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Notre article s’intéresse à la manière dont le dialogue social se transforme lorsque les échanges se déroulent en ligne. Jusqu’à très récemment, le dialogue social avait largement résisté aux appels de la numérisation. Cependant, avec la COVID-19, les rencontres en personne ont dû être remplacées par des interactions à distance. En raison de ce changement soudain, notre article propose d’examiner comment les rituels de dialogue social se transforment lorsque les interactions entre les employeurs et les syndicats deviennent virtuelles.Pour mieux cerner cette problématique, nous mobilisons le cadre théorique développé par Goffman (1973) dans lequel le monde social est métaphoriquement comparé à un théâtre. Ainsi, nous proposons d’étudier l’évolution dramaturgique des relations entre les syndicats et les employeurs lorsque la scène et les coulisses du dialogue social se dématérialisent. Pour analyser empiriquement cette question, nous avons réalisé 23 entretiens avec des acteurs impliqués dans le dialogue social en France, dont 13 qui représentent la partie syndicale et 10 qui représentent la partie patronale.Nos résultats mettent en évidence trois mécanismes qui, sur la scène, contribuent à l’étiolement de la dramaturgie du dialogue social : la perte du caractère théâtral des interventions syndicales, l’isolement des représentants des salariés et la désynchronisation de leurs interventions. Notre étude empirique souligne aussi comment, dans les coulisses du dialogue social, le passage au numérique se traduit globalement par un appauvrissement des échanges, à l’exception des relations basées sur des liens forts.Fort de ces constats, notre article contribue à la littérature en postulant que les changements observés concourent à une perte de pouvoir pour la partie syndicale. En outre, derrière une pacification de façade des interactions patronales-syndicales, nous soulignons que la perte du caractère théâtral du dialogue social pourrait éloigner les acteurs d’une dynamique intégrative et les enfermer dans un mode plus distributif.PrécisS’appuyant sur les écrits de Goffman, notre article s’intéresse à la manière dont le dialogue social évolue lorsque le théâtre des interactions entre syndicats et employeurs devient numérique, comme ce fut le cas à la suite de la pandémie de COVID-19. Se basant sur 23 entretiens, notre article met en évidence trois effets du numérique sur le jeu scénique des acteurs syndicaux : la perte du caractère théâtral des prises de parole, l’isolement des acteurs et la désynchronisation de leurs interventions. Notre étude conclut également à un appauvrissement global des échanges en coulisse. Cet article contribue à la littérature en montrant comment le mode à distance modifie les relations de pouvoir entre les syndicats et les employeurs ainsi que la nature même de leurs relations., Our article investigates how social dialogue is transformed when labour-management interactions occur online. Until very recently, social dialogue dominantly took place in physical spaces. However, with COVID-19, physical meetings suddenly had to be replaced by remote interactions. Our article then proposes to investigate how social dialogue rituals are being transformed when labour-management interactions become virtual. To tackle this question, we build upon Goffman’s writings (1973), in which social interactions are metaphorically compared to a theatre piece. Hence, we propose to study how the dramaturgy of labour-management interactions evolve, when both the stage and the backstage of social dialogue become virtual. To empirically analyse this question, we conducted 23 interviews with actors involved in social dialogue in France, 13 of whom represent the labour side and 10 the management side. Our results highlight three mechanisms contributing to the erosion of the social dialogue dramaturgy on stage: the de-theatricalisation of unions’ interventions, the isolation of employee representatives and the desynchronisation of their interventions. Secondly, our study underlines how backstage interactions are impoverished - with the exception of these based on strong ties. Based on these findings, our article contributes to the literature by assuming that social dialogue digitalization results in a power loss for the trade unions. Secondly, behind the apparent pacification of labour-management interactions, we point out that the de-theatricalisation of social dialogue could move the actors away from an integrative dynamic and lock them into a more distributive mode.AbstractDrawing on Goffman's writings, our article looks at how social dialogue evolves when the theater of interactions between unions and employers becomes digital, as was the case following the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on 23 interviews, our article highlights three effects of digital technology on the stage play of union actors: the loss of the theatrical character of speech, the isolation of actors and the desynchronization of their interventions. Our study also concludes that there is an overall impoverishment of backstage exchanges. This article contributes to the literature by showing how the remote mode modifies the power relations between unions and employers as well as the very nature of their relations.

The concept of decent work was firstly announced by Juan Somavia at the ILO conference in 1999. Somavia emphasized that the primary targets of ILO should be freedom, equality, security and most importantly enhancing decent work opportunities for men and women within the context of human rights. Since then, numerous studies have been made on measuring decent work. Decent work is integral to efforts to reduce poverty and is a key mechanism for achieving equitable, inclusive and sustainable development. It involves opportunities for work that is productive and delivers a fair income, provides security in the workplace and social protection for workers and their families, and gives people the freedom to express their concerns, to organize and to participate in decisions that affect their lives. The paper discusses the goals and features of the four decent work components namely, rights at work, employment,social security and social dialogue. Each of these elements are with each other in an inseparable unity. In this study, firstly an evaluation of elements of decent work would be made then the methodologies that developed for measuring decent work would be elaborated. Secondly, an assessment of decent work for Turkey would be made in the light of statistical data in comparison with OECD countries would be presented. Finally, an index of decent work for Turkey would be displayed.

There are various ways to define social democracy. Depending on scholars, texts, times, it can refer to very different things. Instead of studying one of the various meanings of social democracy, this work aimed at explaining that polysemy and highlighting its overall consistency. It happens that each of the meanings of social democracy is related to the following definition: social democracy is a democracy of real individuals, namely a view of democracy which relies on a materialistic definition of the people. However, a part of recent labour laws threatens the overall cohesion of the notion of social democracy by undermining one of its meanings., La démocratie sociale bénéficie de définitions très diverses. Selon les auteurs, les textes et les époques, elle peut renvoyer à des éléments assez éloignés. Plutôt que d’étudier un de ces sens, ce travail a eu pour ambition d’expliquer cette polysémie et d’en faire ressortir la cohérence générale. Il apparaît alors que chacune des significations de la démocratie sociale peut se ranger derrière la définition suivante : la démocratie sociale est une démocratie d’individus situés, c’est-à-dire une conception de la démocratie qui s’appuie sur une définition matérialiste du peuple. Toutefois, une série de lois récentes en droit du travail menace la cohérence générale de la notion de démocratie sociale en modifiant l'un de ses éléments de définition.

This article contains issues of normative character of non-based on statutory provision collective agreements. This issue is very problematic in Polish doctrine and jurisprudence. Generally we can distinguish three points of view. The first negates normative effect of this kind of collective agreements and underlines its voluntary character. The second one fully accepts its normative effect. According to the third one this kind of collective agreement is special kind of civil contract. The last two views accept potential claims of employees based on this kind of agreements. Firstly, I refer to main assumptions of analyzed problems. In particular I consider difference between normative effect of collective agreements and right to claim based on their provisions. Secondly, I examine justifi cation of division of collective agreements in two categories i.e. based and non-based on statutory provision collective agreements. I presents few arguments against institution of non-based on statutory provision collective agreements. Thirdly, I present arguments against qualifi cation non-based on statutory provision collective agreements as "provision of labour law". In my opinion contrary approach breaches constitutional division between different kinds of collective agreements. Moreover, I criticize common position according to which non-based on statutory provision collective agreements are unnamed collective labor contract regulated by civil law. Moreover, in this article I present my own approach based on voluntary conceptions. I reckon that provisions of non-based on statutory provision collective agreements play similar role as provision regulated prize. They entitle employer to performance for its employees and entitle employees to receiving it. In the end of article I showcase proposition of new regulations which could resolve main problems with this institution.

У монографії викладені теоретико-методичні основи та прикладні аспекти дослідження соціального діалогу у системі забезпечення соціальної безпеки. Визначено сутність соціального діалогу, охарактеризовано його сторони. Розроблено підходи до вивчення соціальної безпеки, на основі чого дано її тлумачення та визначено складові. Розглянуто місце соціального страхування в системі забезпечення соціальної безпеки та запропоновано його інструменти. Розроблено методику оцінку рівня соціальної безпеки та соціального діалогу. Запропоновано стратегії забезпечення соціальної безпеки та активізації соціального діалогу. Дослідження розраховане на науковців, фахівців соціальної сфери, представників державних органів управління, викладачів, студентів.

Este trabajo analiza las interrelaciones entre Democracia y Derecho del Trabajo. Se trata de una investigación documental en la que se estudia el devenir histórico venezolano, relacionando el desarrollo del Derecho del Trabajo con el surgimiento y fortalecimiento de la democracia, para concluir que no es posible el disfrute de derechos laborales bajo regímenes dictatoriales o autoritarios, y que sin libertad sindical, tampoco es posible avanzar en la democratización de la sociedad. This study analyzes the interrelations between democracy and labor law. It is a documentary investigation that studies Venezuelan historical development from independence to the present, relating labor law development with the rise and strengthening of democracy to conclude that it is not possible to enjoy labor rights under dictatorial or authoritarian regimes and that without labor union freedom, it is likewise impossible to advance in democratizing society.

La gobernanza de la ciencia y la tecnología ha sido un tema de debate en los últimos años en el ámbito académico y administrativo de los gobiernos. A partir de un trabajo empírico realizado entre actores que diseñan las políticas científico-tecnológicas regionales en España, se obtiene una percepción de gobernanza de la ciencia desde una perspectiva especializada. El análisis se completa con la apreciación de los ciudadanos españoles sobre este tema, conseguida a partir de la encuesta nacional de percepción social de la ciencia y la tecnología realizada por la Fundación Española para la Ciencia y la Tecnología (FECYT). El estudio muestra que tanto los expertos profesionales como el público consideran pertinente el diálogo entre distintos actores sociales para la construcción de la gobernanza de la ciencia. El grado de interés que muestra la población por estos asuntos condiciona su responsabilidad, que es cedida a los expertos. Además, existe una visión controvertida sobre el papel que deben desempeñar los ciudadanos en este tipo de acciones. La falta de espacios y de aplicación de metodologías para ejercer el diálogo entre expertos y grupos interesados sigue siendo una asignatura pendiente para el ejercicio de una buena gobernanza. Science and technology governance has been a recurrent topic for debate in the recent years, both in the academic and the government areas. The perception of the governance of science from an expert’s point of view is a result of the empirical work carried out among the different players who design the science and technology regional policies in Spain. This analysis is completed with the Spanish citizen's appreciation on this subject, gotten from the national survey of social perception of science and technology carried out by the Spanish Foundation for Science and Technology (FECYT). The study shows that experts and the public consider a dialog among them as appropriate to build the governance of science. The public’s interest in these issues may causes that its responsibility is transferred to the experts. Furthermore, there is an ambivalent vision regarding the role citizens must play in this sort of actions. The lack of spaces and put into practice the appropriate methods so that a dialog between experts and stakeholders is still an unresolved matter in order to build up some good governance.

La investigación tiene como objetivo general analizar algunas expresiones de diálogo social y concertación en Venezuela. Este objetivo es abordado con la técnica de investigación descriptiva-documental, sustentada en el método analítico. Las fuentes para la recolección de información atienden a cuatro ámbitos: Constitucional, legal, doctrinal y hemerográfico. El sindicalismo en Venezuela ha estado signado por rasgos corporativistas lo cual, ha repercutido en su capacidad de independencia al momento de implementar el diálogo social laboral junto al Estado y al sector empleador. Se sugiere recuperar el doble reconocimiento de las organizaciones sindicales: por parte de los trabajadores, del Estado y del sector empleador. The research aims to discuss some expressions of social dialog and consultation in Venezuela. This objective is approached through the strategy of descriptive-documentary research, based on the analytical method. The sources for collecting information came from four areas: constitutional, legal, doctrinal and journalistic. Trade unionism in Venezuela has been characterized by corporativist features which have had an impact on its capacity for independence at the moment of implementing social labour dialog alongside the State and employer’s sector. The study suggests recovering the double recognition of trade union organizations: by the workers, the State and the employers’ sector.

The article is devoted to the analysis of social partnership in Ukraine. In the article the theoretical problems are considered in relation to the determination of social partnership as phenomenon, this phenomenon is described as relations between economic subjects. The status of subjects of social partnership is disclosed and certained the object of these relations and their maintenance., Cтаття присвячена аналізу соціального партнерства в Україні. У статтірозглянуто теоретичні проблеми щодо визначення соціального партнерства як явища, охарактеризовано це явище як відносини між економічними суб’єктами. Розкрито статус суб’єктів соціального партнерства, визначено об’єкт цих відносин та їх зміст.

The aim of this work is to describe the quality of social dialogue in local government in the area of Czech Republic, to find out if there is, in the presence of trade union in the local government institutions, a positive influence on civil servants working for local authorities and if the impacts on austerity measures realized are reduced. For this purpose, it is important to give a detailed description of a position and function that the local government in the public sector in the Czech Republic has and to clarify a position of civil servants working for local authorities. In this work, there is also described the system of social dialog and there are analyzed the social dialog institutions with the aim of the local government. In order to find out the trade union influence over the public servants working for local authorities satisfaction, it is carried out a survey at all levels of local government. It is found a little influence on the satisfaction that the trade unions have, resulting from a relatively poor labor union organized character. This situation is, in connection with austerity measures, one cause of the social dialog in the public sector ineffectiveness.

Esta tese realiza um estudo comparado dos Conselhos Econômicos e Sociais, de âmbito nacional, da Espanha e do Brasil. Dentre as questões propostas para a análise estão: por que surgem tais Conselhos na Espanha e no Brasil e por que assumem tal ou qual formato institucional? O que essas duas experiências têm em comum, em que diferem, e o que explicaria diferenças e semelhanças entre elas? Como tem se dado a participação e a representação no âmbito destes Conselhos? E qual tem sido o “produto” (output) das atividades desenvolvidas pelos Conselhos? Duas hipóteses orientam a pesquisa: a primeira delas afirma que “os Conselhos Econômicos e Sociais são instituições criadas como complemento às instituições clássicas da democracia representativa liberal, com o objetivo de respaldar as ações dos governos e/ou dos Estados, atribuindo-lhes maior grau de legitimidade, em momentos que acarretam a necessidade de profundas mudanças econômicas, sociais e/ou políticas, exigindo a adoção de reformas estruturais em dadas sociedades”; e a segunda, que “as características ou as especificidades do contexto que lhes deu origem constituem fator determinante do formato institucional que assumem tais Conselhos na sua estrutura e organização, determinando também o tipo de „produto‟ que emana como resultado do trabalho desenvolvido por eles”. A pesquisa investigou o contexto de criação desses Conselhos na Espanha e no Brasil, sua natureza consultiva, estrutura, composição, dinâmica de funcionamento e os papéis desempenhados por eles ao longo de determinados períodos (Espanha 1992-2007; Brasil 2003-2010). Os resultados, em linhas gerais, permitem confirmar as hipóteses de trabalho, revelando a importância dos contextos específicos na configuração e na dinâmica de funcionamento dessas instituições. Os dados permitem ainda avançar sobre a efetividade desses Conselhos, identificando alta capacidade dos mesmos na consecução de proposições junto aos governos e sua colaboração na formulação das políticas para o desenvolvimento econômico e social dos respectivos países. This Thesis performs a compared study of the Social and Economic boards in the national sphere, of Spain and Brazil. Among the questions proposed to the analysis there are: Why emerge such boards in Spain and in Brazil and why they assume this format or which institutional format is that? How does happen the participation and representation on those boards? Which has been the output of those activities developed by the boards? Two hypothesis guide this research: The first one, settle that “ the economic and social boards are institution created, as additions to the classical institutions of liberal representative democracy, with the goal of support the actions of the government and/or the State, attach to them a greater length of legitimacy, in moments that result in the necessity of deeply economic, social and/or political changes demanding the adoption of structural reforms in some societies” and the second one is “ the characteristics or the specificity of the context which gave birth to them, make a determinant factor in the institutional format that those boards assume in their structure and organization, determining as well the type of the „product‟ that came as a result of the work developed by them. The research investigated the context of creation of those boards in Spain and Brazil, the advisory being of themselves, the structure, the making, the working dynamics and the role developed by them over certain periods [Spain 1992-2007; Brazil 2003-2010].The results, in general, it is allowed to confirm the hypothesis of the work reveling the importance of those specifics contexts in the configuration and the dynamics on the effectiveness of those boards, identifying the high capacity of them in the execution of the prepositions by the government and its collaboration to the formulation of politics of the economic and social development in the respective countries.

Social dialogue is recognized as the vital instrument through which the harmonization of public interests of port industry development in the Republic of Croatia, particular interests of workers/Unions and employers, can be assured. Aim is to create an understanding of the role of different social partners in the port industry. In the port industry, social dialogue has reached such a level, turning from the state of consultations into the social partnership model. The strengthening of the role of social partners, especially the unions and civil society organizations, should begin immediately. Greater public awareness of the issues of social participation and social dialogue is very important, primarily in the field of the port industry in Croatia encompassing a great number of employees. This should be carried out within the framework of the Croatia and European Union’ s (EU) legal and social framework, both in the areas of employment and social policy.

It has become a well known fact that a sustainable development of humankind resides not only in preserving the environment but mainly in preserving solidarity between generations or within a generation. This sustainable development defined as a productive cooperation between generations implies a man nature relationship where the man is an element of nature not its master. The place where the interests of several generations come together as a hole is the countryside, for here the connection between nature, work and capital has a permanent and direct character. Therefore it is not by chance that man and land are primary components of a nation wealth. For the Romanian people eternity was born in the countryside, and the sacred aspects of life are better preserved here. In this context it is a priority to determine the real contribution that it has to Grass Domestic Product, the contribution it has to the preservation and augmentation of the national wealth, as basis for an increasing thrust capital.

L’Union européenne (UE) a développé une approche particulière de la responsabilité sociale en l’inscrivant dans les stratégies européennes de l’emploi et de la cohésion sociale, d’une part, et dans celles sur le développement durable, d’autre part. Ceci devait permettre de véhiculer le modèle social européen dans et hors UE. Le projet était d’explorer au travers d’un processus de dialogue inédit entre les institutions et la société civile les possibilités de dégager un consensus sur un cadrage de la responsabilité sociale de l’entreprise (RSE). L’objet de cette contribution est de montrer qu’il s’est produit un périlleux décrochage entre les institutions européennes, les entreprises et la société civile alors que la RSE pratiquée par les entreprises européennes allait se révéler un vecteur d’innovation sur le plan des relations professionnelles en devenant un objet de négociation collective transnationale et qu’elle allait être un puissant révélateur des limites de l’autorégulation de la question du travail sur le plan mondial. The European Union (EU) has developed a special approach to corporate social responsibility by incorporating it into its strategies of employment and social cohesion and of sustainable development. This should make it possible to diffuse the European social model inside and outside the EU. Through an unprecedented dialog between institutions and “civil society”, the EU planned to explore the possibility of a consensus on a framework for corporate social responsibility. This article seeks to shed light on the perilous disconnection between European institutions, companies and society at a time when the corporate social responsibility practiced by European firms has turned into a vector of innovation in labor relations by becoming a subject of transnational negotiations. It has also become a litmus test of the limits of a self-regulation, worldwide, of labor questions.

У статі досліджено розвиток соціального страхування в Україні з позицій соціального діалогу. In the floor explored development of social security in Ukraine from positions of social dialog.

Slovenija i Hrvatska se znatno razlikuju kad je riječ o političkom položaju sindikata i njihovu utjecaju u političkom odlučivanju. Slovensku stazu i obrazac u ovom se radu naziva inkluzivnim, a hrvatsku stazu i obrazac konfliktualnim. Razliku koja ja nastala između tih dvaju slučajeva, unatoč postojanju zajedničkoga historijskog naslijeđa jugoslavenskog samoupravljanja, najbolje se može objasniti političkim intervencijama vlada i političkih elita koje su preuzele dominantnu ulogu u ranim i vrlo važnim godinama tranzicije. Obrazac formiran tih godina ima tendenciju trajanja čak i kad se pokuša poduzeti radikalni reformski pothvat i utrti posve nova staza. Takav pokušaj preokreta poduzet je nakon 2000. godine i u Sloveniji i u Hrvatskoj, ali ni u jednom slučaju nije uspješno završio., Slovenia and Croatia differ greatly concerning the political position of their trade unions and their clout in political decision-making. The Slovenian way and pattern is inclusive and the Croatian conflictual. The difference – despite the common historical legacy of Yugoslav self-management – can be explained by the political interventions of the governments and the elites that played the dominant role in the early, formative, years of the transition. The pattern entrenched in that period persists, even when some radical reform is attempted and a new path chosen. Such a reversal was attempted after 2000 both in Slovenia and Croatia, but both attempts failed.

Socialinis bendradarbiavimas arba socialinis dialogas yra socialinių partnerių, t. y. darbuotojų ir darbdavių atstovų lygiateisiškumo, laisvės pasirinkti ir derybomis svarstyti socialinio turinio klausimus, geranoriškumo ir pagarbos kitos šalies teisėtiems interesams bei kitais teisės principais pagrįstas bendradarbiavimo modelis, sudarantis pagrindą ir prielaidas plėtotis pramoniniams ir gamybiniams santykiams bei spręsti gyventojų užimtumo, darbo apmokėjimo, darbo saugos ir kitus klausimus, taip pat formuoti valstybės darbo ir socialinę politiką. Šalia socialinio bendradarbiavimo, kaip darbuotojų ir darbdavių interesų derinimo modelio, teisės literatūroje aptariamas trišalio bendradarbiavimo institutas, pasireiškiantis galimybe darbuotojų ir darbdavių atstovams lygiomis teisėmis su vyriausybių (valstybės valdžios) atstovais dalyvauti įvairiose su darbo klausimais susijusiose diskusijose, projektuose, derybose ar sprendžiant visoms šalims aktualius socialinius ir darbo srities klausimus, siekiant nepažeisti nė vienos šalies teisinių ir ekonominių interesų ar tarptautinių darbo standartų. Trišalis bendradarbiavimas yra Vyriausybės, darbuotojų ir darbdavių santykių teisinio reguliavimo pagrindinis principas, užtikrinantis veiksmingų priemonių darbo ir socialinės apsaugos santykių srityje įgyvendinimą. Darbo ginčų nagrinėjimo procedūros analizė parodė, kad profesinių sąjungų ir darbdavių organizacijų vaidmuo yra reikšmingas, sprendžiant individualius darbo ginčus ir tokiu būdu pasiekti susitarimai garantuoja socialinės partnerystės principų įgyvendinimą. Be to, būtent per šią ypatingą teismo sudėtį įgyvendinamas ne tik socialinės partnerystės principas, bet taikomas ir trišalio bendradarbiavimo modelis, leidžiantis siekiant teisingumo valstybės vardu dalyvauti ne tik profesionaliems teisininkams, bet ir ginčo šalių atstovams, kurie padeda suformuluoti ginčo faktinę pusę atsižvelgiant į specifinius socialinius ar darbo situacijos momentus. Beveik visose valstybėse, kurių darbo ginčų nagrinėjimo teisine patirtimi buvo remtasi, darbo teismų veikla grindžiama socialinės partnerystės ir trišalio bendradarbiavimo principu – bylas tiek ikiteisminėje stadijoje, tiek teismuose nagrinėja kolegijos, susidedančios iš profesionalaus teisėjo ir neprofesionalių tarėjų, kuriuos renka ir skiria darbuotojų ir darbdavių interesams atstovaujančios organizacijos. Šios organizacijos aktyviai dalyvauja ne tik formuojant darbo teismus, bet ir rengiantis patiems konfliktams. Tyrimo metu paaiškėjo, kad į iškeltus klausimus ir hipotezę, kad socialinis ir trišalis bendradarbiavimas sprendžiant darbo ginčus nutraukia ilgai trunkančius ir bevaisius ginčus ir diskusijas, sudaro sąlygas priimti kompromisinius sprendimus ir atlieka po konflikto sureguliavimo ar konflikto reguliavimo funkciją, galima atsakyti teigiamai. Akivaizdu, kad veiksmingas socialinių partnerių tiek tarpusavio, tiek su valstybe bendradarbiavimas yra viena iš darbo ginčų tendencijų, o Lietuvoje – būtiniausių siekiamybių. Social partnership or social dialogue as a model of cooperation based on social partners, i.e. employees and employers representatives' equality, freedom to choose and to discuss issues of social contents by negotiations, benevolence and respect for the legitimate interests of the other party as well as other principles, serves as the ground and prerequisite for the development of industrial and manufacturing relations and helps to solve the issues of citizens' occupation, labour payment, security at work and other questions, and to form labour and social politics in the country. In addition to social dialogue, which is considered a model of employees and employers' interests coordination, the institute of tripartite cooperation is used in the literature on law - it manifests in the possibility of employees and employers' representatives to participate at equal rights with governmental (state authority) representatives in various labour-related discussions, projects, negotiations or in the settlement of social and labour issues topical to all parties in order not to ignore and violate legal and economic interests of any party or international labour standards. Tripartite cooperation is the core principle for legal regulation of relations among the government, employees and employers, which secures the implementation of effective means in the sphere of labour and social security relations. The analysis of the investigation procedure of labour disputes makes it evident that the role of trade unions and employers' organisations is significant while solving individual labour disputes and that an agreement reached in a case guarantees the implementation of social partnership principle. Moreover, this special composition of the court not only allows to implement the Principle of social partnership but also to apply the model of tripartite cooperation, which enables professional lawyers as well as the representatives of dispute Parties, which help to present the factual side of the dispute and to take specific social and labour moments of the situation into consideration, to participate in the seeking for justice on behalf of the state. The activity of labour courts is based on social Partnership and tripartite cooperation principle almost in all countries, the legal experience of which was regarded in the field of labour disputes investigation - in the pre-trial phase and during trials cases are investigated by boards, which include a professional lawyer and non-professional lay-judge elected and appointed by organisations representing employees and employers' interests. These organisations actively participate not only in the formation of labour courts but also in the preparation for conflicts. It was found out during the research that it is possible to give an affirmative answer to the posed questions and hypothesis whether social and tripartite cooperation in labour disputes puts an end for longlasting and vain disputes and discussions, whether it creates conditions to accept compromise decisions and whether it carries out the function of post-conflict or conflict regulation. It is evident that effective cooperation of social partners in mutual relations as well as in relations with the state is one of the tendencies in labour disputes and one of the most exigent aims in Lithuania.

La conformación de un sistema centro-periferia depende de varios factores económicos y geográficos que interactúan en el espacio. Además, el grado de apertura de la economía de un país condiciona las características productivas de sus regiones.Este ensayo explora los distintos efectos que tienen las políticas económicas comerciales, ya sean liberales o proteccionistas, sobre un sistema centro-periferia. En general, el centro tiende a ser industrial aunque, dependiendo de la estructura productiva, puede ser exportador o importador, lo cual tiene efectos contrapuestos sobre el empleo y los ingresos.Nuestro modelo demuestra que un centro puede ser industrial e importador si es que tiene una periferia exportadora. Se especifica que, si las exportaciones de la periferia son intensivas en recursos naturales, los ingresos tienden a favorecer al centro. Por oposición, si la periferia exportara bienes intensivos en trabajo, debería ocurrir lo contrario. Esto hace de la tecnología y del tipo de exportaciones, los principales determinantes de un sistema centro-periferia.