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The experience of the Partido Social Democrata (PSD) during the post-revolutionary period (1976-1982) led to an ideological shift from the original social democratic credo to its current center-right position. In this tortuous path that brought the PSD to power at the beginning of 1980, the “impugnation” of the Carnation Revolution and its legacies, as well as the goal of reforming Portugal’s new democratic system, are key issues that have not been sufficiently explored. This article analyzes these aspects in the context of the so-called “Iberian Ebb” when certain Portuguese social and political sectors were influenced by the experience of the Spanish Transition in order to achieve a major convergence with the EEC model.

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Unternehmensgeschichte is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ler Historia is the property of Ler Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Germany's Social Democratic Party, the spd, was in government between 2013 and 2021, but until just weeks before the federal election of 2021, its electoral prospects seemed poor. The party was able to turn things around and surge, in the final period of the campaign, to a remarkable victory. This article sets out structural challenges faced by social democrats in Europe in general and in Germany in particular, focusing on policies and voters, coalition politics, and questions about party organization. It argues that in each area, the spd, with a mixture of sound strategic choices and good fortune, was to some extent able to extricate itself from the challenges it faced, and that its success owed much to the peculiarities of the 2021 election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postcards, long used to mark significant occasions in the lives of individuals, were deployed in early 1917 to herald wholesale change in the life of the nation. Following the downfall of the Tsar, censorship was nominally abolished and amid a fast developing market economy, many different publishers sought to take advantage, both to profit and to persuade. Within days of Nicholas II's abdication, postcards carrying revolutionary imagery were being offered in shops and kiosks, and within a few months, a wide range of different photographic, artistic, and satirical cards had also become available. This article focuses on commercially produced caricature postcards, adopting a broad remit to examine both anti-tsarist images satirizing the Imperial Family, and artist-drawn cards commemorating and critiquing the February Revolution. To this end, it has two main aims; first, to analyze the role of postcards as a political bridge between contemporary events and the Russian population; and second, to examine the key part played by private and commercial publishers in disseminating a broadly liberal interpretation of revolutionary events in the months after the Tsar's overthrow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study presents the final days of the Austrian Empire, the contradictions of the Viennese Revolution of 1918, and the establishment of an independent Austrian Republic, using recollections, newspaper reports, parliamentary minutes, and Austrian and Hungarian literature. The examination of the events confirms that the revolution in the ‘imperial city’ turned out to be—in the words of historian Pál Hatos—‘Viennesely jovial’. The changes were not imposed by the revolutionary masses, but in fact by the same representatives of the Imperial Council, who watched the collapse of the old system and then decided on the new form of state and government by turning themselves into a provisional national assembly. The transition— without blood, but not without atrocities and casualties—took only a few minutes. The Social Democrats praised the republic as an external expectation and an internal necessity, while the Christian Social Party and the Emperor, who renounced participation in state affairs could do nothing but accept the changes. The final decision on the state’s form was made only at the last minute, with the intention of maintaining calm and order and keeping the transition peaceful. First, in the summer of 1920, the Social Democrats went into opposition, criticizing the bourgeois character of the system; a decade and a half later, the Christian Socials would also be freed from the ‘revolutionary debris’ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political events and global socio-economic reforms carried out by social democrats in the early 20th century, expansion of the capital of Austria and the inflow of the working class caused the building of a “garden city” with rich infrastructure, parks and available and comfortable dwelling. The skills of advanced Austrian architects, ideological meaning together with economic forces, spatial concept and socialist slogans gave birth to a new architectural identity.

This article offers an overview of the Portuguese general election of October 2019 and of its impact in the ongoing evolution of the Portuguese party system. The election results are interpreted by looking at the socio-economic and political context in which it took place, as well as the protagonists, issues and party positions of the electoral campaign. Additionally, the process leading to the formation of the socialist minority government is also examined. It is argued that changing patterns have mostly been reverted and that the party system that comes out of this election is a more stable one. This was mainly due to institutional constraints that limit the potential of change. Nevertheless, the increasing role of the left-right cleavage, alongside the entrance of new parties in parliament might pave the way for future realignments of the Portuguese party system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is part of a comprehensive social, juridical and economic study that seeks to find solutions to the current geopolitical situation where the Russian Federation has expanded its territory using force without the consent of the Kiev government or EU member states on Crimea. This situation, in conjunction with the Syrian refugee crisis, with the political crisis on the government formation in Germany, with the Brexit, with the establishment of Austria's controversial government, the sanction of Poland by the Council of Europe and, last but not least, with the problems facing the formation of the new inland government may and should be analyzed together and is one of the purposes of this study, which will be partial analyzed and presented in this article. The author wishes to open a constructive scientific discussion with the academic bodies empowered to properly inform the civil society and not only without favoring any of the parties involved in this issue, namely: the EU states (Germany, Austria, Poland, and Italy) and the Russian Federation. The author presents the results obtained by the EU in conjunction with NATO's actions in Eastern Europe

The Social Democratic Party is one of the political groups established during the armistice period. The party was based on the Wilson Principles, where great hopes were nourished at that time, and was established to develop the Ottoman State in line with the needs of the age. The center of the party is Istanbul. An official application was filed on December 22, 1918 for the establishment of the Social Democratic Party. The head of the party was Hasan Rıza, who was both a teacher and a doctor, Deputy Chairmans of the party were Kazım and Retired Brigadier General Halit, the party's Secretary General was Yorgaki Habib, the party’s Assistant Scribe was Doctor Lebib, the party’s Cashier was Cemal and the party’s Deputy Cashier was Salim. The members of the party were Mehmet Sait, Teacher Osman Nuri, Teacher Abdullah, Attorney Cemil El-Subûti, Retired Colonel Hamdi, Captain Seyit Ali and İbrahim Bey. Although the Social Democratic Party does not leave a deep trace in Turkish political history, it is a remarkable political structure for the history of Turkish democracy; because it has a source identity in terms of showing the concepts of social democracy and social policy that are frequently emphasized by humanities today that began to be discussed in Turkey since the Ottoman era. In other words, the concept of social democracy and one of the first attempts to establish policies to be developed in this direction was carried out by this party. Therefore, the party is not a target point in the history of social democracy, but it is a signpost on the way to the goal. The Social Democratic Party, like many other political parties established during the armistice period, lost its functionality after the 1919 elections and withdrew from Turkish political life and it failed to turn into a long-term political structure. On the basis of the most original sources reached within the scope of this research, the Social Democratic Party and the party program were analyzed from various perspectives and various evaluations were made on these issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When, in 1908, the socialist Countess of Warwick presented the Rev Edward Maxted to be vicar of the Essex parish of Tilty, was she expecting the socialist firebrand that he proved to be? Determined to convert not just his parish but the whole of north-west Essex to socialism, the Rev Maxted fought the good fight, sometimes literally, pitting himself against not only the local farming establishment but also at times his fellow clergy, including the Christian socialist Conrad Noel at Thaxted; nor were his efforts welcomed by the agricultural workforce. His apotheosis came in the summer of 1914 when he played a leading part in the farmworkers' strike in and around the Essex village of Steeple Bumpstead. The outbreak of war put an end to the strike and marked the culmination of Maxted's campaigning days. Thenceforward he concentrated on his parish duties, moving in 1918 to Bristol and finally to the USA where he died in 1966, aged 92. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Parlamento Studijos is the property of Parlamento Studijos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)