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The social movement for #PoliceFreeSchools (and the adjacent campaign on college and university campuses called #PoliceFreeCampuses) welcomes an opportunity to reimagine school discipline and safety in contradistinction to current carceral forms. Scholars have moved away from notions of "school to prison pipeline" by demonstrating the many ways schools are organized as carceral spaces (e.g., school-prison nexus). A conceptual framework of "Anti-carceral leadership" is put forward in this paper to underscore the need for a leadership paradigm that actively refuses the logics of the carceral state (e.g., social control). The paper underscores how the logics of antiblackness may sustain mechanisms of social control in education policy intended to undo racialized harm. The tensions of be(com)ing an anti-carceral leader and its significance for undoing technologies of punishment, confinement, and constraint that reinforce schooling as a site of Black pain and suffering are discussed.

The recently revised NAEYC position papers and the fourth edition of NAEYC's Developmentally Appropriate Guidelines (NAEYC. 2022. "Developmentally Appropriate Practice in Early Childhood Programs: Serving Children from Birth through Age 8," edited by S. Friedman, 4th ed. Washington: National Association for the Education of Young Children) focus on children's strengths and diversity, and the need for equitable opportunities in early childhood programmes. We applaud these recent shifts. Yet previous ideas of risk, abnormality and inappropriateness are still embedded in the document, with still hidden, and negative, consequences for children, their families and communities, and for the educators and programmes that serve them. Drawing on critiques of developmentalism, the ideas of postdevelopmentalism and the framework of "governmentality," we engage in a dialogue between an early career teacher educator and long-time advocate for DAP change and explore the control DAP has over early childhood education programmes. Despite claims that the fourth edition is too 'woke', we challenge educators and organisations in the USA (and elsewhere) to move away from the past and current approaches that still focus on children as innocent and in need of protection, as well "as normal (and therefore, abnormal) childhood(s)" -- and to open up towards an education that is more fluid, one that focuses on children's diverse strengths, unimagined interests and as-yet-unknown possibilities.

Therapeutic translations of the microbiome-gut-brain (MGB) axis are reconstructing the educational subject in a manner amenable to Foucauldian analysis. Yet, at the same time, under the sway of MGB research social scientists are taking a biosocial turn that threatens the integrity of Foucault's historicizing philosophical project. Meeting that challenge head-on, this article argues that the MGB axis augments the neurobiological constitution of the educational subject by means of a dietetic mode of subjectivation. Absent a pedagogical element, there is a hollowness to critical academics' claims that holobiontic self-conceptions springing from the axis can elicit a resistant subjectivity. Though wild pedagogies might inform a resistant tactics of the self, contemporary self-technologies are -- as Foucault has taught us -- a pale shadow of the ancient Greek conception of dietetics as an holistic, embodied and ensouled practice. At the intersection between the disciplinary apparatuses of criminology and education, therefore, the MGB-driven biosocial turn unambiguously reinforces the social control function of schooling.

The purpose of this research was to analyze the relationship between indoctrination and children's creativity. It was conducted qualitatively using the phenomenological approach for a period of 6 months. The samples used include 26 teachers, 118 children, and 80 parents while data were collected through in-depth interviews, observation, and documentation and analyzed using data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing or verification. The results showed that children's creativity had a relationship with indoctrination and practice displayed.

Prior to the arrival of Europeans in the 15th century, education existed in the Gold Coast (now Ghana) with the goal of introducing young people into the society by teaching children the traditions and values of the community, as well as the meaning of life. However, Great Britain, during colonization, implemented their own form of education within the Gold Coast. Great Britain thought it was their responsibility to bring the Gold Coast into the modern world by using education to lift the natives to a higher level of civilization. The Christian missionaries' eagerness to propagate their faith through education and the British colonial governments' educational policies, character-training curriculum, and desire to civilize natives, instead became a tool to achieve social control over the people of Gold Coast-Ghana which resulted in cultural annihilation, religious, and linguistic hegemony.

Black students face hyper-disciplining and high levels of social control when they enter American schools. The cultural mismatch hypothesis attempts to explain this hyper-disciplining by arguing that the mostly White teaching force misinterprets the attitudes and behaviors of Black students, which leads to their hyper-disciplining. Utilizing a longitudinal, deeply iterative, participatory, and critical ethnographic research process, however, this article shows that traditional scholarship around the cultural mismatch hypothesis is insufficient. The analysis indicates that teachers' misinterpretation of mismatched capital (the traditional cultural mismatch hypothesis) is actually a racialized interpretation of both matched and mismatched capital coming from Black students, and such racialized interpretations are guided by the logic of antiblackness endemic to American institutions. Hence, this research argues for the integration of antiblackness as a theoretical tool to expand upon cultural mismatch explanations and for the creation of educational spaces where Black students are recognized, valued, and treated with dignity and humanization.

Although John Dewey continues to be a source to which scholars look in order to address contemporary social and educational issues, others have suggested that Dewey may be too implicated in the project of modernity to be acceptable in educational theory and practice today. To what extent Dewey was modern, and what we make of the question of his modernity, depends on our reading of Dewey and on our understanding of modernity more generally. I will argue that a broad reading of both Dewey and modernity helps us avoid treating Dewey either as education's saviour or as inimical to our present purposes. First, I examine Dewey's own conception of modernity and then broaden its scope by bringing into view four aspects of Western modernity: economic modernization, the struggle for justice, individualism, and naturalism. Second, I show how Dewey can and has been read as representing one or more of these aspects, but also from the perspective of one or more of these aspects. This generates what I will call Dewey's four "faces": Dewey as engineer, Dewey as activist, Dewey as Romantic, and Dewey as naturalist. This mapping offers a way of making more sense of the diverse readings of Dewey that exist in the secondary literature. Finally, I make a case for Dewey's ongoing relevance because of his capacious view of the goods of modernity and his distinctively educational philosophy.

The literature review below was done to investigate the history of censorship, specifically book burning and how it relates to the modern-day censorship that is seen in our country today. Using scholarly articles and books, news articles, professional organization websites, video documentaries, and data from prominent anti-censorship organizations, this article strives to tell the full story of the world's complicated history with the censorship of knowledge. This review of literature makes clear that contemporary and historical censorship is an attempt to gain power and suppress the voice of those under authority. As educators, students, and community members, it is vital to use this knowledge to protect students' right to read.

In light of socio-political dynamics at play in contemporary Thailand, higher education (HE) is becoming an important site for citizenship learning. This article interrogates priorities and practices of civic/citizenship education in Thai universities. Data was collected through in-depth interviews with leadership in five public universities across Thailand. Findings suggest that civic/citizenship education serves various goals. Despite the call for HE to respond to societal crisis, the discursive practices of formal civic/citizenship education in Thai universities function not only to maintain the state ideology by producing responsible citizens but also serve to supply adaptable and voluntary-minded employees for the market. Thai universities also appropriates civic/citizenship learning for their own institutional branding. In the context where democracy is undermined, civic/citizenship education is depoliticised.

The aim of this essay is to show the importance of faculty collaboration in combating structural educational inequities and how it can help to radically reimagine pedagogy and higher education in the pandemic and beyond. Abolitionist teaching and pedagogy can begin with peer exchange--a teaching commons--that can support faculty before they even step into their classrooms. The authors present a practice of intellectual commons that is dynamic--a product of the uncertain, changing work conditions that faculty faces in endemic times, and an effort to imagine a future, where teaching in the university is not a siloed exercise, but rather a practice is done in communality. The authors see a dialogical exchange of equity-minded pedagogies, victories, and failures, as creating an abolitionist commons.

This theoretical paper focuses on the creation of the overly criminalistic Latin@ stereotype in the United States as a response to growing numbers of immigrants threatening white hegemony. As a mechanism of social control, Latin@s have faced inequitable treatment within the judicial and school systems of the United States. This paper examines criminality literature and its focus on the white/black binary before a legal system evolution that controls Latin@s. Social, legal, and racial control of Latin@s has occurred via negative public sentiment, inequitable juror practices, biased judicial sentencing and leniency, over-policing, and the "War on Drugs."

Drawing on the analysis of discursive shifts in the constructions of teachers' roles during the twentieth century in the Russian Federation, this paper argues that pedagogy becomes redefined based on the political elites' vision for the society's future. During the Soviet era, teachers were expected to play a key role in social transformation. In order to transform the world, they were expected to deploy humanistic pedagogy to help all students realise their potential. During the post-Soviet era, this vision was abandoned. As teachers were expected to fulfil the function of social control, they were called to adopt technocratic pedagogy that comprised principles of psychologisation, individualisation, pathologisation, and depoliticisation. Psychologisation of teachers' roles and pathologisation of diversity became deployed to "adapt students to the world" by addressing problems "within" students rather than in the society. The significance of this paper lies in demonstrating connections between shifting discourses of teachers' roles, pedagogy, and pursuit of social transformation or conservative social change.

How might an erotic pedagogy come to emancipate girls' corpo-subjectivities shaped by compulsive heterosexuality? We sail our 'tercermundistas' girlhoods doing a visual collective biography in round trips between a neoliberal country and an island with communist ambitions. Through unravelling common entangled introjections of compulsive heterosexuality -- a control dispositive entrenched in the colonial/modern gender system -- , we invent "desiring conviviality" to validate the potential creative hope triggered by persistent practices of warm-welcoming minimal differences or desires. This is a po(ethic) onto-epistemological dislocation to queer-decolonise the promise of peace semiotically linked to 'convivencia' in Education, embracing a chaotic, imaginative, and passionate critical conviviality instead.

Reflecting on the current political atmosphere, the increasing incidents of hate speech and hate crimes, and the rampant mass shootings in the United States inevitably requires educators to consider ways to confront the divisive political zeitgeist and to help students recognize the intricate layers of political life. It is not surprising that a recent study in the U.S. found that nearly 9 percent of school principals (who participated in the study) reported that the contentious political environment negatively affected the sense of community in the school, and more than 80 percent reported that there is a great inflation of racial remarks in their schools. In general, the study found an increase of uncivil behaviors among students and a growing sense of fear and anxiety among students from minority communities. In this article, Dan Mamlok considers ambivalence, or "the state of having mixed feelings or contradictory ideas about something or someone," as a means for mitigating contentiousness and advancing a more critical understanding of political and social matters. Namely, in addition to being in the state of uncertainty, ambivalence encompasses a dilemma that is grounded in an opposite disposition toward something. Drawing from Bauman's accounts of ambivalence or, more exactly, the rejection of ambivalence by modernity, Mamlok considers the construction of the other. He first reviews some key ideas of Bauman's thoughts on modernity, ambivalence, and the other. He then focuses on two prime aspects of Bauman's theory: (1) The authority of knowledge in a liquid world; and (2) socializing and indoctrinating members of society. Mamlok contends that both aspects render pedagogical implications. He argues that realizing how the mechanism of knowledge has been shifted is crucial for galvanizing a pedagogy that will move beyond instrumental reasoning and allow students to develop a more critical worldview of social and cultural issues.

This research has the purpose to explore implementation contextual character education in Senior High School in Buli village, East Halmahera Regency, Eastern Indonesia, and Remote Indigenous Community (RIC) role in addressing student behavior to improve education quality in that area. Sources of data from this qualitative research are teachers, students, village leader, and religious leaders. Focuses of the research are: (1) socioeconomic conditions in families who live in the remote areas regarding adolescent character; (2) the influence of mobile phones and the internet; (3) the role of the customary leader in the control of norms in adolescents; and (4) good habits in schools as an effort to implement the character education program of adolescents in schools. The results of this study showed that: (1) the economic condition of the family causes the child does not get the quality of attention and quality of time. Parents are preoccupied with working to sustain life, so schools are considered a burden because of school fees; (2) social media causes everyone to access all information in their own way and the lack of social control causes the use of social media to influence the pattern of relations and communication patterns; (3) the role of RIC can be optimal if supported by members who have better education, and awareness to promote education in their village; and (4) good habituation can arise if the school implements positive discipline and commitment to carry out character education in accordance with local wisdom and local culture.

Today, despite all sorts of scientific and technological advancements, financial and moral dissatisfaction, unhappiness, and dissatisfaction from life, mercilessness, intolerance, injustice, disloyalty and indifference to what is taking place have been increasing in Turkey, together with the whole world. Countries realizing this issue have made a number of efforts in order to give national and universal values to new generations, which also can be considered as principles of living together, to make them alive and effective again and create some new values convenient for the era. Social control that has almost vanished is aimed to be regained with these efforts. In this study, the perceptions of "friendship" value of 9th graders in secondary education institutions in central Ankara, which is also included in Turkish Language and Literature Course Teaching Program, were tried to be determined with metaphors. In the research, which was conducted in scanning model with qualitative research pattern, data gathering with metaphors that is a qualitative research technique, which is seen appropriate for data gathering, was used. The study group of the research consists of 107 male and 60 female students (with a total number of 167) who were taking education in five secondary education institutions in central Ankara districts in 2017-2018 academic year's Spring term. As a result of the research, the participants developed 20 different metaphors and these metaphors were grouped into five categories as "Gain Meaning With", "Result Depending on Importance Shown", "Giving Happiness with its Existence", "Indispensable", and "Guide". Most of the 20 different metaphors on friendship value developed by the participants were described as positive with abstract words; however, few descriptions that had negative connotations were also found. The participants had positive ideas about friendship mostly related to words with concrete meanings, and it can be evaluated that a value like friendship with abstract and moral aspect is materialized.

The study investigates into the impetus of grey-zone moral emotions underlying the sustenance of intragroup power relations in the times of ideological transitions of the late 18th and early 19th centuries refracted in the fiction discourse of the pre-Victorian era. The article is based on the assumption that the lingual representation of emotional experiences defines the emotional conceptual structure of the people and establishes social rules for emotion display patterns. A qualitative content analysis of the pre-Victorian novel corpus has substantiated the working hypothesis about the transitory mechanisms of ideological shifts facilitated by the dominant emotional repertoire across the social groups of the time. The paper claims the centrality of justice concerns in the ideological potency of the emotional experience of envy, jealousy, resentment, and resentment. An in-depth co-occurrence analysis of lingual representation of justice-seeking emotional reactions testifies to re-establishment of religious ideologeme JUSTICE displayed in a whole-scale procurement of resignation and inhibition compatible with placating vice-related experiences. The study argues that the restoration of the ideologeme under conditions of fixed social stratification is aimed at the exploitation of the emotional kindling of waning religious ideology for the accedence of a newly rising secular Victorian ideology. The analysis of the interconnectedness of lingual representation of grey-zone moral emotional reactions has underpinned the conjecture about their correlation to the system of religious ethics in determining an explicit display of strong feelings of injustice as outward enmity, impiety, and apostasy.

The research aims to explain: 1) Forms of hegemonic practices of upperclassmen to freshmen in college life at the State University of Makassar and 2) Levels of hegemonic practices of upperclassmen to freshmen at the State University of Makassar. This research is qualitative descriptive with snowball sampling technique used to determine the participants which consist of 25 upperclassmen and 20 freshmen class of 2018 and 2019 academic year. Data collection methods included observation, interview and documentation. Data analysis technique consists of three stages, namely: data reduction, data presentation and conclusion drawing. Data verification was conducted through observation perseverance and source and time triangulation. The results show that 1) forms of hegemonic practices of the upperclassmen to freshmen at the State University of Makassar include agreement, domination and intellectual leadership and moral and 2) the level of hegemony conducted by the upperclassmen at the State University of Makassar is in the decadent hegemony level. Relationship between upperclassmen and freshmen is good but only few freshmen who established intimacy. There is awkwardness between the upperclassmen and the freshmen during interaction. Freshmen are active in supporting the upperclassmen in student clubs at the department, faculty as well as university levels. It is because the freshmen feel reluctant if they do not carry out the upperclassmen direction. In addition there is also a sense of compulsion due to sanction used by the upperclassmen.

Traditional definitions and assessments of creativity often neglect to identify the complexity surrounding Black students' brilliance, leading to lack of access and funding. Further, even when recognized, Black students are often funneled into programs that do not facilitate positive development of their racial-ethnic identity. Through our systematic review of 155 publications, we developed the BlackCreate Framework to illustrate how effective Black creative educational experiences (BCEEs) create fugitive spaces for creative expression and education. Within these spaces, both societal oppression and community assets are explicitly discussed as a part of the creative process, providing students methods for adaptive coping and for addressing systemic inequities. Given these findings, we advocate for consistent funding and support for fugitive spaces to promote Black students' creativity.

The fact that humans are responsible for climate change is certain. But the "meaning of the fact" of human responsibility is not disclosed by stating the fact: there is a distinction between the two principles, "de facto" and "de jure," the right to state a fact and the right to assert the meaning of the fact. This distinction must be preserved in order that humans may interpret the nature of our responsibility, as a form of justice. In fact, the nature of human responsibility can never be exhaustively determined. To recognise the fact of human responsibility for climate change may only lead us to acknowledge that climate change coincides with the plundering and exploitation of the earth as a natural resource, together with the industrial pollution which fouls our atmosphere. It is something else again to know precisely what must be done, how to think and write and interpret the science, or even what can be achieved before it is too late to prevent the worst effects of global warming. In this essay I analyse the central claims of proponents of the idea of the Anthropocene, arguing that they are arrogant and perhaps even naïve: in particular, the suggestion that humanity and nature have now fused to become a geological force is shown to be theological in its orientation. The essay also exposes Anthropocenology as a form of pedagogy, meaning that rather than opposing the neoliberalism that it attacks, Anthropocenology joins itself to the biopolitical institutions of education, seizing power in order to govern a totalized human population all the more effectively.

This article sheds new light on the genesis and development of school supervision, and also on relations between teachers' milieu and inspectors in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, focusing on the experiences from Galicia, a crown land of the Habsburg monarchy, existing in the years 1772-1918. Drawing on Michel Foucault's methodological proposal found in his treatise "Discipline and Punish," it is demonstrated that school inspectors were a state social control tool. However, on the other hand, school supervision structures had a state-forming character; the experiences of Galicia in organising school administration and exercising school supervision in its territory were used in Poland after independence was regained in 1918. The Galician experiences are contrasted with reports from other countries relevant to the same period, making them a subject-matter of discourse relevant to the historical role of school inspections.

This essay looks at how the definition and use of the word propaganda has evolved throughout history. In particular, it examines how propaganda and education are intrinsically linked, and the implications of such a relationship. Propaganda's role in education is problematic as on the surface, it appears to serve as a warning against the dangers of propaganda, yet at the same time it disseminates the ideology of a dominant political power through curriculum and practice. Although propaganda can easily permeate our thoughts and actions, critical thinking and awareness can provide the best defense against falling into propaganda's trap of conformity and ignorance.

Throughout time, the predominant use of certain languages has allowed some nations to take control over others and assure for them a privileged position. This study unveiled how certain practices and ideologies in regard to bilingualism have influenced teachers' professional development. Data were collected through discussion group sessions, reflective journals, and protocols from five teachers from a private K-11 school in Bogota. Analysis indicated participants' discourses drew on "hegemonic," "colonial," and "manipulative" ideas. Nevertheless, when dialoguing and "peer coaching," a discourse of "resistance" was constituted. The study suggested further research into teachers' professional growth, bilingualism, and bilingual education in monolingual contexts as the Colombian one.

Settler archives are situated across the U.S. and housed within institutions such as university campuses. They were invented and placed strategically to help attune the world both to ideal representations of knowledge, understanding, and humanity and to their promises of salvation, progress, and development. In this essay, I argue settler archives importantly provide a window into the Western imaginary and the epistemic experiments that have had the structural and material consequences of "devaluing" and "eliminating" the co-existence of histories, memories, and knowledge and understanding; of "inventing" and then "rendering" the "other" absent or excessively visible; and of "couching" the possibility of the "other's" humanization only by their conversion to Christianity, civilization, and/or modernization. I claim they can both help us establish a connection between past and present epistemic rhetorical activities and issues and be used as important mediums for decolonial thinking and doing.

In a society where the politics of life is geared toward maximizing the physical and psychological dimensions of human capital to ensure economic growth, France's Inspectorate for Youth and Sports played a key role in disseminating a new mode of governance of bodies and youth--a form of self-governance based on the rising neoliberal values that emerged during the period of the "Trente Glorieuses." Representing a tiny minority in an essentially male bastion, a small number of women, cherry-picked for their expertise and effectiveness as inspectors, came to play a vital role in a new mode of youth governance aimed, against a backdrop of social control, at encouraging young people to assume greater self-responsibility and to take ownership of their physical education and activities. Guided by research in the human and social sciences as a basis for rethinking how physical education is taught in schools, women may be seen as key contributors to the emergence of a new "ethos" designed to develop the ability of French youth to adapt to the social and economic transformation of capitalist society by appealing to the psyche (superego) and self-regulation. Despite promoting a "differentialist feminism".

This paper aims to develop an approach on social deviance and Popular Education. In this sense, it assumes a basic analytical statement of the sociology of deviance: social groups create deviance by making the rules whose infraction constitutes deviance, and by applying those rules to particular people and labelling them as outsiders. Labelling occurs in all spheres of society. Those groups whose social position gives them weapons and power are best able to enforce their rules. On the other hand, Popular Education has been referring, for instance, to a general practice that covers a variety of social actors - from peasants to workers, women to groups of indigenous peoples and so on - and a variety of topics, whichever generate interest in promoting change. Taking into account such definitions, the paper describes Popular Education as an important alternative for the pedagogical work with outsiders. As an empirical demonstration of this perspective, it focuses on the Black Lives Matter Movement, the drug context and education in prisons.

Although teen dating violence (TDV) is internationally recognized as a serious threat to adolescents' health and well-being, almost no data is available for Slovenian youth. Hence, the purpose of this study was to examine the prevalence and predictors of TDV among Slovenian adolescents for the first time. Using data from the SPMAD study (Study of Parental Monitoring and Adolescent Delinquency), 330 high school students were asked about physical TDV victimization and perpetration as well as about their dating history, relationship conflicts, peers' antisocial behavior, and informal social control by family and school. A substantial number of female and male adolescents reported victimization (16.7% of female and 12.7% of male respondents) and perpetration (21.1% of female and 6.0% of male respondents). Furthermore, the results revealed that lower age at the first relationship, relationship conflicts, and school informal social control were associated with victimization, whereas being female, relationship conflicts, having antisocial peers, and family informal social control were linked to perpetration. Implications of the study findings were discussed.

Indoctrination is an ongoing concern in education, especially in debates about moral education. One approach to this issue is to come up with a rational procedure that can robustly justify potential items of moral education content. I call this the 'rationalistic justification project'. Michael Hand's recent book, "A Theory of Moral Education," is representative of this approach. My essay has three parts. First, I show that Hand's justificatory procedure -- the problem-of-sociality justification -- cannot serve the purposes he has in mind; it fails on its own terms and may even cause the teacher to inadvertently slide into indoctrination. Second, I argue that the causes of this failure lie deeper than Hand's particular approach to the rationalistic justification project; rather, it is the broader project itself that is misguided, largely due to its narrow conceptions of morality and rationality. Third, I offer an alternative way of framing the issue of indoctrination, by drawing on Aristotle's philosophy of rhetoric. My suggested approach recontextualizes the issue of indoctrination and brings into focus a broader set of relevant features of the teaching-learning situation.

This article emerged in response to the increasing ubiquity of the ClassDojo app, a Silicon Valley-developed digital communication and behavior management platform, in grade schools throughout the world. The author engages critically with ClassDojo by situating it within current scholarship around network governance, describing how the app may reflect a broader transition from Foucauldian disciplinary societies to Deleuzian societies of control. Through a focus on ClassDojo, the author provides an account of how technologically driven processes of 'dividuation' encourage a qualitatively different form of power--what Savat, following Deleuze, referred to as modulation--to augment disciplinary power's longstanding role in producing the 'good student,' the 'good teacher,' and the 'good parent.' The author argues that the modulatory effects of ed-tech platforms like ClassDojo mark an important shift away from schools as sites for the "production" of neoliberalised "individuals" and toward schools as networked nodes for the anticipation of "dividuals."

In the context of neoliberal reforms, teacher education policy discourses have shifted away from social justice imperatives toward technocratic approaches. I examine these shifts by applying the tools of critical policy and discourse analysis to accreditation standards and other policy texts of the last decade. Using Marcuse's theory of one-dimensional subjects, I analyze how teacher education policy discourses position teachers as agents of social control whose work is to preserve the status quo and to legitimize the current structures of domination. This positioning is accomplished through the technocratization of teacher knowledge and depoliticization of diversity and equity in teacher preparation. The significance of this analysis lies in establishing connections between the technocratization of teaching pursued by the recent wave of teacher education policy discourses and the maintenance of inequality that teacher education redesign is expected to support.

Despite mounting evidence that zero-tolerance policies do not deter misbehavior, teachers and administrators continue to respond to a range of student infractions through punitive measures, such as ticketing, expelling, and suspending students. Black boys, black girls, and Latinx students are most adversely affected by discipline in the era of mass incarceration. This article explores the staying power of punitive discipline by tracing how the Gun-Free Schools Act of 1994 (GFSA 1994) resulted in the emergence of harsh discipline systems and law enforcement in schools. It focuses on the ways GFSA 1994 ushered in a punitive infrastructure, law-enforcement entanglements, and school-based discipline policies and practices that inflict racial violence on black and brown children and youth. The following questions guided the inquiry: (1) How has GFSA 1994 shaped the discipline infrastructure of public schools in the United States? (2) How has GFSA 1994 created law-enforcement entanglements across the K-12 landscape? (3) How has GFSA 1994 influenced the function of discipline policies and practices on students by race and place 25 years after its adoption? and (4) What are the varied net-widening and net-deepening effects of GFSA 1994 across geography: urban, suburban, and rural? (Who is in more trouble, more often and finding it more difficult to get out of trouble?). Through presenting the net of social control that GFSA 1994 ushered in and its material consequences, this article conveys how school discipline reform will require a far-reaching policy agenda that is as bold and audacious as the tough-on-crime era policies that ushered in the era of mass incarceration.

This essay demonstrates how Deleuze and Guattari's notion of 'microfascism' is of crucial importance to understanding the complexities of contemporary pedagogical efforts to combat populism, right-wing extremism, and fascism. The author discusses how 'affect' and 'biopower' are entangled in everyday processes of discipline and control, and argues that these concepts are pivotal for appreciating the affective relations and capacities of microfascism. To illustrate how affect and biopower are intimately linked to microfascist practices in schools and classrooms, the author analyzes two examples--one in health education and another in citizenship education. Finally, the author suggests pedagogical strategies that could contribute to unmaking microfascist subjectivities, emphasizing that it is crucial to pay attention to the connections between micro- and macro-level fascisms.

Influencing others is at the heart of the management process. Managers use the influencing process for the purposes of controlling workers, using limited sources, implementing organizational change, breaking down the resistance of workers to this change, and enhancing the performance of workers of different from the managers' backgrounds. This study was carried out on data from two distinct samples (n = 361, n = 284) by an adaptation of the "Profiles of Organizational Influence Strategies (POIS): Influencing Your Manager (Form M)" and "Profiles of Organizational Influence Strategies (POIS): Influencing Your Subordinates (Form S)", developed by Kipnis and Schmidt (1999) to Turkish culture and findings about the adaptation's validity and reliability values. In the first sample analyses, the results of the study indicated that the scale had high construct validity and internal consistency coefficients. These six factors were termed as: "Friendliness", "Reason", "Bargain", "Assertiveness", "Higher Authority" and "Coalition". In the second sample analyses, it was found that the scale has a factor structure not much different from the original factor structure. In the data analysis, seven factors are determined by Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) to determine whether these factors are composed of a consistent structure or not. The results of the study indicated that the scale had high construct validity and internal consistency coefficients. These seven factors were called: "Friendliness", "Reason" "Bargain", "Assertiveness", "Higher Authority", "Sanctions" and "Coalition".

This paper analyzes the effects of a support aimed at favoring the social regulatory processes in a computer-supported collaborative learning (CSCL) environment, specifically in a comprehension task of a multimedia text about Psychology of Communication. This support, named RIDE (Saab, van Joolingen, & van Hout-Wolters, 2007; 2012), consists in the instruction, prior to the learning task, from a series of communication rules extracted from literature about effective collaboration. The study was carried out with 60 college students, grouped in 20 triads. Each triad was assigned to one of two conditions: with social regulatory support or without support. The students did a face-to-face collaborative task of reading comprehension, using the strategy of collaborative construction of concept maps from the information presented in the multimedia material. The performance was valued according to the quality of the concept maps, and the level of collaboration perceived by each member of the teams was tested. We found that the condition with social regulatory support promoted higher quality concept maps; however, the social regulatory support had significant effect on the levels of collaboration perceived by the team members. In the conclusions are pointed the reach of these results for the design and implementation of collaborative interventions, based on the use of multimedia materials.

Education is not a neutral process, it can be used to establish and maintain conformity or be part of a process of liberation and social change (Freire, 1979; hooks, 1994). The Irish State's failure to acknowledge this lack of neutrality has characterised the formal education system in Ireland since its inception. From the introduction of the National School System of education in 1831 to the present day, the ruling force of the Catholic Church within education is evidenced in the gendered and conformist nature of this formal education landscape. Systems of privilege have been maintained and reproduced through education, in which power is exercised by means of exclusion, coercion and control. However, simultaneously individuals and groups of women have challenged this formal, religiously infused conformist education system. Their demands for full and equal access to mainstream education at all levels, including within the academy, served to challenge this hegemonic force. They also pioneered the development of innovative and radical forms of adult and community education as a means toward individual and community empowerment. This paper seeks to highlight women's educational interventions historically and socially through an explicit gendered lens and with a particular focus on community-higher-education. (A bibliography is included.)

When Colin Kaepernick, a quarterback with the San Francisco 49ers football team, "took a knee" during the playing of the National Anthem, he outlined his rationale for protest: "this country stands for freedom, liberty, and justice for all. And it's not happening for all right now." He also spoke specifically about police brutality and the killing of African American men and women at the hands of police: "There's people being murdered unjustly and not being held accountable. People are being given paid leave for killing people. That's not right. That's not right by anyone's standards." However the reaction was that he was disrespecting the National Anthem, the flag and the military. James Bryant argues that the flag, the anthem, and the military could become so fully intertwined is a powerful indictment of the failure to teach history in the schools. He blames policy makers, textbook publishers, and colleges of education who are more interested in obedience and compliance than vision or integrity, having all played a role. Having fetishized the military, many Americans arrive at adulthood utterly ignorant of the men and women who, often without having ever worn the uniform, advanced the cause of freedom for Americans. It must be a matter of concern that both the flag and the national anthem have become synonymous with the military rather than the freedom, democracy, or even the rule of law. He surmises that have arrived at this troubling place in part due to what passes for historical study in the schools, which sanitizes, co-opts, or erases the troublemakers who painfully yet relentlessly pushed America towards the more perfect union Colin Kaepernick has told us he envisions and for which he is protesting. He examines five social studies/American history textbooks to get an idea of how they portray, approach, and/or discuss the movements and people--non-military--that have served as freedom fighters in American history.

Primarily drawing from the works of Edin and Shaefer (2016) and Eubanks (2017), this essay uses their descriptions of the realities of people living in poverty as well as the structural and technological fortifications that are used to sort and confine them to a status of second-class citizen to show that poverty is a condition that limits the possibility of democratic interactions. While people living in poverty actively exercise their voice and agency in their everyday interactions, such representations of agency often go unnoticed or are unrecognized, are criminalized, and/or are completely disregarded. Instead of being recognized as experts of their own experiences and as sources of valuable knowledge, people living in poverty are spoken for and legislated against to the point where outside of their own respective communities, their voice is virtually non-existent. However, understanding that the elimination of voice limits democratic possibility by enclosing the plurality of possible futures, we can see how silencing a subset of the population forecloses the manifestation of citizenship. Indeed, the authentic experiences of people living in poverty effectively map out structures and outcomes that should be rallied against if we wish to chart a course toward inclusive active citizenship.

In the United States, thousands of young people reside in private schools aimed at reforming 'troubled teens'. These 'troubled teens' are young people who are considered to have emotional, behavioural and/or substance misuse problems. Therapeutic boarding schools are programmes that combine educational classes and group therapy in a self-contained residential facility that runs year-round. Case study interviews with former US-based therapeutic boarding school students demonstrate the role of sanism, adultism and epistemic injustice in constructing and regulating the 'troubled teen'. The schools' strict structure and surveillance culture could not override students will and their ability to find means to resist. The article's central aim is to centre the perspectives of former students and critique social control of young people in therapeutic boarding schools.

This article demonstrates how educational film in interwar China served the dual purpose of mass recreation and political indoctrination. It places educational film in China in the context of Chinese tradition and the predominance of utilitarian scholarship. On the one hand, China has a long history of using mass-recreational tools in order to influence and control society. On the other hand, foreign educational films available in the early twentieth century were not attractive to Chinese audiences. Hence, the boundary between recreational and educational film at the time was ambivalent and the combination of recreation, education, and propaganda was reflected both in the phenomenon of showing educational films and in the contents of the films themselves.

Spanish American independence leaders acted as both monitors and moralists for their emerging nations. Their adoption of the Lancasterian monitorial school system, along with their efforts to legislate new republican moral codes, revealed the contradictions that led to the failure of so many of that idealistic generation's dreams. They could not broaden literacy without opening avenues of expression to those new voices and thereby relinquishing some measure of control. They could not make a place for lower classes, women or indigenous people in their programmes and rhetoric, without jeopardising their own privileged position. They could not quite determine how to encourage individual freedom while maintaining public order. The widespread introduction of the Lancasterian monitorial school system along with new moral codes for behaviour suggests that these elites had a revolutionary plan to refashion their society, but were also deeply conservative in their desire to make the rest of the citizenry more like themselves.

Although there is a great deal of available material on using nontraditional resources for teaching sociology, the pedagogical uses of science fiction have not been examined for 20 years. This essay first asserts the need for an update based on changes in society and in science fiction over the past two decades. The paper then focuses on the uses of SF to teach sociology and critical thinking by describing how SF can help students to "make strange" (i.e., develop a skeptical, questioning stance), to "make believe" (i.e., develop critical and creative thinking), and to "make real" (i.e., use sociological concepts and theories). As illustration, the essay concludes with a detailed description of the use of Margaret Atwood's "The Handmaid's Tale" in teaching introductory sociology.

Because the work of scholars and student affairs practitioners is primarily confined within colonial institutions of higher education, their ethics of research and practice are also primarily bound by the same colonial perspective. Colonial practices perpetuate white dominance and therefore harm students, specifically those from marginalized communities in higher education. In this article, we draw from an anti-colonial perspective to complicate these ethics of research and practice. In this way, we intend to shine a light on and challenge the replication of colonialism in research relationships between researchers and practitioners. Utilizing duoethnography, we engaged an epistemology of theory in the flesh to interrogate and unpack the notion of ethics from our lived experiences. We examined ethics in research practice and ethics in student affairs practice. Through these domains, we explored who ethics were made for, in what ways ethics are a form of social control, and the role whiteness plays in how ethical decisions are employed. We conclude with an anti-colonial manifesto urging higher education scholars and practitioners to consider questions, challenges, and tensions for ethics.

The paper deals with the problem of historiography, presented in three stages: the first stage (50-90s of the XX century) is characterized by the introduction of a scientific apparatus expertise creating the preconditions of differences between concepts, the release of an independent direction of history of social and cultural activities. In the second phase (90-2000s) pedagogical research appears on the problem of the formation of different types of competence (professional, informational, social, psychological, communication, legal, social, cultural and educational). The methodology of historical and educational research created and refined conceptual framework of social and cultural activities. The third phase (2000 to the present) is characterized by comprehensive research in the field of information competence, substantiation of theoretical and methodological framework, the researchers conducted an analysis of the phenomenon of leisure activities from the standpoint of the theory of culture, an emphasis on cultural needs, which are the motivation for leisure-time activities.

It is often argued that as "consumers" of higher education, students, parents and leaders need objective, comparative information generated through systematized assessment. In response, we critique this trend toward reductionist, comparative, and ostensibly objective assessments in the United States. We describe how management has replaced democratic selfgovernance in higher education, and connect current managerial leadership with the use of assessment as a tool in furthering market based educational aims. Lastly, we provide an alternative view of assessment as an ethical, value concerned social practice that creates space for dialogue about how higher education contributes to learning toward the public good.

Studies in various Western countries since the 1980s established that teachers find themselves increasingly more subjected to outside control and are often reduced to enforcers of decisions made by others. This study presents findings from a qualitative study with 20 teachers in an attempt to discover i) whether teachers' work is being transformed and ii) what type of transformation, if any, takes place. It first analyzes the debate on changes in teachers' skills in advanced industrial societies and moves onto a discussion of the nature of teachers' work, the transformation thereof and the alleged deskilling of teachers. The study later presents findings from a qualitative research indicating that there are significant similarities and differences between teachers' experiences in Turkey and in developed countries. This study reveals that the deskilling approach fails to adequately account for Turkish teachers' experiences, agency and adaptability. Furthermore, while teachers do not regard rather detailed curricula and guidebooks as a restriction of their professional domain, they express the opposite view regarding interventions by parents, inspectors and others. Finally, the study demonstrates that educators in Turkey have strong concerns regarding the future of their profession.

There is substantial evidence that supports the theory that higher education and democracy are highly correlated. Throughout modern history, students have been at the forefront of democratic movements, including the 1989 pro-democracy uprising in China. Since then, and despite the increased availability of Western-style education within and without its borders, China has bucked the trend. Using system justification theory as its theoretical framework, this study investigates why a Western-style education in China has done little to inculcate revolutionary movements. Findings indicate that a Western-style education does not facilitate student desire for democratisation in China because of the control imposed on student behaviour by Chinese authorities, including student subscription to Chinese Communist Party endorsed notions of national pride and student ambition for postgraduate socioeconomic reward. Culturally grounded notions of social harmony were less evident than might have been expected.