a conceptual framework for practicing accountability to our values in these partnerships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on social dominance theory as a theoretical lens and based on a qualitative study of female managers and supervisors at different levels of the organization, we investigate the barriers women in Nigeria face in their careers. In their accounts of discrimination, corruption, familial/domestic responsibilities, cultural perceptions of gender, and ingrained religious beliefs, participants draw attention to the intense difficulties they face in their careers. We highlight the significance of context and argue that Nigeria is notable for an extreme attitude of male preference at work involving an intensification of career barriers that reflects the entrenched and systemic nature of male dominance in Nigerian organizations. We capture this in the concept of the "hypermasculine organization," which is characterized by exaggerated male advantage, a tendency towards gender‐based exploitation and abuse together with a justificatory logic based on rigidly enforced gender roles. These debilitating factors affecting women in organizations have potential implications for other countries in the global south. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditional conservation scientists approach conservation conflict from a resource-management perspective, in which both wildlife and non-living natural resources are managed to balance the interests of competing human stakeholders. We instead explore conflict between the powerful and less powerful humans and wildlife alike. Applying tenets of social dominance theory to ecological networks, we propose that socio-political power structures that marginalize human populations – denying voice and inclusion – may contribute to similar neglect of wildlife species. Considering nonhuman species as collections of agentic beings seeking to satisfy their own survival interests and that of their respective “social” group, we connect the subjects of social justice and ecological justice through common challenges rooted in the social psychology of power.

Research suggests that racial slurs may be "reclaimed" by the targeted group to convey affiliation rather than derogation. Although it is most common in intragroup uses (e.g., "nigga" by a Black individual toward another Black individual), intergroup examples of slur reappropriation (e.g., "nigga" by a Black individual toward a White individual) are also common. However, majority and minority group members' perceptions of intergroup slur reappropriation remain untested. We examined White (Study 1) and Black (Study 2) individuals' perceptions of the reappropriated terms, "nigga" and "nigger" compared with a control term chosen to be a non-race-related, neutral term ("buddy"), a nonracial derogative term ("asshole") and a White racial slur ("cracker") used by a Black individual toward a White individual. We found that the intergroup use of reappropriated slurs was perceived quite positively by both White and Black individuals. Our findings have important implications for research on intergroup relations and the reappropriation of slurs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research estimates the points of relative group representation at which members of dominant and nondominant groups declare an organization to be diverse. Across 7 studies, members of dominant groups, relative to members of nondominant groups, reported that diversity was achieved at lower representations of the nondominant group within an organization. This was explained by the dominant group members’ relative opposition to using the equal representation of groups as a standard against which to judge diversity. This mediation was also replicated with the antiegalitarian dimension of social dominance orientation, suggesting that the setting of diversity thresholds serves a hierarchy relevant function. Group differences in thresholds of diversity were strongest when people were evaluating whether an organization was sufficiently (vs. descriptively) diverse, when group status was perceived to be threatened, and when the nondominant group was also a numerical minority in the relevant context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on social dominance theory, the present research examines how the characteristics of a potential investor – namely, social dominance orientation (SDO) (i.e. the degree to which individuals seek to maintain inequality between groups) interacts with the characteristics of the entrepreneur (i.e. race) to influence capital decision-making. Study 1 found that as a function of individuals' SDO, individuals supported a policy that would increase funding access to White but not minority entrepreneurs. Study 2 found that as a function of SDO, individuals were willing to invest in White but not minority-owned firms. The perceived threat of the entrepreneur's success to the extant racial hierarchy explained differences in investment decisions. The present research in the field of entrepreneurship is the first to apply Social Dominance Theory and Social Dominance Orientation (Sidanius, J., and F. Pratto. 1999. Social Dominance: An Intergroup Theory of Social Hierarchy and Oppression. New York: Cambridge University Press.), which have received much attention in social psychology and organizational behavior, to funding access and investment decisions. In doing so, these studies answer the call by (Klotz, A. C., and D. O. Neubaum. 2016. "Research on the Dark Side of Personality Traits in Entrepreneurship: Observations from an Organizational Behavior Perspective." Entrepreneurship Theory and Practice 40 (1): 7–17.) to examine the relationship between "darker" personality traits, such as SDO, and entrepreneurial outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study presents the psychometric proprieties of the Italian version of the Social Dominance Orientation7 (SDO7) Scale, originally developed by Ho et al. (2015). We recruited a convenience sample (N = 497) to answer an online self-report questionnaire, including the SDO7 Scale and other relevant convergent and divergent measures. The confirmatory factor analysis revealed that SDO7 presents a satisfactory fit to the data, both as a two-correlated factor structure and as a one-dimensional measure. The two-correlated factor structure is confirmed as composed by two subdimensions as in the original version: the SDO-Dominance (SDO-D) and the SDO-Anti-Egalitarianism (SDO-E). Since the total SDO7 score measures people's support for asymmetrical group relationships, the SDO-D is concerned with people's support for dominant-submissive forms of intergroup relationships whereas the SDO-E refers to the desire to support intergroup inequalities. The scale and subscales also present satisfactory indexes of reliability as well as convergent and divergent validity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, it was hypothesized that experimentally manipulated levels of power would moderate the association of dispositional social dominance orientation (SDO) with preferences for harsh punishment. In particular, we expected to detect a stronger effect for dispositional SDO in the low-power condition, relying on the notion that low power enhances sensitivity to threats to the status quo, and that high SDO individuals are particularly motivated to enforce hierarchy-enhancing measures as punishment. SDO scores were measured two months prior to the experiment, and then immediately after the experimental session. As expected, preexperimental SDO interacted with the power manipulation. We found stronger preexperimental SDO effects on punishment among low-power participants. We also anticipated and found that individuals high in SDO increased further their postexperimental SDO scores if assigned to a high-power condition. The discussion focuses on the importance of SDO effects among low-status groups and on how situational roles shape dispositional self-descriptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We contextualise Cotterill, Sidanius, Bhardwaj, and Kumar’s (2014) paper within a broader literature on caste and collective mobilisation. Cotterill and colleagues’ paper represents a fresh and timely attempt to make sense of the persistence of caste from the perspective of Social Dominance Theory. Cotterill and colleagues, however, do not examine caste differences in the endorsement of karma, and take behavioural asymmetry among lower castes for granted. Cotterill and colleagues also adhere to a Varna model of the caste system that arguably is simplistic and benefits the upper castes of Indian society. We caution that emphasising behavioural asymmetry and endorsing the Varna model might further stigmatise lower castes, especially Dalits, and feed into a conformity bias already predominant in caste-related psychological research. We argue that the conceptualisation and operationalisation of Right-Wing Authoritarianism, Social Dominance Orientation and legitimising myths in the Indian context needs to take into account the particular meaning and functions of these constructs in specific intergroup contexts, and for identity positions salient within these contexts. We contend that any examination aimed at better understanding the nature of social hierarchy and oppression within the caste system and Indian society in general remains inconclusive without including a focus on the construction and contestation of social categories and social identities.

The current research examined the capability of Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA), Social Dominance Orientations (SDO-D and SDO-E), the five Moral Foundations Orientation (MFO), and Religious Fundamentalism (RF) to predict economic conservatism, social conservatism, and foreign policy conservatism. Based on data gathered from a sample of students attending a public university located in the northeast U.S., multiple regression analyses indicated: 1) RWA and SDO-D were predictors of economic conservatism; 2) only RWA predicted social conservatism; and 3) RWA and RF predicted foreign policy conservatism. In all cases, RWA was the strongest predictor of economic, social, and foreign policy conservatism. We discuss the reasons RWAs endorse conservative economic, social and foreign policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: In June 2015, the U.S. Department of the Treasury announced that a woman would replace Hamilton on the $10 bill. In April 2016, it announced that Harriet Tubman would replace Andrew Jackson on the $20 bill, instead. After each announcement, we surveyed nationally representative samples of American adults and asked them what they thought of these proposed changes for the $10 bill (Study 1, N = 209) and the $20 bill (Study 2, N = 208). Predictors of currency preferences were gender, race, political affiliation and their respective prejudices and biases—sexism, racism, and political ideology. On the basis of social identity, system justification, and social dominance theories we predicted that privileged groups (i.e., males, Whites) and groups who desire to maintain the status quo (i.e., Republicans, conservatives, sexist and racist individuals) would prefer to leave Hamilton on the $10 bill and Jackson on the $20 bill. Results were consistent with these predictions: Overall, we found that under‐represented groups and more liberal individuals support the proposals from the U.S. Department of the Treasury. These findings suggest a bill of money is not just a piece of paper. The person depicted on U.S. currency can be perceived as an in‐group or out‐group member and this can affect judgements in line with relevant social psychological theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper extends the social dominance perspective to the Indian context by examining the role of belief in Karma (sanchita) in the justification of the Indian caste system. Using social dominance theory (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999) and the dual process model (Duckitt, 2001) as guiding theoretical frameworks, we tested four related hypotheses within a sample of 385 Indian university students. In particular we expected that social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) would both make relatively strong and independent contributions to participants’ endorsement of Karma (H1), as well as their support for antiegalitarian social policies and conventions (H2). We also predicted that endorsement of Karma, itself, would be strongly related to support for these policies, net of the influence of SDO, RWA, as well as generalized prejudice (H3). Finally, and consistent with the notion that Karma functions as a legitimizing ideology, we hypothesized that it would at least partially mediate, net of generalized prejudice, the relationships between SDO and RWA, on the one hand, and antiegalitarian and conventional social policies, on the other (H4). Results of latent variable structural equation modeling provided support for all four hypotheses. The theoretical implications of these findings are discussed.

Utilising a qualitative case study approach, this research study set out to understand discrimination experienced by immigrant students in their interactions with South African students and the prejudice immigrant students expressed against Black South African students. Findings reveal that the discrimination experienced by immigrant students could be clustered into four broad themes, namely categorisations and prototypes; practised stereotypes; academic and social exclusion; and work ethic. Furthermore, statements immigrant students make about South African students seem to fall into two broad categories, namely lack of value for moral integrity and lack of value for education. Educating students to value human dignity and to view each other as cosmopolitan citizens of the world could be a way to ensure social cohesion and harmony of future generations to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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