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BACKGROUND: This paper discusses how collective intelligence (CI) methods can be implemented to improve government data infrastructures, not only to support understanding and primary use of complex national data but also to increase the dissemination and secondary impact of research based on these data. The case study uses the Northern Ireland Longitudinal Study (NILS), a member of the UK family of census/administrative data longitudinal studies (UKLS). METHODS: A stakeholder-engaged CI approach was applied to inform the transformation of the NILS Research Support Unit (RSU) infrastructure to support researchers in their use of government data, including collaborative decision-making and better dissemination of research outputs. RESULTS: We provide an overview of NILS RSU infrastructure design changes that have been implemented to date, focusing on a website redesign to meet user information requirements and the formation of better working partnerships between data users and providers within the Northern Ireland data landscape. We also discuss the key challenges faced by the design team during this project of transformation. CONCLUSION: Our primary objective to improve government data infrastructure and to increase dissemination and the impact of research based on data was a complex and multifaceted challenge due to the number of stakeholders involved and their often conflicting perspectives. Results from this CI approach have been pivotal in highlighting how NILS RSU can work collaboratively with users to maximize the potential of this data, in terms of forming multidisciplinary networks to ensure the research is utilized in policy and in the literature and providing academic support and resources to attract new researchers.

Despite an extensive literature on Catholic-Protestant unemployment differentials in Northern Ireland, little is known about wage differentials. This paper provides new evidence using the Earnings and Employees Study for 2011. We find no evidence of an overall Catholic wage penalty, with unadjusted and adjusted differentials no larger than 1.4 log per cent and statistically insignificant. Slightly larger differentials are found in some models for men, 50+ workers, and private sector workers, but again these are statistically indistinguishable from zero. Similar data linkages for 2001 and 1991 would enrich our understanding of the period when other measurable labour market disparities were wider. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social identity approach to health argues that well‐being depends on the psychosocial circumstances of the groups to which individuals belong. However, little is known about how the average level of identification in the group – 'the identification environment' – buffers the negative health consequences of stressors. We used multilevel modelling to investigate whether identification environment in a school modified the association between the students' perceptions of the quality of their school's physical environment and their reported levels of anxiety. In two representative samples of Finnish school students (N = 678 schools/71,392 students; N = 704 schools/85,989 students), weak identification environment was related to increased anxiety. In addition, in schools where identification environment was weaker, the student level relationship between perceived physical environment and anxiety was stronger, and students were more anxious. Our results provide evidence that identification environment needs to be considered when we analyse how group membership affects well‐being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion that mobility weakens collective norms and increases tolerance has a long pedigree in sociology. In this article, we examine the association of migration with partisan identification as British Unionists or Irish Nationalists in Northern Ireland, a region where the overlap of opposing religious and national identities is reflected in the residential segregation of its population. In representative samples of the population, we find that Irish Nationalist identification among Catholics and British Unionist identification among Protestants was lower among people not born in Northern Ireland and return migrants from beyond the British Isles. Having lived in the Republic was associated with more Nationalist identification among Catholics but less Unionist identification among Protestants and others. Moreover, having lapsed from the family religion is associated with decreased partisan identification. While international migration has in many countries led to increased tensions, conflict and the ascendance of exclusionary national populist movements, our results thus suggest that mobility beyond the British Isles has contributed to less nation–state conflict in Northern Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the development of policies designed to widen access to higher education policy in the United Kingdom. These policies have evolved in the context of the devolution of political authority to the Scottish Parliament and Assemblies in Wales and Northern Ireland, which has resulted in some policy variation. The paper examines the "post-code premium" paid by the funding authorities to universities based on the students from poorer areas. By using Northern Ireland data the paper demonstrates the major problems to this approach arising from the "ecological fallacy". The paper concludes by expressing surprise that policy developed with little apparent awareness of these problems. (Contains 3 tables and 3 figures.)

Ethnic and religious differentials in labour market outcomes within many countries have been remarkably persistent. Yet one very well‐known differential—the Catholic/Protestant unemployment differential in Northern Ireland—has largely (although not completely) disappeared. This paper charts its decline since the early 1980s and examines potential explanations using Census data from 1991, 2001 and 2011 together with annual survey data. These data span the ending of The Troubles, the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, the introduction of fair employment legislation, growth in hidden unemployment and major structural changes in Northern Ireland. We assess the potential impact of these changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]