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Quick growth of Chinese economy heralded a shift in the balance of power in the Asia-Pacific. In recent years China’s growing assertiveness, manifested by growing military presence in South China Sea, has been perceived as a major security challenge by most of the countries in the region. This situation is not simply a result of the recent changes in economic and political situation in the country, but rather a manifestation of a long history of building economic and political ties in the region and materialization of Chinese ambitions. It seems that China is finally able to materialize its long-time political ambitions in the region. Other security challenges like the nuclear program of North Korea and changing political situation in Myanmar attested to the increasing uncertainty of security situation in Asia which affects the global geopolitical landscape. Change of power in the United States, and Election of Donald Trump as American president in November 2016 was a signal of another shift in the regional security situation. New president following the slogan “America First” launched a process of renegotiating existing security treaties with Asian allies and presented a mare aggressive stance on China which very soon turned into a serious trade conflict. This monograph illustrates different aspects of these complex power shifts and their influence on the current geopolitical situation in the region.

Overall, the subject has remained relatively understudied. In this context, this paper presents a broader picture of the importance of the topic as such. It does not attempt to present a complete picture of the role of historical memory in Chinese foreign policy. Instead, it identifies the main points of reference that should be treated as the invitation for further research. It also highlights certain new developments that might suggest what to expecct in the future. However, from the perspective of international politics, scientists have been somehow reluctant to study the impact of historical memory on states’ behaviour. In the academic world of IR, dominated by realism, immeasurable factors like identity or culture, have been considered largely insignificant in shaping international politics. If one defines power as one state’s ability to control a given sphere either militarily or economically, intangible factors somehow “naturally” get sidelined. Nevertheless, given the worldwide resurgence of nationalism as a political force shaping international relations and the impossibility of explaining it with purely realist means, some observers have turned towards a re-examination of alternative or subsidiary explanations of factors influencing states’ international behaviour.

Northeast Asia accounts for one of the most well-developed regions with the world’s three largest economic powers. However, as former South Korean President Park Geun-hye described, it also constitutes a “paradox.” On one hand, states are able to successfully cooperate on the economic basis. On the other hand, there are a number of obstacles, involving primarily unresolved historical issues and security concerns, that impede further regional collaboration. The aim of the article is to analyse the process of regional integration in Northeast Asia, with particular focus on Japan – Republic of Korea relations, through the lenses of neo-functionalism. The essay seeks to determine whether this approach could lead to increasing transnational ties in the region and ultimately improve international relations on bilateral and multilateral basis. Neo-functional theory of regional integration has been mostly applied to research on the European integration process. Consequently, there have been few attempts of testing its assumptions in other regions. Nevertheless, there seems to be substantial evidence to perceive neo-functionalism as a promising theoretical approach beyond Europe. Since neo-functionalists place supranational, transnational and sub-national actors at the centre of the analysis, the article, apart from the economic dimension, will elaborate on the potential of existing international structure, namely the Trilateral Cooperation Secretariat.

The aim of this chapter is to examine the efficiency of Prime Minister Abe’s hardline policy towards North Korea under his second administration. The analysis is conducted through the lenses of neoclassical realism. Apart from domestic factors (Abe’s “hawkish” convictions and anti-North Korean moods among the public in Japan), external stimuli will be examined, such as the US’s sudden shift towards soft-power policy vis-à-vis Pyongyang under the Trump administration and its impact on Tokyo’s foreign policy. It is argued that while ideological leanings of decision makers influenced the pace and intensity of diplomatic endeavors, it is the international determinants that delineated the general course of Japan’s foreign policy.

The purpose of the article is to analyze basic documents and statements on bilateral relations by both U.S. and China’s authorities. Main objective is to present a background for the U.S. – China relations based on analysis of these documents as well as political statements and experts opinions. Current misunderstandings between U.S. and China are mainly based on internal reasoning in order to secure the support of base electorate (Donald Trump) or keep alive the ideology of build-up and rejuvenation of a Chinese nation (Xi Jinping). Based on these assumptions the short-term perspective is rather negative with self-winding perspectives because of Trump’s determination and Chinese leadership growing feeling of necessity of a tougher response. The long-term perspective cannot exclude the possibility of reaching a compromise due to the transactional nature of Trump’s policies and China’s determination to keep the economy reforms standing which is impossible without U.S. involvement.

The Article examines the North Korean missile crisis situation. It starts with providing a background of North Korean nuclear program and identifying primary drivers of North Korea’s continued interest in weapons of mass destruction. The article analyses hypothetical solutions like military action and the ineffectiveness of the economic sanctions. The three solutions to North Korean case start with a plan to prepare a policy of regime transition, and are followed with an explanation why making Pyongyang feel more secure and helping to improve its country economy are crucial to achieving American goal, which is at least freezing its country nuclear weapons program.

This chapter is focused on the problem of income inequalities in contemporary China which is one of the biggest developmental challenges for this country. First this part of the analysis includes general overview on studied problem putting emphasis on instrument for measuring income inequalities, and general drivers of this phenomenon. Second part is concentered on the nature of this problem in China since the late 1970s, when country has faced a period of rapid economic development. Chapter also points out attempts taken by the Chinese government to reduce income inequalities.

China has a long history of fishing, trading, and settlement across the South China Sea. Recently, this maritime and economic history has been widely debated in Western countries as China reminds the world of her maritime heritage. Due to this disconnect, use of Western primary sources may be the key to unlocking the path for a common understanding of this history.

The aim of this chapter is to examine bilateral relations between Cuba and China since the establishment of diplomatic ties in 1960 till the 80s when both two countries strengthened cooperation. The paper shows reasons for conflict between Cuba and China which started in the mid-60s emphasizing crucial moments like “rice war” and termination of party relations. It also analyzes incentives which led to the process of reconciliation and normalization of bilateral ties. The author underlines the role of Sino-Soviet relations and Sino-American rapprochement as a crucial factors which impacted relations between Beijing and Havana but also argues that China has never seen Cuba as a security threat but rather target for “moral attack” to deprecate Moscow.

In 1964, diplomatic relations between the Government of Charles de Gaulle of the French Fifth Republic and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) were established at an ambassadorial level. This decision was made in the context of the Cold War and embodied in a French geopolitical strategy. At that time, China (PRC) had been isolated by the majority of the Western Powers, and its diplomatic engagement with France had allowed access to some new industrial products and technologies China had particular need of these as the Soviet Union (USSR) had withdrawn all of its technological investments in China during the Sino-Soviet Split in 1960. Some industrial contracts have been signed between the French and Chinese governments since the mid-1960s. Among these contracts, the contributions of the industrialists of Lyon were the most numerous. Paul Berliet (1918–2012) exhibited Berliet trucks in Beijing in 1965, and this was the origin of the first French technology transfer in China. In 1978, Alain Mérieux (1938–) presented in China human and veterinary vaccines from the Institut Mérieux. It is worth mentioning that these Lyon-China relations had originally been initiated by the silk industrialists of Lyon in the 18th century, and were further developed with the first commercial mission between 1843 and 1846. It was the first time since the 15th century, that missions referring to “New Silk Route” had been operated between Europe and China. Since the 19th century, the Lyon-China ties have also extended to many other industrial and technological fields, as well as to the field of education, with the establishment of the Franco-Chinese Institute of Lyon (Institut Franco-Chinois de Lyon) in 1919 in Lyon.

This chapter examines the role of Chinese Communist Youth League (CCYL) as breeding ground for crucial political leaders in China. Author shows the share of former affiliates of Central Committees CCYL in the 19th Central Committee of Communist Party of China (CC CPC) and compares with data from previous CCs. Analysis points out an insignificant correlation between engagement in CCYL and promotion into the CPC structures which shows the importance of the official youth organization of the CPC in the process of selecting the most powerful cadres of the party is overrated.

This study applies four alleged “sins” of American foreign policy – ignorance, lack of empathy, quick resort to military action, and arrogance – to America’s failed policy regarding the North Korean nuclear program. While that failure cannot be attributed directly to the sins, there is evidence that an approach not characterized by them might lead to better results

The main goal of this article is to examine policy of the United States towards Burma from the perspective of political science. First part of analysis is dedicated to political ties between Washington and Rangoon (later: Naypyidaw) till 1988 when mass demonstrations took place in Burma. Further, article concentrates on period between 1988 and 2011, when Myanmar has been criticized by the US over violation of human rights. Author points out that situation has changed in 2011 when Washington shifted its policy towards Myanmar from isolationism to engagement under Obama’s administration but Burma has been neglected once again with Trump’s coming to power, when bilateral relations were overshadowed by Rohingya crisis. On the basis of these factors, Author concludes that the US-Myanmar relations will remain unfulfilled for the next years.

China’s effort to build itself up into a maritime superpower has drawn scholars’ attention. Questions arise whether the Chinese maritime turn can be considered in terms of potential destabilization of the maritime border in the Western Pacific and Indian Ocean region, or rather, as a contributor to maintaining such an order. Those who believe that China’s maritime rise represents a destabilizing force, point at Beijing’s assertive posture in the East and South China seas. Other scholars argue, that Chinese navy (PLAN) has taken part in humanitarian assistance, disaster relief (HA/DR) and anti-piracy missions in the Indo-Pacific region, contributing to the international maritime cooperation. State-of-the-art analyses have focused either on China’s assertiveness, chiefly in regional seas, or on Beijing’s difficulties to catching up with a blue-water navy status in a global scenario. Rather than assuming China’s maritime projection as a uniform pattern, this study empasizes that Beijing pursues a twofold strategy. On regional waters, where its navy is capable of exercising effective military might, China operates assertively and does not seek multilateral cooperation. On the high seas, where PLAN’s forays suffer from weaker preparedness and training, Beijing has joined the international community in maintaining the world order. China pursued naval diplomacy efforts, as demonstrated by its participation in anti-piracy missions in the Gulf of Aden since 2008 and its contribution to numerous HA/DR initiatives. China’s regional assertiveness and its global cooperative posture reinforce Beijing’s maritime projection.