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Issues concerning 18th-century German philosopher Immanuel Kant's theory of international conflict are examined, focusing on a reinterpretation that may apply to modern democracies. Topics include models that show probabilities for disputes decline among democracies.

The author believes globalization has changed international class relations, including concepts about class relations. Focus is placed on how globalization effects the reconfiguration of class relations creating a new global class structure with a new dominant class and a new subordinate class.

The process of making spaces into home places has become a topic of interest as the intensity and speed of global relations and the mobility of people increase. This article examines an Irish nationalist woman's struggles to make a 'homeplace' in a Northern Ireland border town, a space marked by long-term political conflict. It shows that the practices entailed in producing the material and phenomenological aspects of home take place in a transnational field and that transnational relations are enabling for this woman and her female working class neighbors. The article demonstrates the articulation of the personal to the political and links that relationship to struggles with the state and in the global political economy. It notes the power differentials in globalizing processes. The article concludes that these working class women extend their personal concerns to public spaces by connecting local cultural practices to transnational forces. Key Words: Home, Conflict, Transnationality, Nation states, Accountability

In this paper I explore the notion of collective moral responsibility as it pertains both to nation-states contemplating humanitarian armed intervention in international social conflicts, and as it pertains to social groups perpetrating human rights violations in such conflicts. I take the Rwandan genocide as illustrative of such conflicts and make use of it accordingly. I offer an individualist account of collective moral responsibility, according to which collective moral responsibility is a species of joint responsibility.

Worker-foremen relations in St Petersburg, Russia from 1905 to 1917 and in Shanghai, China from 1895 to 1927 differed fundamentally. Enmity between factory hands and supervisors was relatively mild in Shanghai and was not a significant factor in the 1925-27 First Revolutionary Civil War that culminated the 1895-1927 period. In St Petersburg, on the other hand, such conflict was a major aspect of the 1905 revolution and of the build-up to the 1917 revolution. These differences show that culture can strongly influence class relations.

As a means to engage the rapid escalation of violent conflicts in the Middle East, West, Central and some areas of Southern Africa, and ongoing civil wars and human rights [...]

This article discusses the international community's efforts to address the AIDS crises. Issues include poverty as a contributing factor to the epidemic, but it is also prevalent among people in a higher socioeconomic bracket due to the ability of men to purchase sex; the disease is also an obstacle to economic and social progress in many developing countries.

This article assesses the role of ethnic demographics and domestic ethnic rebellion in promoting international conflict. Three of the variables introduced examine dyads within which a common ethnic group exists. These variables are coded to distinguish the presence of a trans-border ethnic group that exists as a majority in both states; a majority in one state and a minority in the other; or a minority in both states. The pooled dataset, which covers the years 1951-1991, is analyzed using different types of data to account for both broad and narrow conceptions of ethnicity. The results indicate a strong and significant increase in dyadic conflict when two states share an ethnic group and an ethnic majority exists in at least one of the states. Ethnic rebellion is also found to significantly harm interstate relations when an ethnic diaspora is involved. Associations found between ethnicity and international conflict are most pronounced when international disputes involve fatalities.

Analysis of the impact of global warming on agriculture, trade routes, migration, and flood damage reveals that global warming will widen the divide of the rich 'north' and the poor countries of the global 'south'. The most at risk will be Africa, Latin America, Southeast Asia, India, and the Pacific Islands.

Scholars of international politics have been slow to address the fundamental issues that ground interstate conflict. Territory has frequently been cited as a primary source of contention among states, but it remains only one issue and not even the one most prevalent in the post-World War II time period. We take the first step toward understanding the broader theoretical link between regime type, issues, and militarized conflict by collecting new data on the issues in dispute between democracies from 1946 to 1992. We find that (1) a large proportion of the militarized disputes between democracies in the post-WWII period involve fisheries, maritime boundaries, and resources of the sea, (2) well-established democracies are able to remove territory as a contentious issue among them, (3) disputes between democracies have become less severe and shorter in duration over time, and (4) a majority of the post-WWII militarized disputes between democracies are not resolved. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of these empirical findings for the democratic peace literature.

Study of international ethnic conflict is a relatively new field, so international theory and social science have as yet made few contributions to it. Two of three ethnic conflicts are internal, with the rest described as 'wars of state formation.' Ethnic conflict of all kinds will probably proliferate as large-scale war becomes impractical and increasingly dangerous, so new methods of conflict resolution must become more sophisticated.