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This article explores the complex relationship between civil society, social inequality, and nationhood through examining the motivations of elite members of Welsh civil society as they volunteer to serve on the boards of a wide range of Welsh charities. We interviewed nearly 60 trustees and patrons, all of whom enjoyed successful and influential careers in business, politics, or public service. Their narratives reveal diverse vocabularies of motive, but prominent within these is the desire to 'give something back', and not just to society in general but to Wales in particular. While their desire to 'give back' reflects an awareness of their own privileged position, their commitment to Wales can be seen as a response to the country's historic and current dominance by England, as well as a legacy of non-conformism and community. The article concludes by discussing the implications of these narratives for understanding the specificities of 'geographies of responsibility', civil society, and nationhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annual of the Faculty of Law / Godišnjak Fakulteta Pravnih Nauka is the property of Pan-European University Apeiron and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

À travers ce travail, nous avons tenté dans un contexte local qui est la ville de Midelt d’étudier la relation, les différences et les points communs entre le corps de la société civile et celui des partis politiques, d’éclairer les limites entre un acteur associatif et un acteur politique en se concentrant sur ce qui existe et ce qui doit exister. Pour cela ce travail dans lequel nous avons utilisé à la fois la méthode qualitative et quantitative, interroge le rapport entre le travail associatif et le travail partisan. Cette étude a révélé que certaines des activités de la communauté étudiée combinent entre ce qui relève du travail associatif et ce qui relève du travail politique, que travail associatif et travail politique sont plus liés qu’ils ne se séparent. Cette liaison se caractérise d’abord par la polarisation que l’acteur politique aborde vers l’action collective.

With the patriation of the Constitution in 1982, the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) inherited extraordinary political powers. In response to the Court's expanded power of judicial review, there was a sizeable increase in the number of political actors "intervening" in SCC cases. Scholars of Canadian law and politics are deeply divided on whether civil society participation in the courts—particularly as intervenors—is democratically legitimate. This important debate cannot be settled without an empirical evaluation of who intervenes. This research note provides an analysis of all the Charter cases heard by the SCC between 2013 and 2021. In contrast to the field's dominant theory on interest-group legal mobilization—the Court Party thesis—the findings reveal that equity-deserving interest groups, such as those representing women, have an irregular presence in Court. Instead, powerful actors such as governments and legal associations make up a majority of the "repeat player" intervenors. While further research is warranted, the research note concludes that without the maintenance of sufficient support structures, intervention may be unable to perform a democratizing function. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the notions of 'civil state' and 'civil party' as constructed by the Tunisian Islamist party Ennahdha through its process of 'specialization' in partisan action and its interactions with both 'secular' forces and the different groups composing – or are associated with it. The various conceptualizations of these notions reveal a multilayered political group, seeking to adapt to the new political environment by recombining the links between religious and political activities. Analyzing the debates that led in 2014 to the constitutionalization of the civil nature of the state and the controversies surrounding religiously inspired bills, as well as interviews with the various actors involved, we show how the reconfiguration of the Islamist movement into two components, a civil party specialized in politics and a faith-based civil society, does not imply a clear separation of state and religion, but rather the affirmation of a civil state inspired by Islamic values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La dictature qu'a imposé Fulgencio Batista à Cuba de 1952 à 1958 correspond à la catégorie bien particulière des « régimes sultaniques » si l'on suit la typologie proposée par le politiste Juan Linz. Dénués de toute idéologie mobilisatrice, ceux-ci servent avant tout les intérêts personnels du chef de l'État et de son clan. Certains de leurs traits saillants, comme le haut degré de corruption, le népotisme et le manque de professionnalisme, se dégagent clairement de l'analyse des activités de la Comisión nacional de deportes (CND) dirigée par le beau-frère de Batista. Plus près en cela d'un système autoritaire « classique », le clan au pouvoir a tenté de contrôler le mouvement sportif associatif et même de prendre en possession le Comité olympique cubain. La manière dont le mouvement sportif s'est opposé à ces tentatives témoigne de la subsistance d'une société civile intacte. Quant aux grands spectacles sportifs organisés et financés par la CND, ils n'ont guère apporté de la légitimité au gouvernement, étant trop marqués par la corruption et le dilettantisme répandus dans l'appareil d'État. Notre article reconstitue les fonctions et dysfonctionnements de la politique sportive sous Batista en s'appuyant sur de nombreux documents d'archives et des périodiques cubains, et en mettant à l'épreuve le concept de Juan Linz. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political allies, for example, parties, politicians, and civil society organizations, could be influential in grassroots mobilization. Yet, there are few empirical observations of whether and how these influential allies perform this role. I empirically examine the relationship between the influential allies and activists in Ukraine's Maidan. I focus on mobilizing structures at the local level, that is, 'local Maidans', that arose in 2013–2014. In this mixed-methods study, I combine administrative and protest event data to generalize across cases, and I use interviews with activists, party members, and knowledgeable observers in Ukraine's localities for conceptual and theoretical insights. The influential allies at the local level assisted in the mobilization of local Maidans across Ukraine. The presence of civil society organizations and opposition parties in localities, as well as interventions of local politicians created favorable conditions for mobilization, regardless of other factors such as the level of economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1990s, various efforts have been made to analyze interfaces between social organizations and the institutional sphere. The establishment of the field of "socio-state interactions" can be seen recently in Brazil. Although there is no unified approach in this field, its contributions have shed light on border approaches, advancing theoretical, methodological, and empirical analyses about the involvement of social movements in public policy. Seeking a relational approach to emphasize the mutual constitution of the societal and state spheres, I reviewed the concept of civil society in the Habermas' tradition, to highlight three critical aspects: the denial of the political (depoliticization); optimism (a normative association between civil society and democracy); and relationism. The reflections reinforce the analytical limitations of the concept and highlight the importance of mutual constitution to the analysis of socio-state interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Compte rendu

The interest in developing large-scale irrigation schemes to meet the food security challenges of Sahelian countries remains the subject of numerous criticisms regarding the negative effects of their setting up and operation: land grabbing, environmental degradation, increased household vulnerability, etc. Some of these criticisms are made by civil societies and populations affected by development projects, who feel that it is unfair to be deprived of the management of their land and the resources it contains. In this article, based on three case studies – Sélingué in Mali, Bagré in Burkina Faso and the Compagnie Agricole de Saint-Louis in Senegal – we show that conflicts over irrigated land are indicative of the population demands for greater justice in the governance of irrigated schemes. To carry out our analysis, Fraser's theoretical framework of social justice and its three dimensions (redistribution, recognition, participation) are exposed to analyze the claims expressed by the actors for the recognition of their land rights. Noting the relations of domination within our three irrigated schemes, we discuss the different dimensions of social justice in the governance of land through the analysis of the conditions of actors' settlement. Finally, we suggest that a "commons approach" could help place actors' justice issues at the heart of a fairer governance of projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Collectivus. Revista de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Universidad del Atlantico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As affirmed by the 2010 constitution, the Republic of Kenya is a secular country that promises both freedom of faith and freedom from religion. In practice, however, the realm of religion in Kenya is highly normative. The 2010s have seen the rise of a group seeking to challenge this status quo: Atheists in Kenya (AIK). The group met with fierce resistance, and its attempt to register as a legal society ended before the country's High Court. AIK's activism turned it into a social movement that demands a reexamination of the close ties between religion and the State. It is thus an important participant in a wide debate on secularism in Kenya. In addition, AIK may be read as a testimony to the country's present stage of democratization, which allows – if sometimes reluctantly – for new modes of social action and for the expression of claims that were formerly kept in check. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Initiatives that attribute expert status to 'ordinary citizens' proliferate in a range of societal realms and are generally celebrated for 'democratising expertise'. By tapping new sources of knowledge and participation simultaneously, such 'citizen expertise' practices seem to provide responses to the contemporary decline of trust in political elites and traditional experts that seriously challenges the legitimacy of democratic policy-making. This study distinguishes between three quintessential types of citizen expertise ('local knowledge', 'service user involvement' and 'citizen science') and, from an integrated perspective, critically discusses the value of citizen expertise for public knowledge production and democratic governance. Drawing on empirical insights and on theories of democracy and of expertise and knowledge, the concepts of expertise and participation are refined and quality conditions of citizen expertise are developed. The study argues that citizen expertise is epistemically particularly valuable when it is based on distinct, non-ubiquitous experiences and on collective, not just individual, insights. It contends that representativeness is key to the democratic legitimacy of citizen experts in the policy context and points to the key role of organised civil society in establishing the required accountability relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fasten our green belts toward a resilient and sustainable future (p.4) Wanjira Mathai A more resilient future requires urgent actions to establish harmony between human development and nature, especially after the COVID-19 pandemic. Climate change adaptation requires investing in green belts as nature-based solutions, where innovative grassroots action, local and indigenous knowledge, and gender equality are key. Mathai discusses the question, what does it mean to tighten our green belts? Food systems, the protection of the "earth's lungs," the reduction of waste, and the restoration of landscapes are mainly addressed. The Green Belt Movement, led by women in Africa, showed how grassroots action scales up and impacts through long-term sustainable solutions. Restoration movements and initiatives worldwide represent a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to restore landscapes for productivity, fight carbon emissions, and recover the ecosystem services to sustain human lives. Percepciones locales para la restauración ecológica (p.12) Ma. del Socorro Aguilar Cucurachi A partir de las experiencias sobre el Movimiento Cinturones Verdes, presentadas por Wanjira Mathai en el marco de las Kapuscinski Development Lectures (en febrero 2021), destaco la importancia de la di-mensión social en los procesos de restauración y delineo cuatro formas posibles en las que las percepciones locales se vinculan con la restaura-ción ecológica: (1) las percepciones como impulso para la restauración; (2) la restauración ecológica como objeto de percepción; (3) las percepciones sobre la participación local en la restauración ecológica; y (4) la importancia de las sinergias epistémicas, multiactorales y multidimensio nales. La restauración ecológica implica una base científi ca, que considera entre sus principios la dimensión social, con benefi cios signifi cativos para el bienestar humano. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship on state–civil society dynamics in neoauthoritarian contexts demonstrates that the space for civil society is rapidly shrinking worldwide. Faced with legal, administrative, and extralegal measures that restrict operations and resources, civil society actors are forced to choose between marginalization or co-optation. This article examines the ruling party–Islamic civil society symbiosis in Turkey and identifies mutual constitution as an alternative model of the state–civil society relationship in hybrid regimes. Defined as utilitarian reciprocity between the ruling authority and civil society actors where both parties expand and consolidate their respective domains, the mutually constitutive relationship between the AKP government and Islamic civil society actors has facilitated the consolidation of neoauthoritarianism. Drawing attention to the recent rise of conservative civil society actors worldwide, the article urges the civil society and neoauthoritarianism research program to shift its focus to non-state actors that endorse non-democratic socio-political agendas and function as co-constitutors of illiberal regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Synergies Roumanie is the property of GERFLINT (Groupe d'Etudes et de Recherches pour le Francais Langue Internationale) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How does religion shape individual decisions to participate in protests? On the one hand, past literature from Tocqueville's perspective has suggested that people's involvement in religious activities leads to engagement in civic activities. On the other hand, the Marxist approach has pointed to the possibility that one's religious belief may rather lead to decreasing participation in civil society. Combining these two conflicting perspectives, this study examines the influence of religious beliefs and activities on protest participation, an increasingly important form of civic participation in contemporary times. Using the World Values Survey across 48 countries, the author's findings provide support for the Marxist approach by suggesting that people's religious beliefs are significantly and negatively associated with one's participation in protests especially in non-Western religions. Additionally, while the results fail to support the Tocquevillian perspective that one's religious activities are directly related to protest participation, religious activities do have a countervailing effect by minimizing the negative influence of religious beliefs people hold on protest participation. This study provides important implications to further our understanding on the paradoxical relationship between religion and civic participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ليكون المجتمع قوياً وفعالا يحتاج إلى صحافة حرة مستقلة تدعمه وتنشر أفكاره بين الجماهير، وإلى مجتمع مدني يعمل ليمده بالأخبار، والأفكار، والحلول لمشكلات هذا المجتمع، والتي من أهمها وأخطرها على النفس البشرية اليوم ما يعرف: بحوادث المرور. نلقي في هذا العرض الضوء على جزء من تلك المهام الموكلة لهذين المتغيرين ــ الإعلام والمجتمع المدني ــ إلى جانب مختلف فواعل الشراكة المجتمعية الأخرى، من خلال مدى فعاليتهم فيما تعلق بالسلامة المرورية، مؤكدين على أهمية المسؤولية والشراكة المجتمعية إلى جانب الإعلام والمجتمع المدني، من أجل تحقيق الهدف الأسمى الماثل في السلامة والحفاظ على الأرواح والممتلكات من خطر حوادث المرور في الجزائر، خاصة وأن العامل الأول لتلك الحوادث كان دائما الإنسان بالدرجة الأولى، مما جعل تظافر الجهود والتحام مختلف الفواعل الاجتماعيةـ التي يشكلها ويمثلها الإنسان ــ ضرورة لابد منها من أجل الحد من المشكلة والوصول بالإنسان إلى بر الأمان.

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Sociology and human rights are sometimes perceived as Western liberal constructs. To do sociological studies of human rights in locations where both discipline and topic are contested, therefore, necessitates a sophisticated treatment of the relation between them if trustworthy results are to be generated. In order to do so, this article speculates on the potential of disciplinary development by assessing the conditions for doing sociological ethnography of mega-sport events. More specifically, it explores the ramifications of the International Olympic Committee's Host City Contract from 2024 onwards. This contract requires the event bidder to actively engage in the protection of human rights. But how can we explore ethnographically the execution of this requirement? Rather than resuming ideas on a 'syncretised' sociology as a response to the burdens of methodological nationalism and Eurocentrism, this article uses the IOC contract as an example and lessons from the Fédération de Internationale de Football Association's (FIFA) work on human rights to argue that there is an unexplored potential in improving sociological ethnographic research by adapting it to the specifics of a topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo es una apuesta por la ética cívica. El fenómeno social de la corrupción de los funcionarios públicos es el aspecto más destacado de la corrupción del Estado, pero tiene una explicación más amplia que incluye la pérdida del sentido de dichas instituciones estatales. Por eso, la ética cívica se hace necesaria para repensar el rol de la función pública y la devolución de la vitalidad a la democracia. Desde una mirada integral, solo desde la mayor participación ciudadana se puede ir venciendo la corrupción política y obligando al Estado a ser más participativo y justo.

Cette contribution vise à répondre à trois questions essentielles concernant la participation de la société civile dans l’élaboration des politiques internationales en matière de drogues. D’abord, qui sont les « parties prenantes » pertinentes et quels sont leurs possibilités de participation aux débats sur le sujet aux Nations Unies ? Ensuite, certaines de ces parties prenantes sont-elles parvenues à influencer de manière positive l’orientation des politiques internationales en matière de drogues ? Et troisièmement, qui sont les communautés les plus affectées et quelles actions pourraient être entreprises pour améliorer leur participation effective à l’élaboration des politiques anti-drogue qui affectent directement leurs vies ? À partir d’un examen de la terminologie entourant les notions de société civile, de parties prenantes, et des communautés les plus affectées, la contribution prône une distinction plus claire entre les « détenteurs de droits » et les « porteurs de devoirs ». Masquer les déséquilibres de pouvoir inhérents entre les différentes parties prenantes risque de minorer les droits des communautés affectées et de légitimer une place à la table des négociations pour les entreprises en tant qu’« acteurs égaux » en dépit d'intérêts fondamentalement différents. En conclusion, cette contribution montre que l’implication croissante, durant cette dernière décennie, de la société civile et de certaines institutions des Nations Unies autour de la Session extraordinaire de l'Assemblée générale des Nations unies sur le problème mondial de la drogue (UNGASS) de 2016 a influencé de manière marquante le débat international sur les politiques en matière de drogues en permettant de porter plus d’attention aux questions liées à la santé, aux droits humains et au développement.

Cet article porte sur le contexte spécifique de l’élaboration et de la mise en œuvre d’une politique publique en vue de la préparation de grands événements sportifs en Russie. Cette question est analysée à travers le cas spécifique de la mise en place de mesures d’éradication des animaux errants dans les villes de Kazan et Sotchi avant les Universiades de 2013 et les JO d’hiver de 2014. L’article permet ainsi de mettre en évidence les subtils jeux d’acteurs locaux ainsi que les logiques néo-patrimoniales caractéristiques des politiques publiques de restructuration urbaine, amenant l’auteure à proposer le modèle de « machines de croissance néo-patrimoniales » spécifique au contexte post-soviétique.

Las Organizaciones de la Sociedad Civil en Chihuahua han desarrollado un proceso de reflexión e innovación en cuanto a estrategias de participación en el espacio público y en el posicionamiento de sus demandas sociales en la agenda oficial. En esta investigación, se analiza el origen y los cambios provocados por la implementación de las políticas económicas neoliberales en México y su correspondencia con los registrados en la relación entre el Estado y la sociedad civil, en particular, con sus organizaciones. Se expone el caso del Plan Estratégico de Juárez como ejemplo emblemático en los procesos de adaptación, innovación e incidencia en la toma de decisiones, y se argumenta a favor de una lógica de adaptación y resistencia ante las políticas neoliberales del Estado Mexicano, a través de la definición, negociación y renegociación con sus instituciones.

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Copyright of Social Science Information is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Social Science Information is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Yugoslavia during the 1990s. It is difficult to write a scientific article on the matter, therefore, the intention is not to analyze, elaborate or demonstrate certain deeds, but on the contrary, it aims to put forward the experiences of people who, while being at war, tried to document the events as they took place, present relevant facts, and information in order to better understand what was happening and transmit this to a wider audience, especially the young. This writing intends to show how the members of the civil society and other relevant institutions, formal and informal, individual and collective, oppose to the relativization of what happened and the abuse on the part of nationalism of historical events and the politicizing of the victims and the problems with justice. As future decisionmakers in the countries of the former Yugoslavia, the young must and have the right to know what happened in the nineties, because it is they who will have to make sure that it does not happen again. Above all, this article depicts the life of an «ordinary» person who finds himself in the middle of extraordinary circumstances, trying to do good for his fellow citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article assesses, through the lens of political science, the extent to which the Document has been favoring a State-led paradigmatic transformation in the Muslim world, consisting in the improvement of religious freedom and tolerance. The initiative of Abu Dhabi was embedded in this effort, structured within a merging interfaith dialogue diplomacy (Morocco and UAE in particular). It has provided however a major impulse to this effort, by generating an emulating effect on a series of actors, including those who used to be at odds with the values conveyed by the Document. Nevertheless, in the MENA region, resistance and criticisms, deriving mostly from powerpolitics, have been expressed vis-à-vis the initiative. Taking them into account can help insure the effective implementation of the Document in the Muslim societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Over the long eighteenth century (1689–1848), participatory government and imperialism expanded rapidly throughout the world, often accompanied by revolutionary upheaval and always accompanied by constitutional debates and reforms. This article argues for calling the era the Age of Constitutionalism, an Atlantic, indeed global, phenomenon that includes revolutions as one response to a constitutional crisis but does not marginalize non-violent movements for constitutional change and reform. This framing shifts the epistemological emphasis and meta-narrative to an object of change – namely, constitutional reform – and away from an extreme tool of constitutional change – revolution. It is especially critical for the political history of early Canada, which had no revolutions but underwent significant and contentious constitutional changes that were shaped by Indigenous peoples, settlers, and imperial officials. By shifting the focus away from the din of revolutions to constitutional debates, the sense of the range of political actors during these decades of global upheaval expands dramatically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Depuis les travaux de Daniel Gaxie, on considère que la démocratie représentative se heurte à un « cens caché » qui conduit une majorité de citoyens à s’abstenir de toute participation politique effective alors même que rien, en droit, ne les empêche de participer. Suite au développement de procédures participatives, plusieurs auteurs ont montré que ce cens caché valait aussi en matière de démocratie participative ou délibérative. Cet article interroge l’effectivité de ces mécanismes d’autocensure lorsque l’on étudie la participation des citoyens non plus dans le cadre de procédures politiques institutionnalisées, mais dans le cadre de processus de recherche. Il s’agit dès lors, en s’appuyant d’une part sur une étude quantitative menée sur les 9 297 projets de recherche du PCRD7 et, d’autre part, sur une étude qualitative de quinze projets collaboratifs en matière d’environnement, de montrer que la participation, en l’espèce, se heurte à un double cens caché participatif : du fait de la sélection parmi les citoyens et les organisations de la société civile qui participent, mais aussi en raison des modalités de cette participation et de ses effets sur le fonctionnement des projets de recherche eux-mêmes.

Le 19 Septembre, 2017 un fort séisme de 7,1 degrés sur l'échelle de Richter s’était produit au Mexique, et a causé de gros dégâts dans différentes régions du pays, comme la ville de Mexico, l'État de Mexico, Morelos, Puebla, Guerrero et Tlaxcala. Les glissements de terrain et les affectations ont eu lieu dans une vaste région géographique avec une grande diversité sociale. Alors que la ville de Mexico présentait des effondrements de grands immeubles d’appartements à plusieurs étages, à la campagne, dans les zones rurales, il y eu des petites maisons construites en boue où vivaient des familles pauvres qui aussi ont été très endommagées. Considérant qu’en 1985, la situation d'urgence était couverte par la radio à onde courte ; en 2017 la situation d’urgence a été communiquée dans les social média. Pour cette raison, le flux d'information était plus intense et a permis une participation des citoyens extrêmement efficace pour les actions de sauvetage, l'enlèvement des débris, la formation d'auberges, la collecte et la distribution de nourriture et d'autres biens essentiels. Cette étendue gestion citoyenne montre que l’État est inefficace et dépassé par la situation ; en outre il a soulevé une méfiance profonde parmi la population. Cet article se propose d'analyser le rôle des social média –principalement Facebook, Twitter et WhatsApp– dans l’organisation citoyenne pour la gestion de la crise humanitaire causée par le séisme et son impact sur la génération de nouveaux rapports sociaux entre les citoyens participant au séisme. Cette situation d’urgence fut génératrice de nouveaux tissus d'organisation sociale et peut créer de nouvelles structures sociales et politiques.

The glaring absence of gender persecution as grounds for protection in the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees , the cornerstone of international refugee law, continues to impact current refugee claims driven by fear of sexual and gender-based violence. Applying a transnational, feminist and intersectional perspective, our study presents qualitative research on this particular form of violence in refugee claims. The lack of a strong, comprehensive protection framework for survivors of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) in refugee law and policy complicates the process of claiming refuge. Refugee advocates have to think strategically about SGBV in refugee claims as they work within this international framework and national (Canadian) law and policy. In doing so, they (re)produce patriarchal gender assumptions. In addition, intersecting gender, race and national origin underlying legal categories make some refugee claimants more vulnerable to the threat of SGBV. Our study raises broader questions about the knowledge produced from refugee narratives about gender and gender-based violence, the role of refugee advocacy organizations, and the advantages and challenges of working with the state to advance the human rights of all refugees. L'absence criarde de persécution fondée sur le genre en tant que motif de protection dans la Convention de 1951 relative au statut des réfugiés , base fondamentale du droit international des réfugiés, continue d'avoir une incidence sur les demandes d'asile actuelles motivées par la peur de la violence sexuelle et sexiste. Considérant une perspective transnationale, féministe et intersectionnelle, notre analyse présente une recherche qualitative sur cette forme particulière de violence dans les demandes d'asile. L'absence d'un cadre solide et raisonnable de protection pour les victimes de violences sexuelles et sexistes (VVSS) dans la législation et la politique des réfugiés complique le processus de traitement des demandes de réfugiés. Les défenseurs des réfugiés doivent réfléchir de manière stratégique à la violence sexuelle et sexiste dans les demandes d'asile comme s'ils travaillent tant dans ce cadre international que celui de la législation et la politique nationale (canadienne). Ce faisant, ils (re) produisent des hypothèses de genre patriarcales. De plus, le croisement entre le sexe, la race et l'origine nationale des catégories juridiques sousjacentes rend certains demandeurs d'asile plus vulnérables à la menace de violence sexuelle et sexiste. Notre étude soulève des questions plus élargies sur les connaissances produites à partir des récits de réfugiés au sujet du genre et de la violence sexuelle et sexiste, le rôle des organizations de défense des réfugiés, et les avantages et les défis de travailler avec l'État pour faire avancer les droits humains de tous les réfugiés. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]