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Although the positive relationship between income and well‐being is well established, the psychological mechanisms underlying this process are less understood. One underexplored explanation is that objective wealth (or lack thereof) fosters relative comparisons, which, in turn, predicts well‐being. Extant work has, however, mostly focused on objective indicators of relative deprivation rather than on how people perceive their societal status. We address this oversight by examining the longitudinal indirect effects of income on well‐being via perceived individual‐based relative deprivation (IRD) using traditional and random intercept cross‐lagged panel models. Averaged across 10 annual assessments in a nationwide longitudinal panel sample of adults (N = 66,560), our results revealed reliable indirect effects of income on well‐being via IRD. Specifically, within‐person increases in income predicted within‐person decreases in IRD, which then predicted within‐person increases in personal well‐being over time. Our results replicated across robustness checks, including one using a general life satisfaction measure. We thus extend previous work by highlighting the need to consider one's perceptions of their relative societal position as a mechanism underlying the effects of income on well‐being over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feelings of group-based relative deprivation (GRD) motivate collective responses to defend the ingroup. As such, there may be status-based asymmetries in the associations GRD has with ideologies that perpetuate inequality—namely, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO). Study 1 examined this hypothesis using a national sample of adults (N = 41,007) and revealed that the correlations GRD had with RWA and SDO were positive among members of a high-status group but negative among members of low-status groups. Study 2 examined these associations longitudinally (N = 22,083) across eight annual assessments. Although a traditional cross-lagged panel analysis identified status-based asymmetries in the longitudinal associations between our variables of interest, analyses partitioning between-person stability from within-person change found no evidence that GRD leads to differences in RWA or SDO (or vice versa). The theoretical and practical implications of these results are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigated mean‐level changes in social dominance orientation (SDO) and right‐wing authoritarianism (RWA) during (vs before) New Zealand's nationwide coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID‐19) lockdown at a time when New Zealand was led by a left‐leaning government. The number of participants in the study ranged from (Ns = 25,065–24,653). Using propensity score matching to approximate experimental conditions, results show that both ideological motivations decreased slightly during the lockdown but rebounded after restrictions were removed several months later. We also tested whether the lockdown differentially moderated the associations SDO and RWA had with institutional attitudes. Lockdown conditions exacerbated the negative association between SDO and government satistfaction but attenuated the negative association between RWA and government satisfaction. Similar patterns emerged for trust in police and politicians but not trust in science. Although SDO and RWA fluctuated in similar directions during New Zealand's nationwide lockdown, our results indicate that people high in RWA may become more supportive of the government and police under such conditions—even in countries with a left‐leaning political leader helming the pandemic response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although a growing literature demonstrates that social media usage fosters upward social comparisons, the potential for social media use to elicit perceptions of unjust disadvantage relative to others remains unexplored. We address this oversight by leveraging six annual waves of a nationwide random probability sample of adults (ages 18-99; N = 62,017) to examine the average between- and within-person associations between social media use and feelings of individual-based relative deprivation (IRD) over time. Results from our preregistered analyses revealed that those who are high social media users across time tend to also experience higher levels of IRD. After adjusting for these stable between-person differences, within-person changes in social media use failed to predict changes in IRD over time (or vice versa). Subsequent exploratory analyses replicated these results across different age- and gender-based subgroups. Our results relieve concerns that social media use fosters long-term perceptions of disadvantage over time within individuals and suggest that concerns over the long-term detrimental effects of social media use on social comparison processes may be unfounded. These results also highlight the need to separate between-person stability from within-person change when investigating temporal precedence in longitudinal research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent reversal of Roe v. Wade in the United States demonstrates both the precarity of reproductive rights and the need to identify the correlates of abortion support. Surprisingly, little is known about how the transition to parenthood impacts attitudes toward abortion. We address this oversight by utilising nine annual waves (2011–2019) of longitudinal panel data to examine rates of change in support for elective and traumatic abortion in the year(s) before and after participants became parents (N = 1,266). Consistent with population trends, support for elective and traumatic abortion increased in the year(s) before participants became parents. After the transition to parenthood, support for elective abortion continued to increase (albeit at a slower rate), whereas traumatic abortion support stopped increasing. These results demonstrate that the process of becoming a parent attenuates the growth of abortion support over time and highlight the need for robust policies that protect reproductive autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although religiosity correlates positively with authoritarianism, the temporal ordering of this relationship is unclear. Because religious teachings often promote authoritarian values, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) should increase following religious conversion. Yet spiritual beliefs may also promote egalitarianism. As such, social dominance orientation (SDO) might decrease postconversion. We tested these hypotheses using data from a subset of participants who converted to Christianity at some point during a 9-year longitudinal panel study (N = 536). We also examined a separate subsample who deconverted over the same period (N = 696). As hypothesised, RWA was stable before conversion, but increased slightly after becoming religious. Unexpectedly, SDO was stable both pre- and postconversion. Conversely, those who deconverted from Christianity experienced declines in RWA both before and after losing their religion, whereas SDO declined only postdeconversion. These results suggest that religious conversion precedes increases in RWA (but not SDO), and that declines in RWA precede deconversion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the extensive literature on relative deprivation theory, few studies have examined the longitudinal effects of individual‐ and group‐based relative deprivation (IRD and GRD, respectively) on individual‐ and group‐based outcomes, nor has research investigated the between‐person and within‐person effects of these constructs. Using two random intercept cross‐lagged panel models, we address these oversights by estimating the between‐person and average annual within‐person associations IRD and GRD have with psychological distress and collective action support in a nation‐wide longitudinal panel sample (N = 64,607). As expected, IRD and GRD were more strongly associated with psychological distress and collective action support, respectively, at the between‐person level and contemporaneously at the within‐person level. However, contrary to expectations, temporary departures in IRD and GRD predicted within‐person increases in collective action support and psychological distress, respectively. These results raise questions about how and when people respond to inequality and provide the foundations for future longitudinal research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decades of research suggest that our political differences are best captured by two dimensions of political ideology. The dual evolutionary framework of political ideology predicts that these dimensions should be related to variation in social preferences for cooperation and group conformity. Here, we combine data from a New Zealand survey and a suite of incentivised behavioural tasks (n = 991) to test whether cooperative and conformist preferences covary with a pair of widely used measures of the two dimensions of political ideology—Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA)—and related policy views. As predicted, we find that cooperative behaviour is negatively related to SDO and economically conservative policy views, while conformist behaviour in the form of social information use is positively related to RWA and socially conservative policy views. However, we did not find the predicted relationships between punitive and rule following behaviours and RWA or socially conservative views, raising questions about the interpretation of punishment and rule following tasks and the nature of authoritarian conformist preferences. These findings reveal how cooperative and conformist preferences that evolved to help us navigate social challenges in our ancestral past continue to track our political differences even today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on area-level deprivation has yet to illuminate how the macro-level context affects individual-level measures of ideologies that justify inequality. The current study addressed this oversight by investigating the associations different forms of area-level deprivation have with system-justifying beliefs and whether these associations, in turn, predict support for (or opposition to) collective action. Using a nationwide random sample of New Zealand adults (N = 45,354), results reveal that area-level deprivation in Employment, Income and Housing correlated negatively, whereas area-level deprivation in Education and Access correlated positively, with individual-level measures of system justification. Moreover, these different domains of area-level deprivation had indirect effects on collective action support via system justification. The implications of these results for understanding how and when people respond to macro-level inequality are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although epistemic needs motivate the endorsement of system-justifying beliefs, few studies have investigated moderators of this association. Here, we argue that because being the target of discrimination should undermine one's sense of control, the association between epistemic needs and system-justifying beliefs should be stronger for disadvantaged (vs. advantaged) groups. As hypothesized, analyses of a nation-wide random sample of adults (N = 14,929) revealed that the negative relationship between openness to experience (i.e., an indicator of low epistemic needs) and multiple system-justifying beliefs (i.e., gender-based system justification, right-wing political preference, and conservative party support) was stronger for women (vs. men), and that these moderated associations were mediated by perceptions of gender discrimination. Our results suggest that women may sometimes endorse beliefs that conflict with their self and group interests in order to satisfy their epistemic needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is it possible to predict COVID-19 vaccination status prior to the existence and availability of COVID-19 vaccines? Here, we present a logistic model by regressing decisions to vaccinate in late 2021 on lagged sociodemographic, health, social, and political indicators from 2019 in a sample of New Zealand adults aged between 18 and 94 (Mage = 52.92, SD = 14.10; 62.21% women; N = 5324). We explain 31% of the variance in decision making across New Zealand. Significant predictors of being unvaccinated were being younger, more deprived, reporting less satisfaction with general practitioners, lower levels of neuroticism, greater levels of subjective health and meaning in life, higher distrust in science and in the police, lower satisfaction in the government, as well as political conservatism. Additional cross-sectional models specified using the same, and additional COVID-19-specific factors are also presented. These findings reveal that vaccination decisions are neither artefacts of context nor chance, but rather can be predicted in advance of the availability of vaccines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to assess whether frequent computer and video gaming necessarily leads to negative psychological outcomes, or if some people are at higher risk than others. Analysing a national probability adult sample (N=21,120), this study found that habitual gamers (≥5.0 hours/week) experienced increased psychological distress, reduced self-esteem, and poorer body satisfaction than non-gamers and casual gamers (.1-5.0 hours/week). Critically, consistent with general personality-diathesis models, habitual gaming was more strongly linked with psychological distress and self-esteem among gamers with low Emotional Stability. Personality did not moderate the link between gaming and body satisfaction. These findings document a classic personality x situation interaction in a large-scale national probability sample and identify a personality characteristic that predicts who may be at greater risk of negative outcomes linked with habitual gaming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Demographic and health factors are known to predict vaping. Less is known about psychological predictors of vaping uptake, particularly among non‐smoking adults using longitudinal designs. We aimed to model how psychological factors related to personality and mental health predicted the likelihood of vaping uptake over time in non‐smoking adults ages 18+ using longitudinal data. Methods: Longitudinal regression models utilised data from the 2018–2020 waves of the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study to assess how the Big Five personality traits, mental distress and self‐control predicted who began vaping over time among non‐users (non‐vapers and non‐smokers), controlling for gender, age, ethnicity and economic deprivation. Results: Analyses included 36,309 adults overall (ages 18 to 99; M = 51.0). The number of non‐users who transitioned into current vaping was small (transitioned from 2018 to 2019, n = 147; 0.48%; 2019 to 2020, n = 189, 0.63%). Fully adjusted models showed that adults with higher mental distress (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] 1.43; 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.09–1.88), lower self‐control (aOR 0.79; 95% CI 0.69–0.89) and higher extraversion (aOR 1.09; 95% CI 1.06–1.13) were more likely to begin vaping at the next time point compared to adults who remained non‐users. Higher neuroticism and lower conscientiousness also predicted vaping uptake in initial models, but inclusion of mental distress and self‐control superseded these traits. Discussion and Conclusions: Psychological factors related to mental distress, impulse control and sociability predicted who was more likely to begin vaping as non‐smoking adults. Harm prevention interventions could target these factors to reduce vaping uptake in non‐smokers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, there was a spike in the reporting of hate crimes (Human Rights Watch, 2020). However, the extent to which the pandemic affected prejudice across a general population—not merely among those disposed to hate crimes—remains unclear. Also unclear is the extent to which prejudice was restricted to specific minority groups associated with the virus, or whether prejudice spilled over to other minority groups. To address these questions, we use panel data collected from participants in a large national longitudinal (panel) study of New Zealanders before and during the early COVID-19 pandemic and systematically quantified social warmth ratings across a broad range of minority-groups (The New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study, N = 30,327, years 2018–2020). We discover reduced warmth toward Chinese, Asians (broadly defined), immigrants, Muslims, refugees, Indians, and the mentally ill. In absolute terms, warmth towards Chinese decreased the most (0.11 SD). Notably, changes in warmth were not detected toward NZ Europeans, Māori, Pacific Islanders, the overweight, or the elderly. Overall, these findings suggest that in New Zealand, pandemic prejudice may spread beyond minority groups associated with the virus to other groups perceived as non-prototypical of national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although an extensive literature on political ideology and party support has developed, studies examining the temporal ordering of these variables remain lacking. We address this oversight and argue that because ideologies provide a framework for understanding the world, they should forecast changes in party support over time. Accordingly, a random intercepts cross‐lagged panel model estimated the annual within‐person associations between social dominance orientation (SDO), right‐wing authoritarianism (RWA), and party support in nine waves of a New Zealand representative longitudinal panel sample from 2009 to 2017 (N = 31,537). As hypothesized, SDO and RWA predicted within‐person increases in support for the centre‐right National Party, but decreases in support for the centre‐left Labour Party. Reciprocal associations from party support to ideology were approximately half the magnitude. These results provide some of the most robust evidence to date of the oft‐assumed, but largely untested, premise that SDO and RWA predict change in party support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Group identification and group-based relative deprivation (GRD) are critical predictors of numerous group-oriented attitudes and behaviours. While social-identity-based approaches suggest that salient group identities increase social comparisons, empirical data bearing on the causal direction of the relationship between group identification and GRD are mixed. To resolve this inconsistency, we examined the cross-lagged effects of group identification on GRD—as well as the potential reverse causal pathway—using three annual waves of data from a nationally representative sample of ethnic minorities in New Zealand (N = 5,115). Although we found evidence of a reciprocal relationship between variables, ethnic group identification had a stronger positive cross-lagged effect on ethnic GRD than vice versa, suggesting that social identity is an important antecedent to invidious group-based comparisons. We discuss the theoretical and practical implications of these findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparisons to the New Zealand Health Survey indicate that the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study (NZAVS) is a valid measure of drinking behavior among predominately middleaged/older New Zealanders. Data from the 2014-16 NZAVS is used to identify key demographic and novel personality correlates of New Zealanders' drinking status, frequency and intensity. Men and Extraverted individuals were consistently found more likely to be a drinker, drink frequently and intensely. Those high on Honesty-Humility were less likely to be a drinker and drink intensely. Māori, Pacific and young people, and those living in highly deprived areas were infrequent but high intensity drinkers. Extraversion consistently showed strong associations with drinking behaviour suggesting that social factors are key drinking motives among middle-aged/older New Zealanders. Further research is warranted on the utility of personality-targeted interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research assessing the links between gaming and psychological well-being is based primarily on adolescent samples. This study used data from the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study to assess the extent to which self-reported casual (0.1-5.0 hours per week; 15.4%) and habitual gaming (.5.0 hours per week; 7.6%) was associated with body satisfaction, psychological distress, and self-esteem for men and women (N=21,060). Both men and women who gamed habitually reported lower body satisfaction, higher psychological distress, and lower self-esteem than casual gamers and non-gamers. Casual gaming was weakly associated with lower body satisfaction for both genders, and self-esteem for men. This study is the first to document a negative doseresponse relationship between time spent gaming and psychological well-being using a nationally representative adult sample. The magnitude of these associations appear to be broadly similar for men and women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientific evidence unequivocally shows that human activities cause climate change, but some people still deny it. Using New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study data from 2018 and 2019 (N = 34,733), we examined segmentation profiles regarding beliefs and concern about climate change ('Climate change is real', 'Climate change is caused by humans', 'I am deeply concerned about climate change'), the probabilities of transitioning to and from profiles over time, and the characteristics of individuals in each profile. Five profiles were identified with varying levels of climate change beliefs and concern. The largest profile (60.4% of respondents) had the highest levels of climate change beliefs and concern, while the smallest profile (3.7% of respondents) had the lowest. Over time, more people moved from profiles of lower into profiles of higher levels of climate change beliefs and concern. The profile with the highest levels was the most stable, with members having an 82.7% chance of staying in this profile over time. Compared to this group, members of the profile with the lowest levels of climate change beliefs and concern were more likely to be male, New Zealand European, parents, religious, and to endorse conservative and system-justifying ideologies. We discuss the implications of the findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contagiousness and deadliness of COVID-19 have necessitated drastic social management to halt transmission. The immediate effects of a nationwide lockdown were investigated by comparing matched samples of New Zealanders assessed before (Nprelockdown = 1,003) and during the first 18 days of lockdown (Nlockdown = 1,003). Two categories of outcomes were examined: (a) institutional trust and attitudes toward the nation and government and (b) health and well-being. Applying propensity score matching to approximate the conditions of a randomized controlled experiment, the study found that people in the pandemic/lockdown group reported higher trust in science, politicians, and police, higher levels of patriotism, and higher rates of mental distress compared to people in the prelockdown prepandemic group. Results were confirmed in within-subjects analyses. The study highlights social connectedness, resilience, and vulnerability in the face of adversity and has applied implications for how countries face this global challenge. Public Significance Statement: This study describes the immediate effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and nationwide lockdown on levels of institutional trust and attitudes toward the nation and government and health and well-being in New Zealand, with implications for other nations. Our results suggest that a strong national response to COVID-19 may bolster national attachment and increase trust in the bodies determining and enforcing lockdown guidelines. Against a backdrop of general resilience, small increases in psychological distress serve as a warning about potential psychological consequences of lockdown and isolation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Breastfeeding in public remains controversial in many Western nations. Prior work reveals that restrictive gender role attitudes and hostility toward women's empowerment contribute to the policing of women's bodies, especially when it comes to breastfeeding in public. Using a national sample of New Zealand adults (N = 16,789), we investigated the relationships of hostile and benevolent sexism with attitudes toward breastfeeding in public, as well as the potential moderating effects of gender. Results revealed that, although benevolent sexism only positively correlated with opposition to public breastfeeding for women, hostile sexism correlated positively with opposition to public breastfeeding among both women and men. These results suggest that opposition to breastfeeding in public is primarily rooted in hostile attitudes toward women who are perceived as violating traditional gender roles. Accordingly, social and health policies including information campaigns that reduce hostilely sexist stigmas of breastfeeding in public could help promote women's breastfeeding autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the March 15th Christchurch terrorist attack, members of our research team have been repeatedly asked to comment or provide summary statistics from the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study (NZAVS) on prejudice toward Muslims. As the curators of the NZAVS, we think that these findings should be in the public domain and accessible to as wide an audience as possible. In this article, we aim to provide a comprehensive summary of what we know from the NZAVS about attitudes toward Muslims and prejudice in New Zealand more generally. From 2012 onwards, the NZAVS included a feeling thermometer rating of people's level of warmth toward Muslims. Here, we summarize what we know from the NZAVS about levels of warmth toward Muslims in the New Zealand population. We describe the distribution of thermometer ratings of warmth toward Muslims annually from 2012 onward, and compare these with thermometer ratings of a range of other groups that we also track. We present a regression model documenting the extent to which a broad range of demographics and aspects of personality are associated with low levels of warmth toward Muslims, and present a parallel model assessing warmth ratings toward immigrants as a comparison. Finally, we present a series of growth curve models outlining the relative level and rate of change over time in warmth toward Muslims and other groups from 2012- 2018. Results from these analyses indicate that over the 2012-2018 period, levels of warmth toward Muslims in New Zealand were comparatively low relative to warmth ratings of other groups. However, warmth toward Muslims has also been steadily but gradually increasing over time in New Zealand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on Te Rangahau o Te Tuakiri Māori me Ngā Waiaro ā-Pūtea | The Māori Identity and Financial Attitudes Study (MIFAS). The MIFAS is a nationwide study that examines the relationship between Māori identity and economic attitudes and values. The MIFAS embeds the Multidimensional Model of Māori Identity and Cultural Engagement (MMM-ICE), which assesses Māori identity in relation to eight domains. We report data regarding three aspects of economic activity: risking iwi (tribal) assets for profit; individualism at work; and preferences for workplaces that promote Māori culture and identity. We find Māori who are more strongly oriented towards a traditional Māori belief system are less likely to be individualistic at work, more likely to prefer workplaces that respect Māori development and less likely to support commercialising iwi assets. We also find marked heterogeneity and suggest 'Māori success as Māori' may not solely reflect 'traditional' Māori values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pansexuality, characterized by attraction to people regardless of their gender, is an emerging sexual identity. Research has started to explore the differences between those who identify as pansexual and those who identify as bisexual, typically defined as being attracted to both men and women. This article extends past research by testing for differences between those who identify as pansexual (n = 52) and bisexual (n = 497) in a nationally representative sample. We used the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study (NZAVS) to test for differences in demographic variables, psychological well-being, and political ideology. We found that pansexual participants were younger, more likely to be gender diverse (transgender or nonbinary), and more likely to be from the indigenous Māori ethnic group than bisexual participants. Pansexual participants also reported higher psychological distress and were more politically liberal than bisexual participants. These results suggest that people who identify as pansexual are, on average, quantifiably different from those who identify as bisexual; this study adds to a new but growing body of research on emerging plurisexual identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In capitalist societies, individuals who occupy the highest positions in the economic hierarchy feature prominently in the political discourse under the moniker of the One Percent. However, little is known about how the psychology of One Percent might differ from that of the average person. Using a large, nationally representative sample in New Zealand (N = 14,650), we aimed to fill this gap examining the political attitudes and subjective wellbeing of the top one percent of the income distribution. We found that, compared to general public, the One Percent in New Zealand more strongly legitimize the political and economic systems in society, and express lower support for redistributive taxation. They also report higher life satisfaction, self-esteem and belongingness compared to everyone else. Thus, the One Percent benefit not only economically and politically from the current system, but also psychologically. Moreover, their political beliefs serve to bolster the inequality from which they benefit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has long suggested that there may be distinct subpopulations of authoritarian leaders and followers within the broader population. We describe a latent profile analysis of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO) in a New Zealand national probability sample (N = 18,248) that -- for the first time -- reliably identifies these two types. Consistent with the positive correlation between SDO and RWA, most people in New Zealand (about 91.2%) expressed comparable levels of RWA and SDO (i.e., moderate-moderate or low-low, but no high-high profile). Two small and distinct subpopulations diverted from this pattern, instead fitting a high-SDO/low-RWA authoritarian leader (1.2%) or low-SDO/high-RWA authoritarian follower (7.6%) profile. Authoritarian leaders tended to show the least concern for human rights, and were least willing to make personal sacrifices for the environment, but tended to support same-sex marriage, while authoritarian followers were particularly opposed to same-sex marriage, and yet highly supportive of human rights. These two profiles represent distinct subpopulations of people within society who are predisposed to seek dominance over others and those predisposed to unquestioningly follow them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many Western governments frame lower Asian voter turnout as a concern that impacts the quality of democracy and representation. However, there is limited evidence on how turnout varies across different ethnic groups under the 'Asian' classification, and what the correlates of turnout among Asian subgroups are. This study provides a comprehensive account of the demographic, socioeconomic, social, political, and psychological factors driving Asian voter turnout in an underexplored, Western English-speaking democracy (New Zealand). It uses the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study (N = 47,951), a national probability survey, to explore these differences in turnout for Asians (n = 2,445) in the 2017 national election. The analysis shows that Asian New Zealanders have a relatively low voter turnout and that their voting probabilities are significantly influenced by immigration status, social network, and political psychological factors. Furthermore, the results for different Asian ethnic groups can have different relationships between these factors and turnout compared to the Asian group at large. These findings highlight the importance of considering the needs of different Asian communities when developing policies and campaigns to boost their turnout in Western democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study used data from the 2010 New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study (N = 4,441) to examine the demographic, health and personality correlates of healthy lifestyle habits among New Zealand adults. Participants reported their perceived importance of various behaviours (e.g. limiting salt, sugar intake) for leading a healthy lifestyle and regularity of engaging in them. Relative to importance ratings, considerably fewer people reported habitually engaging in positive health behaviours. Women, older, partnered individuals, those living with diabetes, high on Conscientiousness and Honesty-Humility showed increased regularity of healthy dietary behaviours. Māori and Pacific individuals, those living in highly deprived areas and with high BMI and Neuroticism showed reduced behaviour regularity. There were also important group differences in health-related perceptions (e.g. access to resources, social support to live healthy lifestyle). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on Te Rangahau o Te Tuakiri Māori me Ngā Waiaro ā-Pūtea | The Māori Identity and Financial Attitudes Study (MIFAS). The MIFAS is a nationwide study that examines the relationship between Māori identity and economic attitudes and values. The MIFAS embeds the Multidimensional Model of Māori Identity and Cultural Engagement (MMM-ICE), which assesses Māori identity in relation to eight domains. We report data regarding three aspects of economic activity: risking iwi (tribal) assets for profit; individualism at work; and preferences for workplaces that promote Māori culture and identity. We find Māori who are more strongly oriented towards a traditional Māori belief system are less likely to be individualistic at work, more likely to prefer workplaces that respect Māori development and less likely to support commercialising iwi assets. We also find marked heterogeneity and suggest 'Māori success as Māori' may not solely reflect 'traditional' Māori values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although being in a romantic relationship confers numerous benefits to well-being, research has yet to examine the possibility that ambivalent sexism moderates this association. Because benevolent sexism enforces the view that people are incomplete without a romantic partner, we hypothesised that benevolent sexism would enhance the well-being benefits associated with being in a serious relationship. Conversely, hostile sexism views women with suspicion and should therefore attenuate the benefits one derives from being in a serious relationship. We tested these hypotheses using a national sample of heterosexual women (n = 7980) and men (n = 4968) from New Zealand. As hypothesised, the benefits of being in a serious romantic relationship on life satisfaction were accentuated for those higher (versus lower) on benevolent sexism, but attenuated for those higher (versus lower) on hostile sexism. These data are the first known to show that ambivalent sexism moderates the positive effects of relationship status on well-being, thereby demonstrating the utility of integrating ambivalent sexism theory with the relationship literature for heterosexual women and men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political knowledge is crucial for well-functioning democracies, with most scholars assuming that people at the political extremes are more knowledgeable than those at the center. Here, we adopt a data-driven approach to examine the relationship between political orientation and political knowledge by testing a series of polynomial curves in 45 countries (N = 63,544), spread over 6 continents. Contrary to the dominant perspective, we found no evidence that people at the political extremes are the most knowledgeable about politics. Rather, the most common pattern was a fourth-degree polynomial association in which those who are moderately left-wing and right-wing are more knowledgeable than people at the extremes and center of the political spectrum. This pattern was especially, though not exclusively, prevalent in Western countries. We conclude that the relationship between political orientation and political knowledge is more context-dependent and complex than assumed, and caution against (implicit) universal conclusions in social sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the subordinate male target hypothesis (SMTH), racism is based on an ethnicity‐by‐gender interaction, with a stronger link between experiencing racist discrimination and subordinate or dominant ethnic group status for men compared to women. This study reevaluates the SMTH, originally focused on objective discrimination, by applying it to self‐reported active harm as a theoretically derived measure of racist discrimination and by exploring interindividual differences in female ethnic minority members' discriminatory experiences. We proposed that social dominance orientation (SDO) among female ethnic minorities would influence SMTH predictions. We tested this using multiple linear regression analyses among a sample of New Zealand Europeans as the majority in New Zealand and non‐Europeans as the minority. As hypothesized, male non‐Europeans reported disproportionally more active harm than female non‐Europeans. Unexpectedly, not only female but also male, non‐Europeans high in SDO reported more active harm than non‐Europeans low in SDO. Therefore, applied to self‐reported racist experiences, oppression of ethnic minorities is driven by interindividual differences rather than by gender. Together, these findings provide evidence that the SMTH cannot be unreservedly extended to reports of racist discrimination and that other processes may underlie these subjective experiences of discrimination that need to be considered in more detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sexual orientation has been defined as an enduring aspect of the self, but emerging evidence reveals that people’s sexual attractions, behaviors, and identities can shift over time. To examine this possibility, we present a large longitudinal analysis of sexual orientation identity fluidity among New Zealand adults (Ntotal = 45,856; age = 18–99; lesbian, gay, bisexual, and other sexual minority (LGB+) ns = 746–3,387). Over seven years, 5.7% of participants changed sexual identities at least once. Change was bi-directional (i.e. toward and away from LGB+ identities) and most common in people who initially reported a plurisexual identity. Although women reported higher rates of plurisexuality than men, they were not more fluid in their identities, contradicting the notion of male fixedness and female plasticity in sexuality. Moreover, openness to experience was associated with increased odds of changing from a heterosexual to a plurisexual identity, while political liberalism and lower conscientiousness were associated with increased odds of changing from a heterosexual to a plurisexual identity and more identity changes over time. Overall, our study shows that sexual identity can be fluid into adulthood and has implications for how we understand contemporary human sexuality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We propose a culturally-specific ten-item short-form self-report measure of modern racism toward Maori (the indigenous peoples of New Zealand) that consists of five key sub-components: negative affect, anxiety, denial of historical reparation, symbolic exclusion, and denial of contemporary injustice. Our measure draws upon past qualitative and quantitative research on racism toward Maori and is tested in a New Zealand national probability sample (N=18,236). Results of a hierarchical confirmatory factor analysis provided good support for this model. We also document the demographic factors associated with the higher-order latent estimate of modern racism, as well as each sub-factor individually. Education was the demographic variable most strongly associated with modern racism toward Maori in New Zealand. Our theoretical model and self-report scale assessing modern racism toward Maori aims to provide a standard way of measuring racist attitudes toward Maori. It also captures a range of attitudes toward Maori seen in the every-day language of New Zealanders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite extensive scientific evidence on the safety of standard vaccinations, some parents express skeptical attitudes towards the safety of childhood immunisations. This paper uses data from the 2013/14 New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study (NZAVS) survey ( N = 16,642) to explore the distribution, and demographic and personality correlates of New Zealanders’ attitudes towards the safety of childhood vaccinations. Around two thirds (68.5%) of New Zealanders strongly agreed/were confident that “it is safe to vaccinate children following the standard New Zealand immunisation schedule,” 26% were skeptical and 5.5% were strongly opposed. Multiple regression analysis indicated that people lower on Conscientiousness and Agreeableness but higher on Openness to Experience expressed lower confidence about vaccine safety. Having higher subjective health satisfaction, living rurally, being Māori, single, employed and not a parent were all associated with lower confidence, while a higher income and educational attainment were associated with greater confidence. Our findings suggest that the majority of New Zealand adults trust in the safety of scheduled childhood vaccinations, but about one third do express some degree of concern. This finding highlights the importance of improving public education about the safety and necessity of vaccinations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationships between cultural efficacy, retirement savings, and perceptions of future financial security among New Zealand Māori. Analyses were based on a national probability sample of 563 Māori (355 women, 208 men) who participated in the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study. Results showed that Māori with a higher level of cultural efficacy were less likely to be enrolled in KiwiSaver (a State sponsored savings initiative designed to encourage New Zealanders to save for their retirement). At the same time cultural efficacy was linked to an increased positive expectation of future financial security. We propose that this demonstrates resilience of collectivist cultural values among some Māori despite a history of British colonisation. It is proposed that the Māori world view remains holistic, and understandings of economic well-being for Māori need to be expanded to recognise these cultural orientations. The role of Māori identity for economic behaviour is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contact theory is a well-established paradigm for improving intergroup relations--positive contact between groups promotes social harmony by increasing intergroup warmth. A longstanding critique of this paradigm is that contact does not necessarily promote social equality. Recent research has blunted this critique by showing that contact correlates positively with political solidarity expressed by dominant groups toward subordinate groups, thus furthering the goal of equality. However, this research precludes causal inferences because it conflates withinperson change (people with higher contact subsequently expressing higher solidarity) and between-person stability (people with chronically high contact simultaneously expressing chronically high solidarity, and vice versa). We addressed this problem in a highly powered, seven-wave study using two different measures of contact and three different measures of political solidarity (N = 22,646). Results showed no within-person change over a 1-year period (inconsistent with a causal effect), but significant between-person stability (consistent with thirdvariable explanations). This reinforces doubts about contact as a strategy for promoting equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We introduce a method for assessing the overall level of bias and relative tracking accuracy in time series analysis of polling data on voter intentions by comparing two data sets: the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study (NZAVS; N = 13,936) and the One News Colmar Brunton election polls (N = 10,210). The NZAVS is a national probability longitudinal postal panel survey started in 2009. It was set up to track stability and change in values, without any intention to predict election results. The One News Colmar Brunton Poll is a nationally representative random-digit dial telephone survey conducted by Colmar Brunton specifically to measure voter sentiment. Our comparison focused on responses to both surveys from February 2014 to September 2014, in the run up to the New Zealand general election. The NZAVS and One News Colmar Brunton Poll detected nearly identical changes in party vote over time, and both effectively predicted the outcome of the 2014 General Election. This shows the unexpected power of national-scale probability postal studies to track change in democratic decisions that affect all members of a society. These results further support the validity of the NZAVS as an independent and impartial source that might be ‘repurposed’ to create a continuous monitor tracking political attitudes and detecting citizens’ reaction to, and relative change in, opinions toward different social policies, values, and attitudes, over time. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

News coverage of Islamic extremism is reigniting debates about the media’s role in promoting prejudice toward Muslims. Psychological theories of media-induced prejudice date to the 1950’s, and find support from controlled experiments. However, national-scale studies of media effects on Muslim prejudice are lacking. Orthogonal research investigating media-induced prejudice toward immigrants has failed to establish any link. Moreover, it has been found that people interpret the news in ways that confirm pre-existing attitudes, suggesting that media induced Muslim prejudice in liberal democracies is unlikely. Here, we test the association between news exposure and anti-Muslim prejudice in a diverse national sample from one of the world’s most tolerant societies, where media effects are least likely to hold (N = 16,584, New Zealand). In support of media-induced Islamophobia, results show that greater news exposure is associated with both increased anger and reduced warmth toward Muslims. Additionally, the relationship between media exposure and anti-Muslim prejudice does not reliably vary with political ideology, supporting claims that it is widespread representations of Muslims in the news, rather than partisan media biases, that drives anti-Muslim prejudice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study investigated patterns of normative change in personality traits across the adult life span (19 through 74 years of age). We examined change in extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism, openness to experience and honesty-humility using data from the first 6 annual waves of the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study (N = 10,416; 61.1% female, average age = 49.46). We present a cohort-sequential latent growth model assessing patterns of mean-level change due to both aging and cohort effects. Extraversion decreased as people aged, with the most pronounced declines occurring in young adulthood, and then again in old age. Agreeableness, indexed with a measure focusing on empathy, decreased in young adulthood and remained relatively unchanged thereafter. Conscientiousness increased among young adults then leveled off and remained fairly consistent for the rest of the adult life span. Neuroticism and openness to experience decreased as people aged. However, the models suggest that these latter effects may also be partially due to cohort differences, as older people showed lower levels of neuroticism and openness to experience more generally. Honesty-humility showed a pronounced and consistent increase across the adult life span. These analyses of large-scale longitudinal national probability panel data indicate that different dimensions of personality follow distinct developmental processes throughout adulthood. Our findings also highlight the importance of young adulthood (up to about the age of 30) in personality trait development, as well as continuing change throughout the adult life span. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Dark Duo Model of Post-Colonial Ideology states that post-colonial nations possess a specific set of sociostructural conditions that foster a unique pair of complementary ideologies responsible for maintaining the status quo. These are the ideologies of Historical Negation and Symbolic Exclusion. Together, these ideologies articulate a pair of discourses that draw upon culturally sanctioned repertoires to effectively resolve the collective dissonance created by past-and present-injustices experienced by Indigenous peoples. Historical Negation and Symbolic Exclusion form a joint ideological system that legitimizes inequality in two critical social domains common to all post-colonial societies: one domain relating to resource allocations for Indigenous peoples and the other domain relating to representation and membership in the nation's identity. In the current article, we review and integrate over 10 years of research on post-colonial intergroup relations in New Zealand, leading up to a formal presentation of the Dark Duo Model. Our work in this area indicates that Historical Negation and Symbolic Exclusion are psychometrically distinct constructs that are stable over time. A meta-analytic review of 13 independent samples (N = 18,903) shows that both ideologies are independently associated with Social Dominance Orientation and Right-Wing Authoritarianism among members of the dominant (European) group in New Zealand. We review and explain why there are systematic ethnic group differences in support for these dual ideologies and why positive intergroup contact with the dominant group attenuates resistance to Symbolic Exclusion amongst Māori (the Indigenous peoples). We also show that Historical Negation and Symbolic Exclusion exert powerful unique effects on voter sentiment and support for different social policies relating to biculturalism and that these ideologies mediate the effects of Social Dominance Orientation and Right-Wing Authoritarianism on various sociopolitical attitudes. Our Dark Duo Model is a context-specific extension of the Dual-Process Model of Ideology and Prejudice that explains how specific post-colonial ideologies are generated and used to maintain social inequalities that systematically disadvantage Indigenous peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior research on personality and politics has largely investigated relationships using national samples from North America and Europe. In contrast, we used multigroup path analysis to assess how Big Five personality, ideological attitudes ( RWA, SDO), and group identities (National and Ethnic Identification) predicted right versus left Political Behavior (party support, past voting, present voting intention) across majority and minority ethnic groups in a New Zealand national sample ( N = 6,333). The effects of personality on ideological attitudes and group identities were mostly invariant across ethnic groups and consistent with prior findings. In contrast, the effects of ideological attitudes on Political Behavior varied across ethnic groups being moderately strong for the European majority but nonsignificant for the minorities. Group identities had little effect on Political Behavior. We discuss cultural and contextual factors that might account for this disconnect between ideology and politics among the minority ethnic groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women tend to display greater pro-environmental attitudes and behaviour than men. This gender difference in environmentalism has been explained in terms of distinct gender role socialization, with women socialized to be more other-focused and empathic compared to men. A related explanation is that women are more environmentally concerned because they are less prone to favour social dominance than men, which is in line with recent research showing that empathy and social dominance orientation (SDO) are intrinsically linked. We tested a Bayesian path model examining the extent to which empathy and SDO predicted environmental values over a one-year period, and the extent to which such effects mediated the initial gender difference. Results from a national probability adult sample (N = 4381) indicated that both empathy and SDO partially and independently mediated the gender–environmentalism link. Women tended to display higher levels of environmental values because they were higher in empathy and lower in SDO, while men displayed lower levels of environmental values because they were lower in empathy and higher in SDO. The findings have theoretical implications for the reciprocal relations between empathy and SDO, and practical implications for understanding and fostering pro-environmental engagement across distinct social actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theorists have long argued that two forms of relative deprivation exist: individual-based relative deprivation (IRD) whereby a person feels deprived relative to other individuals and group-based relative deprivation (GRD) whereby a person feels his/her ingroup is deprived relative to other groups. Combinations of IRD and GRD are therefore assumed to produce four response profiles: (i) high on IRD and GRD (i.e. 'doubly deprived'); (ii) high on IRD, low on GRD; (iii) low on IRD, high on GRD; or (iv) low on IRD and GRD. The existence of these profiles, however, has never been assessed. We address this oversight by using latent profile analysis to identify distinct response patterns to measures of IRD and GRD. Across two studies, we found no support for this typology, nor the oft-assumed doubly deprived profile. Rather, response patterns showed moderate levels of IRD across discrete profiles accompanied by considerable variability in GRD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research demonstrates that the Big- Five's Openness to Experience is inversely associated with political conservatism. This literature, however, implicitly assumes that the strength of this relationship is invariant across the electorate. We challenge this assumption by arguing that education-an institution designed to increase civic competence-affects the degree to which personality predicts various political attitudes. Specifically, we posit that education facilitates people's ability to identify issue positions that (theoretically) resonate with their personality. Using a national probability sample of New Zealand voters ( n = 6,518), we show that education consistently moderates the relationship between personality and a host of political attitudes. Whereas Openness to Experience is inversely associated with politically conservative issue positions among the highly educated, it is often uncorrelated with the same attitudes among those with low levels of educational attainment. These results identify an important-though often neglected-moderator of the relationship between personality and political attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We update and validate the revised Multidimensional Model of Māori Identity and Cultural Engagement (MMM-ICE2) by including a seventh Perceived Appearance subscale. The MMM-ICE2 is designed to assess the subjective experiences, efficacy and evaluation of different facets of identity for Māori (the indigenous peoples of New Zealand). Confirmatory Factor Analysis of an online Māori community sample (N = 276) supported the revised seven-factor model assessing Group Membership Evaluation, Cultural Efficacy and Active Identity Engagement, Interdependent Self- Concept, Spirituality, Socio- Political Consciousness, Authenticity Beliefs, and the new Perceived Appearance subscale. The Perceived Appearance subscale was internally reliable and predicted unique variation in perceived discrimination and mixed ethnic affiliation as both Māori and European when adjusting for the other MMM-ICE2 subscale scores. The MMM-ICE2 is a public domain, quantitative self-report measure for use in statistical models to predict and understand the outcomes and protective function of different aspects of identity for Māori. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although income and inequality (objective measures of deprivation and the distribution of income within a defined area, respectively) predict people's self-appraisals, the psychological mechanisms underlying these relationships are largely unknown. We address this oversight by predicting that feeling individually deprived (individual-based relative deprivation [IRD])-a self-focused appraisal-mediates the relationship between these two objective measures and self-esteem. Conversely, believing that one's group is deprived (group-based relative deprivation [GRD])-a group-focused appraisal-mediates the relationship between these two objective measures and ethnic identity centrality. We examined these predictions in a national sample of New Zealand adults (N = 6349). As expected, income negatively correlated with IRD and GRD; in turn, IRD negatively correlated with self-esteem, and GRD positively correlated with ethnic identity centrality. Moreover, after accounting for between-level variability in income, neighbourhood-level inequality had indirect effects on self-esteem and ethnic identity centrality through IRD and GRD, respectively. Thus, income and inequality independently predicted self-esteem and strength of ingroup identification through distinct mechanisms. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We test the factorial equivalence of the Pacific Identity and Wellbeing Scale - Revised (PIWBS-R) across the four largest Pacific Nations groups in New Zealand (Samoa, Cook Islands, Tonga, Niue). Using Multigroup Confirmatory Factor Analysis (N = 684) we show that the PIWBS-R exhibits similar properties within each Pacific group. Results indicate that across the four groups, the PIWBS-R shows the same basic factor structure, item factor loadings and intercepts. We also compare the group means for the individual factors of the PIWBS-R, whilst statistically adjusting for demographic covariates. Results showed a small but significant difference in Religious Centrality and Embeddedness, where Tongan participants scored higher relative to both Cook Island and Niuean participants. These results mirror population proportions of religious affiliation within Pacific groups in NZ. There were no other significant differences between groups in the other factors of the PIWBS-R. Together, these results provide strong evidence of the PIWBS-R as a valid tool for research with Pacific peoples at a general level, and within specific Pacific ethnic groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Group-based relative deprivation (GRD) is a critical predictor of support for social change. Because resistance to change and acceptance of inequality are core features of a conservative ideology, we predicted that GRD would negatively correlate with conservatism. Moreover, given the central role affect plays in bridging the association between experiences with inequality and group-based responses, we expected that this hypothesized relationship would be mediated by intergroup emotions. We tested these hypotheses in a large national sample of Māori ( N = 685)-the indigenous peoples of New Zealand. As predicted, GRD was indirectly associated with conservatism through participants' warmth toward the majority outgroup (i.e., New Zealand Europeans) and the minority ingroup (i.e., Māori): whereas GRD was negatively correlated with warmth toward outgroup members, GRD was positively correlated with warmth toward the ingroup. In turn, warmth toward the (a) outgroup and (b) ingroup was positively and negatively associated with conservatism, respectively. Similar results were obtained when replacing conservatism with participants' (a) satisfaction with the government and (b) support for New Zealand's main center-right political party. Our findings demonstrate the complex relationship between GRD and political beliefs, while also highlighting the crucial role of emotions in connecting GRD with group-based attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]