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Pre-registration for an Experiment on financial scarcity and temporal discounting. We manipulate financial scarcity with the household task, where participants have to manage the finances of a household over several rounds. In this experiment, we design the experimental conditions in a way that the scarcity and abundance conditions end the experiment with a similar balance.

Examining familiarity effect using detection judgement

Conjoint Study 1b is a replication of Conjoint Study 1a (https://osf.io/35k7m): In this fully exploratory conjoint study, we investigate, which aspects may make the participation in a LivingLab attractive. We will collect a representative Austrian sample to potentially identify subgroups that express more or less interest in certain LivingLab aspects.

Compare the duration needed for the recognition judgement and the intact / scrambled discrimination judgement

In this study, we aim to test the intergroup contact hypothesis in the context of social media (specifically: Twitter) combining survey data and data scraped from participants' Twitter accounts.

The Project´s main aim is to test the prediction of the temporal order effect, which states that counterfactual thinking tends to focus on the most recent event in an independent sequence of events.

This study aims to investigate the relationship between nonverbal behavior, in particular eye gaze and facial behaviors, on ratings of second language speech.

The purpose of this study is to better understand the phenomenon of “vaccine envy”. Envy is an unpleasant, comparison-based emotion that arises when a person realizes that someone else has something that the person longs for, strives for, or desires (Parrott & Smith, 1993; Smith & Kim, 2007; Alicke & Zell, 2008). The term “vaccine envy” was coined during the Covid-19 pandemic and refers to envy that is experienced due to others receiving the opportunity to get vaccinated. In May 2021, we conducted a first survey (Time 1) in order to investigate antecedents, conditions, and correlates of vaccine envy (for the preregistration, see https://osf.io/dmj5f). The present follow-up survey (Time 2) aims at examining changes in vaccine envy over the course of the pandemic.

How do the Big Five modulate EC effects and how do such moderation effects depend on interindividual differences in US evaluation

Previous research has shown that when people are distracted, they consume more food, during as well as after the distraction (van Meer et al., n.d.; van Dillen & Andrade, 2016), rate the food as less intense, and preferred intense tastes, such as saltiness and sweetness (van der Wal & van Dillen, 2013). Furthermore, Lyons et al. found that the more distracting a stimulus is, the more consumption is increased too (2013). The underlying framework suggests that by increasing the task load of the distraction, the cognitive capacity in a person is depleted, leaving them tasting less, and subsequently compensating by consuming more, which is called hedonic compensation (Oldham-Cooper et al., 2011). In this experiment, we want to test whether this phenomenon replicates.

This project seeks to examine intention-barrier gaps to participate in UK climate activism using a nationally representative survey of UK adults. The following research questions will be investigated: 1) How can intentions to take collective environmental action be translated into engagement with an activist group (Extinction Rebellion i.e., XR)? 2) How do intentions to take collective environmental action relate to different categories of collective action? 3) What factors predict social identification with XR?

We plan to investigate factors that might make the participation in a LivingLab Study attractive. Therefore, we present a sample of Austrians with flyers that avertise the participation in a LivingLab.

Experiment 2

Empathy and schadenfreude are emotions that often lead to moral prosocial behaviors or harmful spiteful behaviors, respectively. An outstanding question is what motivates people’s feelings of empathy and schadenfreude towards people from different groups. Here we test two prominent motivators of emotions: personality and ideology. Previous work has found that people’s ideological orientations towards respecting traditionalism (RWA) and preferences about group-based hierarchy (SDO) can impact intergroup emotions. Further, low agreeableness, low openness to experiences, and high conscientiousness uniquely engender SDO and RWA. In the research presented here, we examine the relationship between personality, ideology, and emotions, arguing that SDO and RWA will predict reduced empathy and increased schadenfreude but towards different groups. SDO will predict reduced empathy and increased schadenfreude towards low-status groups while RWA will predicted reduced empathy and increased schadenfreude towards threatening groups. We further extend past work by investigating a third ideology (left-wing authoritarianism), exploring its relationship with personality and emotions.

We examine the effectiveness of the concealed information test based on the attentional blink. Attentional blink is a phenomenon of missing a second target (T2) presented in the temporal proximity of a first target (T1), reflecting temporal constraints on attention (Raymond et al., 1992). When observers conceal their crime, we expect their hidden information to be inferred from their performance on the attentional blink task if more attentional resources are allocated to the crime-relevant T1.

Open-label placebos (OLPs) are administered without the deception of participants or patients. Placebo recipients are informed that they are receiving a physiologically inert substance or another type of sham treatment. OLPs have been successfully used to reduce stress and negative affective states. There are also preliminary findings that OLPs can improve sleep quality. However, the general evidence on the improvement of sleep quality by OLPs is still very limited, and further research is needed to evaluate whether OLPs are a suitable tool to improve sleep quality or to attenuate sleep disturbance symptoms in clinical psychological practice. The evaluation of possible interventions to improve sleep quality is highly relevant since more than one-third of the population in German-speaking countries suffers from sleep problems. Insufficient sleep duration is increasingly discussed as a risk factor for weight gain and obesity. Observational studies describe higher intakes of fat and carbohydrates in sleep-deprived or sleep-disordered individuals. For example, sleepier participants in one study reported higher cravings for high-fat sweet foods. This craving suggests that fatigue, short sleep duration, and poor sleep quality promote overconsumption of high-calorie foods. In this study, we aim to assess how an OLP (compared to a classic placebo intervention and a control group with no intervention) affects sleep quality and how this change affects reactivity to food stimuli (e.g., specific appetite, visual attention).

Food information has a high reward value for human beings, and may be more so for those who are overweight or obese. Attention bias towards or away from food stimuli appears to be related to clinical symptoms in disordered eating and obesity. A popular task to assess attentional bias is the dot probe task. However, several studies have shown that the dot probe task has low reliability, making it a poor candidate to study individual differences or assess changes. A recent study (van Ens et al., 2019), however, seems to suggest that, by using a long stimulus presentation duration (3 seconds or longer), reaction time index may have acceptable internal and good test-retest reliability; in addition, although eye-tracking based first fixation measure had poor internal and test-retest reliability, the total dwell time measure had excellent internal and acceptable test-retest reliability. But several confounding factors and major limitations in this study may affect the validity and generalizability of the results: 1) it was mentioned that the color and complexity between food and nonfood stimuli were carefully matched, but it was not clear how; moreover, important physical properties such as luminance and contrast were not controlled for. Therefore, it was not clear whether any bias observed between food and nonfood images might be due to potential physical differences in luminance, contrast, etc. 2) Only 20 food stimuli (10 for high caloric density and 10 for low caloric density) were used, each presented for four times in the experiment. The limited number of images raises the question of generalizability across different food images; and repetitive presentations of images raises the possibility that any bias observed might not be due to attention per se but might relate to memory. 3) It was mentioned that appetizing stimuli were used to draw participants’ attention but it was not clear whether and how tastefulness was actually measured, which is important given individual differences in food preference. Moreover, caloric density was used, but it might not be a good index of healthfulness, since healthfulness, too, can be subjective. 4) reliability was measured only by Pearson’s correlation, which is a limited measure of reliability; for example, it does not take into account systematic differences between testing sessions. 5) the food and nonfood images were presented for 3 seconds, which is much longer than typically used in the dot probe task. It is then not clear how presentation duration might affect attentional bias and its reliability. Therefore, we plan to conduct a systematic investigation of the reliability of eye tracking based attention bias to food images in the dot-probe task using both reaction time and eye tracking measures. We plan to do so in two studies. In study 1, we resolve the confounds and limitations identified above with a few key innovations: 1) to control for differences in physical properties between food and nonfood stimuli, we use diffeomorphic transformed images based on the food images to serve as low-level control stimuli; 2) to improve generalizability and avoid the memory confound, we will increase the number of food images from 20 to 288, with each food image presented only once; 3) to control for individual differences in subjective perception, healthfulness and tastiness of the food items are rated by each participant individually, with the ratings then used to divide the food images into four groups (low healthfulness and low tastiness, low healthfulness and high tastiness, high healthfulness and low tastiness, and high healthfulness and high tastiness); 4) to provide a comprehensive evaluation, reliability is assessed by Pearson’s correlation coefficients/intraclass correlation coefficients (ICC), standard errors of measurement, and Cronbach’s alpha. In study 2, we also systematically investigate the role of presentation duration and the role of image repetitions in attention bias, by manipulating stimulus duration (100 ms, 500 ms, 1000 ms, vs. 3000 ms) and repetitions (1 time vs. 4 times).

Stout and Dasgupta (2011) found in three studies that exposure to generic masculine or what they termed “gender-exclusive language” led women to feel ostracized. More concretely, when women were exposed to language that included only male referents (e.g., “he,” “guys”), they felt more ostracized/less belonging than when exposed to gender-neutral (e.g., “one”) or gender-inclusive (e.g., “he or she”) language. The purpose of this work is to conduct a high-powered replication of this effect, using the methods of their Study 1.

The purpose of this study is to better understand the phenomenon of “vaccine envy”. Envy is an unpleasant, comparison-based emotion that arises when a person realizes that someone else has something that the person longs for, strives for, or desires (Parrott & Smith, 1993; Smith & Kim, 2007; Alicke & Zell, 2008). The term “vaccine envy” was coined during the Covid-19 pandemic and refers to envy that is experienced due to others receiving the opportunity to get vaccinated. As Covid-19 vaccines are still limited at the time of this preregistration and the pandemic remains omnipresent in people’s minds, it is often assumed that vaccine envy is widespread, even though no reliable data on vaccine envy exists. In our study, we want to collect data on vaccine envy from people that have not yet received a COVID-19 vaccine as well as data on the perception of vaccine envy in individuals that have already been vaccinated. Moreover, we aim at examining antecedents, conditions, and correlates of vaccine envy.

This study examines performance on a novel attachment false memory task in children (ages 8-14) who are enrolled in an ongoing longitudinal study of neurobehavioral development. The attachment false memory task is comprised of 24 attachment scripts depicting everyday events involving parents and children. False memories for secure and insecure attachment lures are examined in relation to children's: (a) age; (b) past exposure to caregiving-related early adversities (e.g. abuse, neglect, caregiving disruption); (c) current security with their caregiver; and (d) psychopathology-related behaviors.

We examine the effectiveness of the concealed information test based on the attentional blink. Attentional blink is a phenomenon of missing a second target (T2) presented in the temporal proximity of a first target (T1), reflecting temporal constraints on attention (Raymond et al., 1992). When observers conceal their crime, we expect their hidden information to be inferred from their performance on the attentional blink task if more attentional resources are allocated to the crime-relevant T1. In this experiment, we use a skeletal attentional blink task where only two targets appear (without distractors: Duncan et al., 1994).

Immigrants are routinely seen as less "deserving" of access to social protection than natives. This experiment investigates whether inducing people to take the perspective of immigrants and empathize with their struggles - a form of de-biasing - can reduce the deservingness gap between immigrants and natives.

We examine the effectiveness of the concealed information test based on the attentional blink. Attentional blink is a phenomenon of missing a second target (T2) presented in the temporal proximity of a first target (T1), reflecting temporal constraints on attention (Raymond et al., 1992). When observers conceal their crime, we expect their hidden information to be inferred from their performance on the attentional blink task if more attentional resources are allocated to the crime-relevant T1. In this experiment, we set up multiple lags in which attentional blink is likely to occur because the effect of the valence of the prior stimuli on attentional blink would vary across lags (Santacroce et al, 2021).

Food information has a high reward value for human beings, and may be more so for those who are overweight or obese. Stimuli with high reward value may be particularly conspicuous, demanding our attention even when we are attending to something else. Yet, the nature and neural signals of potential biased processing of food information remains unclear. Moreover, despite decades of research, a reliable measure of food information processing remains elusive, making it a methodological bottleneck in obesity and disordered eating research. To address the nature of biased attention processing, we ask 1) how attention is biased toward two cardinal properties of food information, namely, healthfulness and tastiness, even though the food information is irrelevant to the task at hand; and 2) whether and how such processing might be dependent on the demandingness of the central task (i.e., perceptual load). In our previous study which has been preregistered, we recruited 32 participants and measured their responses to infrequent visual food information embedded in streams of other visual objects in EEG, specifically, by using a variant of steady-state visual evoked potential (SSVEP), oddball fast periodic visual stimulation (FPVS). The infrequent food objects (i.e., oddballs) are one of four different combinations in different trials based on healthfulness and tastiness: 1) high healthfulness and high tastiness; 1) high healthfulness and low tastiness; 3) low healthfulness and high tastiness; and 4) low healthfulness and low tastiness. The perceptual load of the central task is either low (detection of a certain color of letters) or high (detection of certain combinations of color and identity of letters). In this study, the results demonstrated robust and reliable implicit categorization of food information at the individual level for all 32 participants, with the effect not modulated by perceptual load or tastiness (but might be by healthfulness). Since oddball FPVS is a novel paradigm applied to studying food information processing, it would be critical to replicate the findings in order to develop FPVS as a reliable measure of food information processing as well as apply this tool to obesity or other clinical sample with eating disorders. In particular, the modulating effect of healthfulness observed was not salient and requires further evidence. Furthermore, the lack of modulation by tastiness and perceptual load also warrants replication. Therefore, we plan to conduct a replication study with the same paradigm and sample size to validate our previous findings.

This study was pre-registered before participant data collection began, but after research assistant coding began. The registration includes two documents: the pre-registration document containing methodological details and the content coding scheme.

This study is part of a larger project that examines whether specific personality traits may be associated with group-based relative deprivation. In a previous correlational study, we found a significant (negative) association between (trait) modesty and group-based relative deprivation, amongst White Americans (i.e., a high-status, or “structurally advantaged” group), but not amongst Black Americans (i.e., a low-status, or “structurally disadvantaged” group). In the present study we aimed to examine whether this effect replicates amongst Men (ie., a high-status, or “structurally advantaged” group) and Women (i.e., a low-status or “structurally disadvantaged” group).

This is an addendum to our initial pre-registration (“Pre-registration diversity dilution 1Oct2021.pdf”) after we have already collected data. The addendum document ("Pre-registration ADDENDUM diversity dilution 25Oct2021") contains extra analyses not included in the original pre-registration.

Study 2 of the larger project "Selbst-effects of public vs. private opinion expression": The experimental study manipulates the public vs. private context of opinion expression (new manipulation compared to study 1). It tests the effects on elaboration, expression composition, issue interest, perceived expertise, and behavioral intention.

Perceptual decision making is an action to choose an option among a list of available choices, typically from two choices over a short time period (e.g. recognising if a traffic light is red or green during driving). Computational, neural, cognitive and behavioural theories have merged to describe that this dynamic behaviour of perceptual decision making is a consequence of competitions between accumulating sensory evidence of available stimuli (e.g. gradually recognising that a traffic light is red because perceptual information of red light reaches a decisional threshold earlier than that of green light) [for a review, see 1-4]. Similar processes have been described by those theories in a voluntary condition where one is given a full control to decide to choose one stimulus over a list of available options (or even given a choice to choose none), competing between accumulating voluntary decisions within one's mind, which is referred to as an intentional (and also referred to as a voluntary) decision making [e.g. 5-7]. In our first study, we used the perceptual decision making task of the Serial Reaction Time Task or SRTT with an involuntary (i.e. choosing a highlighted cue while avoiding three other unhighlighted cues) and a voluntary or freely-selectable (i.e. choosing one cue among all of four highlighted cues) conditions. This study demonstrated that the voluntary condition showed larger RT improvement on tapping a keyboard key spatially corresponding to a visual cue presented on a computer screen after a series of the tapping training than in the involuntary condition. This indicates that cognitive processes of choosing a choice through one’s mind alone leads to faster learning in such perceptual decision making task than inducing an action through perceiving a highlighted cue that guides which key to choose. Based on the initial finding, our second study reduced a number of free choices from fully selectable four options to two freely available and two inhibiting options in the voluntary condition. In this new study setting, participants’ reaction time became slower at the beginning of training, but the voluntary condition still showed larger RT improvement across repetitions of training than in the involuntary condition. In addition to that, we set one of the two freely selectable choices following a same sequential pattern as the fixed sequence pattern in the involuntary condition. This design increased a likelihood of choosing the free choice more frequently and speeded up participants’ reaction time faster than the other free choice. This suggests that trained or familiar sequential pattern leads to a preferred or biased choice within such intentional decision making task, and participants’ reaction speed might be boosted by skipping the additional decision making processes of inhibiting an action to certain choices and directly moving into the decision processes of choosing a choice underlying the trained sequential pattern in the involuntary condition. The finding in the second study raises a new question: how important are the trained sequential pattern (i.e. trained sequential pattern in the involuntary or fully fixed sequential condition) and participants’ intentional choices (i.e. choices among free choices in the voluntary condition) in this dynamic decision making task? Specifically, which factor produces a stronger effect on the dynamic decision making task? Do those effects interact each other (e.g. effects are additive or competitive)? Do those effects link to and predict subsequent decision making patterns? If so, which factor leads to a better link and prediction? Is the link/prediction better when combined, or separated? Here, our third study aims to examine these questions, by assigning the two free choice - two inhibiting choice setting to all trials. In this new study design, the fully fixed sequential condition (i.e. previously classified as an involuntary condition) follows a fixed sequential pattern with a pair of two freely selectable choices so that participants will learn a fixed sequential pattern of pairs, but they also need to make a further intentional decision between the two choices. We will test if the trained pattern of pairs of two free choices or participants’ intentional choices between the pair lead to a better performance (e.g. faster RTs or accuracy) individually or their effects are interactive. Also, we will examine if these effects link to and predict subsequent decision making patterns.

The goal of this study is to assess to what extent loneliness is associated with self-harm thoughts in the next 90-minute time interval and to what extent the change in loneliness within a 90-minute time interval is moderated by self-harm behaviours within that same or a previous 90-minute time interval, all measured during daily life via the Experience Sampling Method (ESM). Additionally, we will investigate whether paternal and maternal relationship quality measured at baseline are associated with loneliness measured during daily life and whether relationship quality (paternal and maternal) measured at baseline moderates the moment-to-moment associations between loneliness and self-harm thoughts and behaviours during daily life via ESM. For this, we will use pre-existing data from Wave I (2018-2019) of the SIGMA study which is a large-scale ESM cohort study in Flanders (Belgium). Relationship quality was measured via a baseline questionnaire (i.e. the Inventory for Parent and Peer Attachment; Armsden & Greenberg, 1987) as part of a larger battery of questionnaires. Loneliness and self-harm thoughts and behaviours were assessed during a six-day ESM period as part of a larger momentary ESM questionnaire (see Appendix). Depending on the hypothesis, there will be controlled for age and gender which are assessed via questionnaires at baseline during Wave I, and for being in company and previous levels of loneliness which are measured via ESM in daily life.

Pre-registration for an experiment on financial scarcity and temporal discounting. We manipulate financial scarcity with the household task, where participants have to manage the finances of a household over several rounds. In this experiment, we design the experimental conditions in a way that the scarcity and abundance conditions end the experiment with a similar balance. To do so, the scarcity condition receives a higher endowment than the abundance condition.

People with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) are often judged as less engaging, less likeable, and more awkward based on nonverbal behavior alone (Grossman, 2015; Marchena & Eigsti, 2010). Such first impressions can have a significant negative impact on social development and functional outcome for individuals with ASD. Recent studies have also found that individuals with ASD do not achieve the same level of nonverbal coordination in their interactions as typically-developed (TD) individuals (Georgescu et al., 2020; Wadge et al., 2019). This study investigates whether impression formation by TD participants differs between ASD and TD individuals and is influenced by non-verbal interpersonal synchrony.

The study is an initial investigation of the feasibility of applying Bayesian sequential analyses to individual participant single-case data for rapid detection of whether or not the individual is benefitting from a low-intensity computerized cognitive training intervention for depression. Patients waiting for, or in follow-up from, outpatient psychological therapy will complete first a two-week period of daily symptom monitoring, followed by two different two-week cognitive training interventions. Data collected will be used to assess feasibility of a future formal case series using Bayesian sequential analyses to determine switching of interventions, and inform the analysis parameters for such a future study.

The purpose of an eyewitness identification procedure is to determine whether the police suspect is guilty or innocent of the crime in question. Rather than presenting the lone suspect to the witness for an identification attempt, it is generally advised that the police investigator first surround the suspect with known-innocent fillers. The rationale is that if the suspect is guilty, the eyewitness ought to be able to pick this person out of a lineup. If the suspect is innocent, these fillers offer that individual protection from mistaken identification as many witnesses who would have otherwise identified the innocent suspect identify a filler instead (e.g., Smith et al., 2018; Smith et al., 2020). Hence, the idea of surrounding the suspect with known-innocent fillers is that we can strike a better trade-off between correct perpetrator identifications and incorrect innocent-suspect identifications. But producing that improved trade-off requires that fillers be selected so that they are, on average, as similar to the witness’ memory for the perpetrator as is the innocent suspect. Lineups in which fillers prevent the innocent suspect from standing out as a better match to the witness’ memory for the perpetrator are called fair and lineups in which the fillers do not prevent the innocent suspect from standing out as a better match to the witness’ memory for the perpetrator are called biased. More than 40 years of research demonstrates that fair lineups lead to a better trade-off between guilty-suspect identifications and innocent-suspect identifications than do biased lineups and that a suspect identification from a fair lineup is far more reliable than a suspect identification from a biased lineup (e.g., Clark, 2012; Lindsay & Wells, 1980; Smith et al., 2017). In the present line of research, we examine how laypeople perceive the reliability of identifications made from fair versus biased lineups. In Experiment 1, we presented laypeople with (1) a brief description of the crime, (2) the witness’ brief description of the perpetrator, (3) a six-person photographic lineup, and (4) the position of the identified lineup member. Each lay participant viewed one fair lineup, where all lineup members match the witness’ description of the perpetrator, and one biased lineup, where only the lineup member who was identified matches the witness’ description of the perpetrator. On each lineup, participants were asked to the likelihood the witness had made an accurate identification. We posited that, counterintuitively, laypeople would judge identifications from biased lineups to be more reliable than identifications from fair lineups. The rationale was that the non-selected lineup members provide a reference group of alternative outcomes that can be contrasted with the identified lineup member. Compared to when only the identified lineup member fits the witness’ description (biased lineup; high perceptual contrast), when all lineup members fit the witness’ description (fair lineup; low perceptual contrast), laypersons might look to the non-identified alternatives, question why not one of these other persons, and lower their reliability judgment accordingly. As we expected, laypeople rated likely accuracy higher for biased lineup than they did for fair lineups (d = .80). In the follow-up experiments, our goal was to determine what information laypeople needed to know before aligning their perceptions of fair and biased lineups to be equivalent to what the research shows to be the truth. To do this, we incrementally added additional instructions to the lineup task in a series of three separate experiments. In Experiment 2, we added to the instructions that the witness identified the suspect. We expected that this inclusion would key participants into the fact that there is only a single suspect present in the lineup (and that the other five are known-innocent, or not suspected of the current crime). In Experiment 3, we instructed participants to keep in mind that the actual culprit might or might not be present in the lineup, which we expected to help guide them to the conclusion that the “correct” answer might be to reject the lineup (or say that the culprit is not present). In Experiment 4, we informed participants that the police designed the lineup by selecting known-innocent fillers from a database of images. We expected that this instruction would help participants to appreciate the intent with which many biased lineups are constructed—to increase the likelihood that the witness would identify the suspect. However, adding on these additional pieces of information had little impact on participants ratings. Throughout the next several experiments, we were interested in determining how lay participants responded when presented with a lineup fairness question, rather than a question about suspect identification accuracy. In Experiment 5 and Experiment 7, we found that participants rated fair lineups as “fairer” than biased lineups, indicating that they were sensitive to the lineup fairness manupulation. Furthermore, in Experiment 5, we found that priming participants with this fairness question attenuated participants’ preferences for the biased lineup over the fair lineup. In fact, in Experiment 8, we found that providing participants with the full set of instructions (tested in Experiments 2 through 4) and priming them with a lineup fairness question (tested in Experiment 5 and 7), led to laypersons rating fair and biased lineups as almost identical in terms of suspect identification accuracy. Save for priming participants with lineup fairness considerations, none of the subtle instructions we provided to participants had much impact on their accuracy ratings for fair and biased lineups. Hence, in Experiment 9, we take a different approach. We will present laypersons with a short passage describing the purpose of lineups to see whether giving them more of a conceptual explanation leads them to appreciate why suspect identification accuracy is higher for fair than for biased lineups. This passage makes four key points: (1) suspects are generated by using the witness’ description, (2) suspects are sometimes innocent, (3) eyewitnesses frequently make false identifications of innocent persons, (4) the purpose of a lineup is to see if the witness recognizes the suspect as the culprit, and (5) lineups can be a good measure of guilt when all fillers match the witness’ description. The passage reads as follows: When a crime occurs there is sometimes an eyewitness who got a view of the culprit and can give a verbal description of that culprit. Police will generate suspects matching the witness’ description. The suspect might be innocent, of course, and so police sometimes put together a lineup (either live or photographic) that includes that suspect and then show that lineup to the eyewitness. It is not uncommon for the suspect in a lineup to in fact be innocent (not the culprit). Because eyewitnesses often mistakenly identify innocent people, police embed the suspect among known-innocent lineup members. These known-innocent lineup members are called “lineup fillers.” In a typical lineup, there are five of these fillers plus the one suspect, thereby yielding a lineup composed of six people. The goal of the lineup is to make sure that an eyewitness actually recognizes the suspect as being the culprit. But if the fillers do not fit the witness’s description of the culprit, then maybe the witness will pick the suspect only because he best fits the description rather than because the witness actually recognizes the suspect as being the culprit. Therefore, the fillers should fit the verbal description that the eyewitness gave of the culprit. If the fillers all fit the description that the eyewitness gave of the culprit and the eyewitness still manages to pick the suspect, the identification is considered good evidence of guilt. We will also use five manipulation check questions to assess participant comprehension of the short passage. Participants will answer these manipulation check questions at the end of the study, after having rated the likely suspect identification accuracy of both a fair and a biased lineup. If participants do not rate suspect identification accuracy as higher for fair than for biased lineups, these manipulation check questions will help us to determine the extent to which that might have been attributable to comprehension issues rather than to the inefficacy of the passage. The questions are listed below, with the correct answers marked by an asterisk. Which of the following is typically true? • *Police develop suspects using the witness' description of the culprit. • Police do not use witness' description of the culprit when developing suspects. • Police develop suspects who look different from the witness' description of the culprit. • None of the above. Suspects in the lineup are _____ innocent. • Always • Never • *Sometimes • Normally Witnesses... • Are always correct. • Are always false. • Rarely make false identifications • *Frequently make false identifications The purpose of a lineup is: • To see if one of the fillers might be the actual culprit in the case • *To see if the eyewitness actually recognizes the suspect as being the culprit rather than simply being the lineup member who best fits the description • To make the task as easy and obvious as possible so that the witness will pick the person the police want them to pick • None of the above Identifications from a lineup are good evidence of guilt if: • *Fillers match the witness' description of the culprit • Fillers do not match the witness' description of the culprit • Regardless of whether or not fillers match the witness' description of the culprit • The suspect looks very different than the other lineup members

Identifying early predictors of child mental health problems is of critical importance to reduce the burden of mental illness and increase access to early intervention. Behavior in early childhood can be highly variable, and thus repeated measurement of child behavior may capture unique information about a child’s functioning. Similarly, psychosocial influences can vary from day to day, so repeated measurement of parent-child interactions can provide better insight into children’s early experiences. In the current study, we rely on repeated measures of naturalistic child behavior and family dynamics captured at age 3 years, in order to explore predictors of mental health in early childhood.

This meta-analysis aims at evaluating the use of serious games on mental health improvement.

We will examine whether agency and redemption in a turning point narrative predict self-esteem and life satisfaction in students transitioning from education to work. We will obtain insights into short- and long-term change processes of self-esteem and life satisfaction by examining interindividual differences in daily fluctuations across 14 days and interindividual differences in change across 8 months. Personal narratives can predict long-term changes in individuals’ psychological adjustment, especially during challenging periods (Adler et al., 2015; Dunlop & Tracy, 2013). Two characteristics that have shown to predict adjustment are agency (Adler, 2012) and redemption (McAdams et al., 2001). Possibly, a meaningful narrative constructed in an agentic and redemptive manner can guide people’s behavior and encourage them when dealing with new setbacks. Consequently, these narratives might indicate resilience, supporting individuals during challenging periods in living the good life. For young adults, the transition from education to work is often a challenging period, which is reflected in the vast interindividual differences in changes in self-esteem (Reitz et al., 2020) and life satisfaction (Haase et al., 2012). Students’ narratives about a previous turning point might help explain this interindividual variability. Additionally, a meaningful agentic and redemptive narrative could support young adults during challenging days and hence, predict less fluctuation in daily self-esteem and life satisfaction. Considering daily life when studying narratives’ role in adjustment is important, because daily fluctuations in self-esteem and life satisfaction predict psychological problems (e.g., Sowislo et al., 2014; Willroth et al., 2020) and hence, help understand processes underlying trait change.

In-Vehicle technology, such as a smartphone, has been shown to distract people from driving. Following the paradigm of Sall et al. (2014), here we will investigate whether the LED flashes that occur near participants can capture their attention and interfere with the detection of changes in the road environment ahead.

This project aims to identify the most optimal, concise, and valid assessments of several individual difference variables. These include one's experiences with eating disorders, body dysmorphia, psychological distress, anxiety, depression, grit, and emotion regulation. We will rely on two steps to achieve our aim: 1.) Use statistical analyses to explore whether it is possible to shorten existing scales in a manner that does not compromise their validity and reliability. 2.) Compare the psychometric properties of various existing measures developed to identify the same construct, as well the correlations among these, in order to better understand which of the existing scales may prove most useful among the general (rather than clinical) population.

The study has three tasks; the first two (i.e., a full MacArthur-Bates Communicative Development Inventory (CDI) and its shorter, item-response theory-based version – BabyLex-IRT) are filled in by parents of young children, while the third, a tablet-based word-comprehension task (T-Lex) is completed by the young child. Each task is administered twice, once as an initial test and once as a retest, with a duration of two weeks between the two tests. We recruit 18-month-olds in Göttingen, Germany and in the Oslo area, Norway. There are two aims in this study. First, we will measure the test-retest reliability of all three tasks. Second, we aim to measure how well BabyLex-IRT and T-Lex map to the full CDI. In addition to that, we will follow children longitudinally and will aim at evaluating whether performance at 18 months of age predicts performance at 24 months and 30 or 36 months of age, although this will make the focus of a separate preregistration.