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The post Cold War euphoria pervaded also strategic studies with the belief that future wars will be waged in a postheroic manner, to take Edward Luttwak' s famous catchphrase- technological intensive and almost cost free in human lives, they hailed the promise of delivering swift victories for industrialized nations. Our article issue a critique based on the sociology of Émile Durkheim and Georg Simmel and embeds postheroism in a wider notion called "war as an imagined community" arguing that postheroic operations work to the extent they are limited and cover in a solid narrative, both for the international community as well as for the impatient home public. The case studied here is the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war started in February 2022.

In a intimately interdependent global environment where one’s prosperity depends on the contacts realised with others, isolating one government or community is not only improbable but dangerous because the respective government might go rogue and in peril to be colonised by the most radical elements of its own nation. Such might be the case of Iran if US and other important players toss away JPCOA. Instead of playing according to a zero sum antagonistic logic, Washington might find neighbors of Iran and employ them so as to forge a partnership with Tehran. As such, a friendly Islamic Republic could a solution to many of the problems in the Middle East. Present study focuses hypothesis around a central questions: ”Are two civilisational-states such as India and Iran able to start an alliance in order to fill the power void looming across their borders where an unstable Pakistan and a revanchist Afghanistan may very well fail after the pull out of the international peacekeeping force?” subsequently a second question comes to fore: ”Why is there no Iranian-Indian alliance up until now?” This article argues that India may play an appeasing role towards Tehran ambitions due to geographical proximity and civilisational needs. If they establish a common ground, both republics may work together towards shouldering regional evolution in the AfPak cauldron. Furthermore, the article aims to use Robert Keohane’s regime theory applied to the area mentioned above.

Placed in the middle of controversies, Narendra Modi’s rise to prominence sparked numerous reaction both inside India as well as on the international scene. His opponents, frequently reproach his authoritarianism and his links with an extreme brand of Hindu nationalism. On the other side, the plea of his supporters emphasize the new Prime minister’s managerial abilities brandished during his twelve years of governance in the state of Gujarat. This article tries to explain the electoral success of the incumbent chief of executive in India along with his party of allegiance- BJP. Here I argue that Modi’s triumph is largely explainable through a set of demographic, social, economic and cultural factors persistent throughout the world which also tell us the emergence of other illiberal strongman regimes in countries like: Hungary, Russia or Turkey. The conclusion draws a warning against the proliferation of aggressive ultranationalism and the reservoirs of intolerance it seems to harbor.

As Jürgen Habermas suggested, „the spirit and discipline of aesthetic modernity,“ which defined „various avant-garde movements... finally reached its climax in the Cabaret Voltaire of the dadaists and in surrealism.“ The surrealists’ documents, declarations, actions, and manifestoes of the 1920s and 1930s point out to the apparently tireless crusade against public misinterpretations of their intent. On the other hand, there is little doubt that a political situation can exercise a given influence on avant-garde art in particular. While using primary and secondary sources, I look into the case of Gellu Naum just to illustrate the tensions between art and politics in the interwar Romania.

Trying to establish themselves as global actors, both European Union and India pursue their interest through multiliteralism. Although both of them developed intense relationships with the United States, Russian Federation, China and other regional actors, EU and India do not find profoundly attracted to one another. While EU steers Central Asia or China, India in its part sees the European framework as the sum of its parts at best and prefers bilateral proximity with individual nations once at the time: UK, France Italy, Germany or Poland. The irony of this state of affairs is that both EU and India have similar traits if judged by their effort to bridge ethnic, religious and economic diversity into a single body. Apart from that both EU and Indian economies struggle to shape a compromise between social protection and the neoliberal agenda. In this paper we analyze the relationship between European Union and India by focusing on their foreign policies. Our main hypothesis is that EU and India should cooperate due to their attraction to the same values and norms. As future unfolds along with common challenges such as regulating financial flows or tackling terrorism and environmental issues, European Union and India should try to reach a common language. This relation can also be a test for EU’s aim to become a global actor because an established cooperation with an Asian country would provide the necessary framework to work outside the European space and to demonstrated its commitment to become an important player in IR.

Cartea lui Robert Cowan spune povestea instrumentalizării Indiei în articularea mitului arian de către diferiţii scriitori de secol XVIII- XIX şi XX. Cartea nu se ocupă de preluarea mitului arian de către cel de - al III-lea Reich, fapt de altfel foarte documentat, în mod serios sau senzaţional dar alocă un spaţiu marginal şi modului cum arianismul a devenit un bun al ultranaţionaliştilor hinduşi de dupăindependenţa din 1947.

Sovereignty is defined as the external behaviour of a state personalized by its elite after gaining the consensus of the public. Seldom between decision making and public approval there are many intermediate actors such as lobbies and group interest. In a country such as USA many complain what they called the hijacking of public interest by particular lobby organizations. Stephen Walt’s and John Mearsheimer’s book, Israeli lobby and US foreign policy are some of these voices. Aggressively attack because of its supposedly anti-Semitic character, few have noticed its broader and more cerebral stake: that of raising a call for a realist and prudent American diplomacy, free from the temptation of tangling alliances and military unwanted adventures.

Although the literature on China’s rising to proeminence has almost become a field in itsself, rather few studies dwell upon the bilateral relations between world’s still hegemon and its challenger. The present study reflects on the domestic consequences stemming from US-China economic ties. Having as a theoretical background Robert Gilpin’s hegemonic stability theory along with democratic peace theory, the claims made here are that a prolonged US-China interdependence may have as result America’s eroding republican institutions and China’s liberalisation. A less democratic America and a slightly more liberal (but still authoritarian) China will probably be more aggressive one to each other and destabilize the international system.

Review of: Mihail E.Ionescu, România orientală. 160 de ani, 1848-2009

Equilibrium capacity is an important component of motor guidance. An objective balance assessment for judo-practicing lower-grade athletes was achieved through the Y-Balance (Functional Movement, 2016) platform, a dynamic test executed on a foot or a hand requiring strength, flexibility, central control and proprioception. Six athletes, Judoka Bears team members, with a 3-year competitive experience participated in this study. They practice judo as a therapy in recovery activities for people with this syndrome starting with the end of 2014. The aim of the research is to assess the ability to manifest the dynamic balance for Down syndrome judo practicing athletes, knowing that they are characterized by poor coordination of body segment movements and poorly developed motor skills. The objective is to establish the level of balance-of-mind capacity for mentally deficient people, and the influence of judo on them. Depending on upper limbs and lower limbs, the study revealed, according to the correlation matrix, that the strongest variables of the total number of variables are for the upper right limb with antero-medial displacement (0.882429 factorial saturation), followed by the upper right limb with lateral displacement, whose factorial saturation is 0,868248, and the lower right leg with postero-medial displacement with a saturation level of 0,825715.

The concept of the method used for this application and carried out on a sample of Taekwondo athletes is trying to identify the adequate solution by simultaneously considering two criteria: the attribute of significance of the motricity investigation and the feature of practicality – in the sense of achieving an acceptable level of reliability and adequacy of the data while using a noninvasive device, which is also as less obtrusive as possible to the subjects. The study was conducted on 8 students, members of the taekwondo (TKD) team, of the Carol Davila University of Medicine and Pharmacy, with a competitive experience of 10 to 12 years. The Jump Pliometry assessment in anaerobic effort was performed using the Myotest PRO device. Two tests were performed, an initial one to determine the stadium level for jump pliometry, and a final test to determine the level of progress. The main objectives pursued by this test are: to measure the contractile and inter-muscular muscle coordination in the lower limbs and the values provided information on the quality of the jump that influences the sport performance. As a conclusion, by applying a centralized training program including pliometric exercises even in the specific part, significant changes in expansion, contact time, response and distribution of the load can be generated in the lower limbs.