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The pillarization of Dutch society is a much-studied phenomenon. Generally, four theories explain the rise of this societal constellation: emancipation of religious minorities, protection of religious minorities, modernization and mobilization, and pacification of minorities’ interests. This paper evaluates these four theories with the case of the social activists of Berne Abbey. This abbey is part of the Norbertine order and between 1890 and 1940, it hosted four priests who were deeply engaged in the social question, particularly concerning farmers, small entrepreneurs and employers. They founded and organized catholic professional organizations and cooperations for members, and ultimately contributed to catholic corporative society in the Netherlands. The conclusion is that before 1906-1916 – when bishops ordered exclusively catholic organizations – emancipation thesis is valid, but after that period the protection thesis. Also: for members modernization thesis can explain the case, but for leaders in the movement, social pacification was an important motivation. The pillar was not a monolith, and originated in reaction to external and internal tensions.

In 2019, the Dutch Catholic Prisoner’s Chaplaincy celebrated its 70th birthday. As the history from 1949-1989 has been written already, this article pays attention to the developments between 1989 and 2019. It is based on various scientific publications by the Chaplaincy itself, and on the articles published in the professional (and ecumenical) journals Zandschrift and Pastorale Verkenningen. The paper starts with a summary of the history before 1989 from which four themes are distilled that constituted the framework of the developments after 1989. Then, three general characteristics of the period 1989-2019 are given: first, the names of the Chief Chaplains that directed the Catholic Chaplaincy, second, the diversification of prison regimes, third, the diversification of the prisoner’s population (both cultural-religious as in psycho-social problems). The chaplains and the Chaplaincy had to relate themselves in the period 1989-2019 towards the governmental policy of severe and stricter regimes on the one hand, and more (preventive) care and cure on the other. For the chaplains, this resulted in a greater integration in the prison institutions, and also in more reflections on the Christian tradition of forgiveness and mercy and its relevance for society and culture, not just in the prison system. Also, ‘restorative justice’ became an important focus for both the chaplains and the judicial system. The relation with the state changed fundamentally with the institution of the Directorate General for Spiritual Care and with the introduction of new denominations (Buddhism, Islam, and Hinduism). The chaplains reformulated their work in more general, non-denominational terms as specialists on religious traditions, as contributing to personal and institutional well-being, and they promoted professional standards. The paper concludes that in the period 1989-2019, catholic chaplains experienced a tension between being a pastor on the one hand and being a social worker on the other. Four threats are foreseen for the future: 1. societal secularization and diminished importance of the (Catholic) Church as the tradition in which the chaplains function; 2. Diversification of the society and of population of prisoners, which increases the number of denominations and demands more flexibility of individual chaplains; 3. The increased number of prisoners with social and psychological shortcomings, or addictions, which demands more professional skills and 4. The trend of severe punishment but also more heavy forms of crime, doing a greater appeal on the theological and spiritual sources of chaplains. The roles of pastor and social worker may not be completely compatible, but for the future they must be kept together in reaction to these threats.

Organized religion can be found at places that are normally closed for ordinary people. Representatives of this religion are active in care institutions, in the army and in prisons. This however creates tensions between the professional norms of these institutions on the one hand, and the norms of the religion on the other. Recently, four publications appeared that address these questions. First, Gärtner considers the religious activity in these non-church surroundings as exemplary for religion in high modernity. Second, the dissertation of Huyzer discusses the role of official church ministry in care institutions, a role which is not taken for granted. The book of Van Iersel, third, shows that the social teaching of the church can be of help to make relevant the role of the churches in spiritual care at the military institutions. Finally, the volume of Eyk et al. about spiritual care in prisons makes clear that institutional care needs the church office and the parish structures outside the institution. The conclusion is that exactly this last aspect has been neglected in most studies, and that spiritual care in institutions cannot be disconnected from religious organization outside these institutions.

This paper is based on extensive research of the personal files of these social activists in the archives of Berne Abbey. Moreover, all main publications on the social question by these four protagonists of social action (books, brochures, book chapters) were studied. Furthermore, secondary literature on Catholic social organizations, the social question in the Netherlands, and the history of Berne Abbey, including biographical publications about these four social activists, was consulted. The structure of the contribution is as follows. First, the peculiarities of the Catholic social movement in the Netherlands are described. On the one hand, the social question developed relatively late compared to other European countries. On the other, the influence of the church authorities on this movement was greater than it was elsewhere. Second, the article will offer a portrait of the four social activists, each according to the same pattern: after a biographical note, attention will be paid to their activities and their sociology respectively. Third, the conclusion will answer the question why Berne could develop into a center of social action, and will explain what the characteristics of its sociology were.

The duties of a deacon in the Catholic Church are determined by two dominant visions of this office. Contemporary views of the diaconate place the deacon in one of the following alternatives: either as a social worker or as a parish assistant. When these roles are viewed as being mutually exclusive, the result makes it more difficult to achieve the necessary renewal and redefinition of the office of deacon. This article tries to develop both aspects and to define the original variety of duties of this Ancient office for our times. The most complete answer is that the deacon is in the service of the Kingdom of God, with the official duty to communicate this Kingdom. In their conclusions the authors argue that the deacons in the totality of their collegium should represent the variety of services to the Kingdom of God and should not limit themselves to one exclusive model.

In 1960, the Dutch journal of the Catholic Social-Ecclesial Institute (Kaski) Sociaal Kompas became Social Compass. This shift rounded off a period now considered as the heyday of Dutch sociology of religion. Ironically, in those years, Catholic sociologists in particular contested the legitimacy of taking religion as an object of sociological study. Each period in the history of sociology of religion appears to present a different face of it due to the interplay between the political field, the religious field, and the academic field – and the self-identification as sociologists of religion is not self-evident. After 1980, further secularization resulted in a subsequent decline of chairs in sociology of religion. As direct, competitive government funding of academic research gained traction, the social-scientific study of religion continues to be funded. In so far as politicians and religious professionals continue to be concerned about issues such as the rise of Islam and new spirituality, the call for the social-scientific study of religion remains. The identification of these researchers with sociology of religion as a specialty, however, is less self-evident. What makes a sociologist of religion?

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Uitgangspunt van de auteurs is dat evenals een mens ook elke geloofsgemeenschap een eigen levenscyclus heeft: opgaan, blinken en verzinken. Of in kerkopbouw-taal: kerkplanting, groei, continuiteit, revitalisering en kerksluiting. Aan elke fase is een hoofdstuk gewijd. Apart is een hoofdstuk opgenomen over fluide vormen van kerkzijn. De verschillende fasen kennen elk hun eigen spanningsvelden waar pastores en opbouwwerkers in de praktijk van de geloofsgemeenschap mee geconfronteerd worden. Deze spanningsvelden worden door de auteurs belicht vanuit vier perspectieven: context, identiteit en cultuur, structuur en middelen, leiding.

The Dutch Catholic Church has experienced an immense growth and an equal measure of decline in the last two centuries. Four phases can be discerned: slow growth 1795-1870; fast growth 1870-1960; early decline 1920-1960; decline 1960-. Existing explanations for these developments seem not fully adequate: they either explain growth or decline (never both) or explain the development of the Church by its social organizations. An alternative is offered by the sect-to-church theory, as has been developed by the rational choice theory of religion. This theory explains the growth and decline of a church by the degree of tension it has with society and the stakes in conformity it offers. Historical evidence shows that in times of growth, the Dutch Catholic Church offered valuable stakes in conformity and was in high tension with society; conversely, that in times of decline the church offered less valuable stakes in conformity and reduced its tension with society. An extra chapter explains why de-spite new (sectarian) policy after 1970, the commitment has not increased: this policy was never fully realized and faced severe resistance from the ground levels. Rational choice theory is a useful theory to explain the development of Dutch Catholicism and it is advised to test this theory more elaborate on European religion. However, the Catholic Church doesn’t fit automatically in the theory that seems to start from small, protestant, and American sects. In the epilogue, some practical consequences of rational choice theory for church life are elabo-rated.