Search

Muchos escritores hispanoamericanos elogiaron la riqueza y virtudes de las capitales virreinales, Ciudad de México y Lima, creando un vivo registro de la relativa autonomía y el éxito económico de las élites urbanas que se beneficiaron de la globalización temprana. Algunos emplearon el tropo de la translatio imperii, sugiriendo la posibilidad de que estas ciudades pudieran rivalizar con Madrid o Roma. En este trabajo, considero el curioso contraste con estas representaciones presentadas por la memoria del periodo virreinal construida en el discurso de la independencia. Este discurso típicamente recordaba el periodo colonial no como un tiempo de autonomía y éxito, sino como un periodo de esclavitud. Muchos revolucionarios propusieron una versión de la translatio imperii consistente con este discurso, afirmando que iban a heredar uno de los imperios precolombinos indígenas. Simón Bolívar, sin embargo, sostuvo que Hispanoamérica heredaría el espíritu del imperio directamente de Roma. Tanto Bolívar como sus compatriotas reescribieron la narrativa tradicional de la translatio imperii en una narrativa de redención capaz de vislumbrar un futuro glorioso después de la independencia.

This article explores the obscene's potential to become politically subversive through the analysis of the performance video The Emancipatory Kiss (2013) by Venezuelan artist Deborah Castillo. Drawing from a theoretical corpus that brings together pornography studies and media studies, memory, and materiality, and that engages with iconoclasm as defined by Bruno Latour and Michael Taussig, I discuss the operations that enable Castillo's piece to perform an act of what I call "erotic iconoclash", which, I propose, makes visible and palpable the fragility of the power attributed to hypermasculine military figures of authority. I argue that Castillo's act of erotic iconoclash generates a residue—an intolerable secretion—in the image that resists being absorbed into symbol or narrative, that arouses and moves the audience, and that is not concerned with making sense of the world, but rather with un-making the world as we know it. In doing so, it opens up a way for us to rethink the relationship we establish with the dead and their many and varied afterlives outside the suffocating circularity created by acts of destruction and reconstruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

No começo do século XIX, revoluções por independência irromperam em muitas colônias espanholas nas Américas. Um dos líderes e maiores expoentes desse período foi Simón Bolívar, militar venezuelano que idealizava um projeto político particular para a região. Dessa maneira, a pergunta que este trabalho pretende responder é: em que medida as disputas de poder dentro das elites locais interferiram no projeto político de Simón Bolívar durante as independências hispano-americanas do século XIX? O objetivo geral é analisar o projeto político de Simón Bolívar em meio à expulsão dos espanhóis das Américas e às disputas por poder subsequentes. Trata-se de pesquisa com abordagem qualitativa. Quanto aos procedimentos, caracteriza-se como pesquisa documental e bibliográfica. Para isso, foram acessadas fontes em espanhol, inglês e português. Os resultados indicam que, no decurso dos conflitos, prevaleceram forças centrífugas contrárias ao idealismo de Bolívar, cabendo às elites locais o emprego do autoritarismo antes desempenhado pelos espanhois.

En lo medular, el libro de Pablo Aravena -La inactualidad de Bolívar. Anacronismo, mito y conciencia histórica- desarrolla una reflexión sobre el estatuto de la historia en el presente a partir de la idea de conciencia histórica, tomando como motivo la cuestión de la construcción política de Simón Bolívar. El concepto de anacronismo es aquí una clave de ingreso al tratamiento del problema de la conciencia histórica en el presente. Algo anacrónico -una idea, un personaje, una interpretación, etc.- es aquello cuyo uso -y abuso- lo pone fuera del tiempo que le es propio; “fuera de contexto” o “fuera de época”, son las expresiones coloquiales con que suele referirse esa condición. También es anacrónico atribuirle a determinado personaje ideas y convicciones que pertenecen al presente. En este caso, el personaje histórico resulta anacronizado. Esto es lo que, según Aravena, ha sucedido con la figura de Simón Bolívar.

Este trabajo se propone arrojar algo de luz sobre la casi desconocida vida europea de Simón Rodríguez, famoso prócer hispanoamericano y maestro de Simón Bolívar. Planteamos aquí la inédita hipótesis de que, en 1803, Rodríguez se desempeñase como valedor de Faustino Chacón, llamado «el incombustible», que actuó ante los científicos del Instituto de las Ciencias y Artes de Francia, y cuyas habilidades tuvieron una considerable repercusión en la prensa europea, especialmente en la francesa y la española. Las fuentes de la época recogen un interesante debate en torno a la observación científica y los límites de lo maravilloso que habría sido alimentado por el propio Rodríguez.

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article offers the first step in an ongoing project of revisiting the foundations of latinidad and lo latinoamericano by focusing on the exclusions enacted by the history of these concepts and the cultural and political identity that comes with them. In conversation with Susana Nuccetelli and Omar Rivera, the author focuses on two emblematic authors in the history of Latin American philosophy (Simón Bolívar and José de Vasconcelos) that are usually read as offering a novel, liberatory conception of the Latin American reality/identity, categorically different from European and Anglo-American conceptions. This common reading of some of the foundational texts on Latin American identity, however, conceals not only the active, textual removal of Blackness in the construction of this identity, but also the literal subtraction of Black bodies, lives, and histories from the Latin American nations and communities. Both of these elements are an explicit part of the philosophical programs of Bolívar and Vasconcelos. The article shows how the thought and political practice of these two authors, celebrated in different ways as foundational of what we understand as Latin America today, exemplify the exclusionary historical demarcation of latinidad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few language researchers reveal the visions and conceptualizations that Bolívar had about America and Peru through his words in his manuscripts. The objective of this linguistic study is to analyze the stereotyped and racialized voices in Bolívar's letters towards his arrival in Peru. Methodologically, a corpus of the epistolary correspondences from 1814 to 1825 was selected considering the containment of words such as "citizen", "slave", "Indian", "white", since their use shows meanings and ideologies of his own and of the period. In the analysis, the evolution of the concepts is observed, as well as the social representations embodied in the discourse. The paper concludes that through the semantic examination of the vocabulary it is seen that Bolivar tried to describe realities that were changing according to his own experience, travels and processes of independence, especially towards Peru, which responded to ways of believing or conceiving the Other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pocos investigadores del lenguaje revelan las visiones y conceptualizaciones que Bolívar tuvo acerca de América y del Perú a través de sus palabras en sus manuscritos. El objetivo de este estudio lingüístico es analizar las voces estereotipadas y raciales en las cartas de Bolívar hacia su llegada al Perú. Metodológicamente, se realiza una selección de las correspondencias epistolares de 1814 a 1825 que contienen fundamentalmente las palabras «ciudadano», «esclavo», «indio», «blanco», pues su uso muestra significados e ideologías tanto propias como del periodo. En el análisis, se observa la evolución de los conceptos, así como las representaciones sociales plasmadas en el discurso. Así, el presente trabajo concluye que a través del examen semántico del vocabulario se ve que Bolívar intentó describir realidades que fueron cambiando conforme a su propia experiencia, viajes y procesos de independencia, especialmente hacia el Perú, las cuales respondían a formas de creer o concebir lo Otro.

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Through various textual and iconographic supports (poems and other literary works, political and historical speeches, paintings, statues, films), this article analyses the process that led to the political and nationalist recovery of the figure of Simón Bolívar. It shows the extent to which the independence leader has been transformed into a hero, with its share of exaggerations, to the point that a form of mythification has sometimes taken place that is more akin to poetry and the sacred than to historical reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Entre la cantidad de publicaciones enfocadas en la temática del bicentenario de la independencia y nacimiento de la república peruana, se presentan también algunas que transcriben documentos de tan interesante coyuntura. Es el caso de El elogio a los Libertadores, transcripción de dos discursos realizados en la Universidad de San Marcos ante la presencia de San Martín, primero, y de Bolívar en un segundo momento. Este trabajo del historiador Ricardo Pinto-Bazurco nos ubica en el contexto en el que se leyeron dichos discursos, para luego entregarnos los textos mismos. Así, sabemos que estos se elaboraron siguiendo una tradición colonial, por lo que a la entronización de un nuevo virrey se elaboraba un discurso en su honor en las instalaciones de la famosa universidad.

La finalidad del presente trabajo fue diseñar un compendio documental con el fin de brindar una herramienta para el abordaje del curso Pensamiento Sociopolítico de Simón Bolívar de la especialidad de Geografía e Historia del Instituto Pedagógico de Miranda “José Manuel Siso Martínez” de la UPEL. El estudio fue concebido con un diseño bibliográfico de tipo proyecto especial. El resultado de la investigación, materializado en la elaboración del material, permitió integrar los contenidos conceptuales, procedimentales y actitudinales con la finalidad de que los estudiantes cumplan con las actividades y por ende el logro de los objetivos. En fin, este material constituye un aporte novedoso y una herramienta científica para el estudio de la historia y, en especial, de las ideas bolivarianas de Simón Bolívar.

Copyright of Carta Internacional is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Simón Bolívar y José Sebastián de Goyeneche fueron dos personalidades que idearon y defendieron distintos modelos de Estado desde el pensamiento ilustrado y el pensamiento católico, respectivamente. Nociones como nación, religión y libertad configuraron los ideales y las fidelidades; la autoridad y la obediencia; el orden social, político y eclesiástico. Este trabajo intenta aproximarse a la República constitucional bolivariana y a la República católica del obispo arequipeño reflejadas en sus discursos y epistolarios, en medio de un espacio público en tensión por subordinar y defender los deberes y derechos de la Iglesia y de la religión ante la estatalidad y el proceso de secularización.

Este trabajo busca construir un análisis crítico de las obras El General en su laberinto (1989) y La carroza de Bolívar (2012) a la luz de las teorías literarias contemporáneas. Partimos de la hipótesis de que las obras, por medio de determinadas estrategias escriturales y discursivas deconstruccionistas, proyectan, en la tesitura narrativa, dos nuevos paradigmas alrededor de la figura del General: la redimensionalización en el plano heroico de un Bolívar humanizado y latinoamericanizado en El general; y la deconstrucción total de ese perfil sublime a partir de la carnavalización y de la parodia en La carroza.

La investigación llevada a cabo en París en el verano de 1825 acerca de un proyecto de exiliados españoles en Londres para sublevar las Filipinas puso al descubierto la formación de una compañía inglesa para comerciar con aquellas islas, cuyos directores ―varios de ellos miembros del Parliament y vinculados al gobierno inglés― creían ya independientes. La correspondencia de la Philippine Islands Mining Trading & Agricultural Association transmite la idea de que, exclusivamente si las islas eran soberanas, esa compañía concedería un empréstito de hasta un millón de libras a las nuevas autoridades a cambio de privilegios comerciales. No obstante, dicho empréstito, ofrecido al capitán general de unas Filipinas todavía bajo dominio español, fue percibido como una incitación a la secesión.

The Carta de Jamaica (1815) is considered one of the most important testimonies of the South American liberator Simón Bolívar. When the manuscript vanished, historians were left with an English translation and assumed back-translations into Spanish, which heavily impacted the (Spanish) publication history for almost two centuries. This study of the versions of the Carta de Jamaica and the discourse surrounding the search for the original is carried out by applying Jan Assman’s text production process model. Assman’s model helps identify and understand the motives guiding translation endeavors and the different functions of these versions, which makes it a valuable tool for translation-historical research on key political, cultural, or religious texts. This paper also shows how paradoxical the usage and conception of translation is: it is conceived as a problem, used as a tool of analysis, and finally becomes the solution because through translation the version “closest” to the lost original is created.

This Article criticizes two trends on the Brazilian literature of communitarian law: A mental exercise that can only be termed as an “EU analogy” and a need to evoke the Congress of Panama of 1826 as the origin of Mercosur. As odd as it may seem, those trends are somewhat connected. Comparisons between the European Union and Mercosur abound in scholarly works, and they became so popular that a more simplified version of this comparison came into being. When explaining the current dilemma that Mercosur faces—or any other predicament as well—Brazilian scholars often tend to provide only one solution consisting in a vague reference to the supranational character of the European Union. This reference appears out of context and solves any problem. A trend so common as the EU analogy exemplifies that some Brazilian experts on communitarian law have also assumed an idealized version of our neighbors’ take on the Latin America integration. Apparently, Mercosur dates back to the Congress of Panama of 1826 and Simón Bolívar’s ideals on Latin American integration. The story faces several historical obstacles and yet has spread so rapidly that it has acquired the stature of a true myth. This work presents these two inclinations and contends that one relies on the other. Rather than providing an accurate explanation, as one would expect on a scientific text, they justify a certain concealed intent. This Article employs an inductive method of approach and relies on primary sources to explain the foundational myth so to prevent historical misconceptions.

This paper argues that, in the process of imaginingand making possible the modern nation in SpanishAmerica, the Liberator Simón Bolívar (1783-1830) resorted to the civic and revolutionary origin of the nascent States, rather than to ethnocultural uniformity. In this regard, his position was radically modern and antigenealogical, in that he asserted that the character unity entailed by the nation as a political community does not need to match the limits of na-tionalities. This paper draws upon Discurso de Angostura, deliv-ered by the Liberator in 1819, to show that, at the time of build-ing that great nation that should be called Colombia, Bolivar appealed to political and territorial premises, rather than to na-tionalist premises of linguistic, ethnic or cultural equality. In this regard, his constitutional proposal is in line with the tradition of republican patriotism and the ideal of the nation of citizens.

Copyright of Al Malweah for Archaeological & Historical Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Investigations conducted in Paris on the summer of 1825 into the project of some Spanish expatriates in London to provoke an uprising in the Philippines uncovered the foundation of an English company to trade with the islands. The company’s directors, several of whom were members of parliament and bonded to the English government, believed that the Philippines were independent already. Correspondence from the Philippine Islands Mining Trading & Agricultural Association suggests that only if the Philippines were a sovereign state would the new authorities be granted a debenture loan of up to a million pounds in exchange for trading privileges. However, the loan was offered to the commander in chief of a territory still under Spanish rule, which was perceived as an incitement to secession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Procesos: Revista Ecuatoriana de Historia is the property of Universidad Andina Simon Bolivar, Sede Ecuador and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Serão examinadas cinco biografias, duas destinadas à trajetória de Simón Bolívar e três à trajetória de Thomas Jefferson. A exposição foi dividida em duas partes. Na primeira, o cerne está nos capítulos finais das biografias dirigidas à liderança das independências da América Hispânica. Na segunda parte, serão analisados os arquivos de memória de Thomas Jefferson. Une as duas partes do artigo o pressuposto de que Bolívar e Jefferson projetaram imagens de si, legando projetos de memória à posteridade e caminhos ao seu próprio gerenciamento. Utilizou-se as biografias como fonte porque: 1. contribuem com e ampliam as perguntas que podem ser feitas a esses projetos de memória, a partir do enfoque comparativo; 2. auxiliam a averiguar como se estabelecem os cultos em torno dos personagens, cujas imagens se projetaram além dos espaços nacionais, sendo vinculadas ao destino do continente, pese a heterogeneidade das culturas políticas presentes no espaço americano.

La denominada “Carta de Jamaica”, uno de los más importantes documentos del pensamiento político de la Emancipación Hispanoamericana, llegó en 2015 a los doscientos años de haber sido escrita por el Libertador Simón Bolívar. El propósito de este ensayo es estudiar las condiciones históricas que dieron origen a este documento, el cual abordamos como el proyecto político de Bolívar en la lucha por la Independencia y la Emancipación Hispanoamericana. En ese sentido, después de caracterizar la situación política que se vivía en Europa y América, y pasar revista del estado en que se encontraban las fuerzas militares en pugna en Venezuela y la Nueva Granada en 1815, tratamos documentalmente de explicar las razones geopolíticas que llevaron a Bolívar a dirigirse a Jamaica, sus actividades en pro de la causa independentista en esa isla bajo dominio inglés, para finalmente analizar – en ese contexto – los argumentos expuestos por el Libertador y su proyección en la historia del pensamiento político latinoamericano y caribeño a doscientos años de su redacción.

This review compiles and analyzes a set of ten images related to the Latin-American Liberator, Simón Bolívar,that were never published as a single study. These ten portraits re-imagined by five different artists: José María Espinoza (1796-1883); Henry Riballier (1802-1889); W. Holl - M. N. Bate (1807-1871); Sergio Trujillo Magnenat (1911-1999); and Carlos García Arango (1930-2002), remain archived at the Museum of Art of the Bank of the Republic of Colombia in Bogotá. This study describes and explains the distinct motifs that are depicted in all of these reinterpretations of the image of Simón Bolívar.

este trabajo busca construir un análisis crítico de las obras El General en su laberinto (1989) y La carroza de Bolívar (2012) a la luz de las teorías literarias contemporáneas. Partimos de la hipótesis de que las obras, por medio de determinadas estrategias escriturales y discursivas deconstruccionistas, proyectan, en la tesitura narrativa, dos nuevos paradigmas alrededor de la figura del General: la redimensionalización en el plano heroico de un Bolívar humanizado y latinoamericanizado en El general; y la deconstrucción total de ese perfil sublime a partir de la carnavalización y de la parodia en La carroza. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to draw the attention of researchers to an undeveloped aspect of our Ph. D. thesis: the need to study Philhellenism in Simón Bolivar's Gran Colombia through contemporary press, and besides to locate the original publication of two philhellenic poems by authors who played an essential role in the process of Colombian nation-building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El presente trabajo revisa el bolivarianismo venezolano y su relación con los discursos y proyectos políticos durante la llamada «Gran Venezuela» (1974-1983), el momento en el que la combinación de una estabilidad democrática de dos décadas y los precios del petróleo hicieron de Venezuela una nación excepcionalmente próspera, libre y pacífica en América Latina. En este contexto, la democracia acudió al historicismo político bolivariano para legitimar su aparente éxito como una prueba de estar cumpliendo con el ideario de Simón Bolívar, tradicionalmente asociado al pensamiento conservador y a las dictaduras; así como para proyectarse como una potencia en ciernes dentro del Tercer Mundo.

El presente texto pretende acercarse al pensamiento político de Simón Bolívar a través del análisis de sus principales documentos del período comprendido entre 1805 y 1819, así como del contexto en medio del que estos fueron producidos, labor que, si se extendiera a la totalidad de los mismos, difícilmente podría ser concluida en un corto lapso de tiempo y mucho menos con el fin de la publicación de un artículo como el que nos involucra en esta oportunidad. Para esta primera entrega, seguiremos a Simón Bolívar desde su nacimiento, formación y despuntar político, hasta ser elevado y reconocido como El Libertador, en medio de su apoteósica recepción en Caracas tras la exitosa Campaña Admirable, apenas unos meses antes de su estrepitosa caída y los años aciagos que siguieron a ella, tema que abordaremos en la segunda parte de este escrito; un recorrido por sus victorias y sus derrotas a lo largo de este período, las mismas que contribuyeron a formar su carácter y lo hicieron sobresalir entre sus compañeros de lucha por su abnegación y coraje.

Representations of Simón Bolívar on the Centenary of his Death in Cromos in 1930 Representações de Simón Bolívar no centenário de sua morte na revista Cromos, em 1930 Este artículo analiza las representaciones construidas, con ocasión del centenario de la muerte de Simón Bolívar en el número especial que a esta celebración dedicara la revista Cromos, el 13 de diciembre de 1930. A partir del análisis de quince textos que, en su mayoría provienen de autores de la Academia Colombiana de Historia, se discuten las implicaciones de la heroización de Bolívar para el proceso de construcción simbólica de la nación y, más ampliamente, del continente americano, respecto del tiempo, el espacio y la población. Haciendo particular hincapié en el papel que España y América desempeñan en la representación del héroe, se pone de manifiesto la manera como la ovación a Bolívar constituye a su vez una oda a España desde el punto de vista histórico, cultural y racial, mientras que su americanismo se resalta desde el punto de vista geográfico y político. Se demuestra que la exaltación de la capacidad épica del Libertador iba de la mano de esfuerzos genealógicos para evidenciar la pertenencia de Bolívar a la raza blanca europea y para presentar el proceso de independencia, por él liderado, como una fase más de la misión civilizadora que, desde la Conquista, España había iniciado en América. El artículo concluye que la heroización de Bolívar llevaba ínsito un desprecio por el pasado prehispánico y un desconocimiento de toda historia previa a 1492, así como una representación denigratoria de sus contemporáneos. Asimismo, concluye que, en sintonía con el republicanismo de la revista, el Bolívar de Cromos es, en general, un Bolívar republicano. Para citar este artículo / to reference this article / para citar este artigo Cadelo, A. (2019). Representaciones de Simón Bolívar en el centenario de su muerte en la revista Cromos en 1930. Palabra Clave, 22(4), e2243. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5294/ pacla.2019.22.4.3 Recibido: 04/03/2019 Aceptado: 16/07/2019 Publicado en línea: 18/09/2019

O artigo propõe discutir as relações entre história e literatura na obra O general em seu labirinto, do escritor colombiano Gabriel García Márquez, publicada em 1989. Apresenta uma discussão baseada na historiografia sobre Simón Bolívar e destaca como o personagem foi construído pelo escritor colombiano, que lhe confere atributos caribenhos. Parte-se do pressuposto de que o romance mostra as contradições das representações de Simón Bolívar. Discute-se também o caráter utópico do projeto de Bolívar, a partir das considerações de Fernando Aínsa. Por fim, propõe-se pensar no romance como um diálogo entre o presente e o passado da Colômbia.

This study aims to explain the plot of the miniseries Bolívar (1983) by Venezuelan-American director, Betty Kaplan, from its beginning when Simón Bolívar is depicted in Paris, France in 1804, until the creation of Colombia in the Venezuelan city of Angostura in 1819. Fragmenting the scenes and the events related to the life and achievements of Simón Bolívar between 1804 and 1819, this article narrates all the matters proposed through the image of the Liberator and its context contrasting the plot with Bolivarian iconography, biography and literature in order to describe the events in which Bolívar is portrayed by Betty Kaplan. Furthermore, this article shares a series of original photographs from Betty Kaplan’s personal archive in order to illustrate the reader in a visual way.

This article explores some representations of Simón Bolívar, on the occasion of the centenary of his death, contained in a special issue that Cromos magazine dedicated to this commemoration on December 13, 1930. From the analysis of fifteen writings authored mostly by members of the Colombian Academy of History, the implications of heroizing Bolívar for the symbolic building of the nation and, more broadly, the American continent are discussed regarding time, space and population. Emphasizing the role that Spain and America play in the representation of the hero, it is noted how an ovation to Bolívar becomes an ode to Spain from the historical, cultural and racial point of view, while his Americanism stands out geographically and politically. It is shown that the praise for the Liberator's epic abilities is accompanied by genealogical efforts to prove that he belonged to the European white race and to present the process of independence led by him as another phase of the civilizing mission that, since the Conquest, Spain had started in America. In short, the heroization of Bolívar entails disregard for the pre-Hispanic past and ignorance of the history prior to 1492, as well as a denigrating representation of his contemporaries. It is also concluded that, in line with the republicanism of the magazine, Cromos's Bolívar is generally a republican Bolívar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is about the bicentennial of the Battle of Boyacá on August 7, 1819. It recalls Simón Bolívar's strong cultural education, which is attempted from the exegesis of the books in his library found in Guayaquil. Particularly, his proximity to and study of Benjamin Constant's constitutional writings stand out. The results of this assessment are contradictory. Bolívar appears as a great strategist of his era on the battlefield, an example of which is the Battle of Boyacá (but not the only one). Yet, his constitutional models are insufficient and inadequate, especially the Constitution of Bolivia of 1826, for its excessive presidentialism, power centralization, and disproportionate exceptional powers, which provoked criticism from Constant himself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article criticizes two trends on the Brazilian literature of communitarian law: A mental exercise that can only be termed as an "EU analogy" and a need to evoke the Congress of Panama of 1826 as the origin of Mercosur. As odd as it may seem, those trends are somewhat connected. Comparisons between the European Union and Mercosur abound in scholarly works, and they became so popular that a more simplified version of this comparison came into being. When explaining the current dilemma that Mercosur faces—or any other predicament as well—Brazilian scholars often tend to provide only one solution consisting in a vague reference to the supranational character of the European Union. This reference appears out of context and solves any problem. A trend so common as the EU analogy exemplifies that some Brazilian experts on communitarian law have also assumed an idealized version of our neighbors' take on the Latin America integration. Apparently, Mercosur dates back to the Congress of Panama of 1826 and Simón Bolívar's ideals on Latin American integration. The story faces several historical obstacles and yet has spread so rapidly that it has acquired the stature of a true myth. This work presents these two inclinations and contends that one relies on the other. Rather than providing an accurate explanation, as one would expect on a scientific text, they justify a certain concealed intent. This Article employs an inductive method of approach and relies on primary sources to explain the foundational myth so to prevent historical misconceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes to discuss the relations between history and literature in the novel The general in his labyrinth, by Gabriel García Márquez, published in 1989. It presents a discussion based on the historiography on Simón Bolívar and emphasizes how the character was constructed by the Colombian writer, that confers to him Caribbean attributes. It is assumed that the novel shows the contradictions of Simón Bolívar's representations. The utopian character of Bolivar's project is also discussed, based on Fernando Aínsa's considerations. Finally, it is proposed to think of the novel as a dialogue between Colombia's present and past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo analiza La carroza de Bolívar de Evelio Rosero (Premio de Nacional de Novela 2014, Ministerio de Cultura, Colombia) para demostrar que se trata de un libro que pone en evidencia el fracaso simétrico de dos de las revoluciones sociales más importantes de Colombia: la independentista de principios del siglo XIX y la revolución armada de la izquierda en la década de los sesenta.

After the collapse of the second Venezuelan Republic project and various other military failures elsewhere, Simon Bolivar managed to seize the region of Guayana in 1817, and set in Angostura as his base for guerilla operations against the Spanish. Despite the fact that he did not control the whole of Venezuela, he assembled a Congress in Angostura and delivered there his inaugural speech on February 15th, 1819. This speech, now known as the 'Angostura Address', is a prime document in the Bolivarian canon. Unfortunately, the Bolivar-hero cult rampant in Venezuela and Colombia (and to a lesser extent in Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia), has promoted an extremely uncritical reading of this very important document. In occasion of its 200th Anniversary, this article offers a critical -yet ultimately sympathetic- reading of the 'Angostura Address'. In this speech, Bolivar laid out his Enlightenment vision of freedom, yet he also displayed an authoritarian tendency.

ABSTRACT One of the fundamental objectives of The Jamaica Letter is the reflection on the features that should have the international order after the fall of the Spanish Empire. For its organization, Simon Bolívar appeals to the amphictyonic assemblies of classical Greece and invokes the Pan-European project of the Abbe Saint Pierre. This article traces the documentary sources from which Bolivar derives his notion of confederal union and inspires the unions treaties from 1822 to 1826.

After the collapse of the second Venezuelan Republic project and various other military failures elsewhere, Simon Bolivar managed to seize the region of Guayana in 1817, and set in Angostura as his base for guerilla operations against the Spanish. Despite the fact that he did not control the whole of Venezuela, he assembled a Congress in Angostura and delivered there his inaugural speech on February 15th, 1819. This speech, now known as the Angostura Address, is a prime document in the Bolivarian canon. Unfortunately, the Bolivar-hero cult rampant in Venezuela and Colombia (and to a lesser extent in Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia), has promoted an extremely uncritical reading of this very important document. In occasion of its 200th Anniversary, this article offers a critical -yet ultimately sympathetic- reading of the Angostura Address. In this speech, Bolivar laid out his Enlightenment vision of freedom, yet he also displayed an authoritarian tendency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between the late 18th and the early 19th century, some adventurers coming from the Italian Peninsula left the Old Continent and took part in the struggle for the emancipation of New Granada. Driven by a variety of reasons, they were involved in the pre-independence uprisings, were enlisted in the ranks of the Ejército libertador, and participated in the consolidation process of the new republics. Their biographic experience, in a large transatlantic and revolutionary movement, affected the curse of independence of new-grenadine territory and the birth of Gran Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Colombianos is the property of Asociacion de Colombianistas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)