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THE CONSTITUTIONAL POSITION OF SENATE IN THE CONTEXT OF THE LEGITIMACY OF ITS EXISTENCE The aim of the article is to analyse the prevailing views on the constitutional position of the Senate of the Republic of Poland. Attention was paid to the powers of the analysed body, its constitutional status, as well as its real impact on the functioning of the state. An important feature in this regard is the reflection on the purposefulness of the existence of this body in the context of its current competences. Both the views on the science of law and the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Tribunal will be analysed. The formal-dogmatic method was used in the article. It seems that the legitimacy of the existence of the Senate in the context of the current Constitution is at least substantively questionable. Therefore, according to the authors, the extension of the powers of the Senate should be considered. Then the functioning of a bicameral parliament in a unitary state would be substantively justified.

Artykuł zawiera zwięzłe omówienie problematyki wyborczej zawartej w konstytucji z 1935 r. i w obu ordynacjach wyborczych z 1935 r. do Sejmu i do Senatu, a także analizy wyników wyborów parlamentarnych przeprowadzonych w latach 1935 i 1938. Do niskiej frekwencji wyborczej w 1935 r. przyczyniło się zbojkotowanie wyborów przez ugrupowania opozycyjne. Natomiast w 1938 r. pomimo ogłoszenia bojkotu wyborów przez opozycję nastąpił wzrost frekwencji wyborczej do Sejmu o 21,2% i do Senatu o 7,6%. Spowodowane to było wzrostem napięcia międzynarodowego, przyłączeniem do Polski Śląska Zaolziańskiego, zmuszeniem Litwy do nawiązania stosunków dyplomatycznych, a także poprawą sytuacji gospodarczej w kraju i wzrostem inwestycji w okręgach przemysłowych. Ponadto w każdym społeczeństwie istnieje pewien ułamek wyborców powstrzymujących się od głosowania ze względu na brak zainteresowania życiem politycznym kraju.

Koronavirová pandemie ukázala důležitost zastupitelnosti konkrétních vykonavatelů veřejné moci. Na ústavní úrovni jsou u nás pravidla náhradního výkonu funkcí obsažena jen výjimečně. Tento článek analyzuje úpravu a dosavadní praxi náhradního výkonu funkce prezidenta republiky. Všímá si historických úprav a vykládá pravidla současná. Zvláštní pozornost je věnována dvěma případům z roku 2021, kdy byla senátory zvažována aktivace náhradního výkonu funkcí prezidenta republiky Miloše Zemana.

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Auf dem Boden der österreichisch-ungarischen Monarchie ist nach 1918 eine Reihe von Einzelstaaten entstanden. Diese mussten sich neue Verfassungen geben. Der vorliegende Beitrag vergleicht in Grundzügen die Verfassung der Tschechoslowakischen Republik aus 1920 mit der österreichischen Bundesverfassung aus 1920.

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper explores activities undertaken by the Senate of the Republic of Poland in the early stages of full-scale armed Russian aggression on Ukraine. The activities of the Senate are analysed from a number of angles. Political positions and viewpoints expressed by the Senate as a whole are examined. Secondly, the participation of the Senate in the legislative procedure regarding help offered to Ukraine and Ukrainian citizens is discussed. Thirdly, the bilateral relations between the Polish Senate and the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine are scrutinized and fourthly, individual activities of Tomasz Grodzki, the Marshal of the Senate, are looked upon. The Senate as a whole as well as its individual members showed a considerable level of commitment to the Ukrainian cause, however, the efficiency of undertaken steps was significantly hindered by the unequal position of the Senate against the Sejm and by the political conflict stirred by the fact that it is the opposition that enjoys the majority in the upper house of Polish parliament. Despite these unfavourable conditions, time and again, the efforts of the members of the Senate brought the expected results and considerably contributed to the shape of relevant legislation and to the development of Polish-Ukrainian relations.

The initiative to establish the Military Housing Fund (Fundusz Kwaterunku Wojskowego, FKW) was launched in 1925 in the Polish Senate, which, during considering the draft Act on accommodation for the army in peacetime adopted by the Polish Sejm opposed the possibility provided for by the draft law (causing social unrest) to seize (for a compensation) private premises for permanent accommodation for officers and married non-commissioned officers, in a situation where other (specified in the Act) methods of acquiring housing for this purpose did not bring the expected results. The Senate voted in favour of the construction and maintenance of residential buildings intended as permanent housing for the military by a specially established FKW. A fundamental role in the structure of its financing (as non-returnable income) was played by the accommodation tax. However, it covered the same premises and the same people who were already burdened with the municipal tax on premises and the state tax on premises. The situation in which the same premises and the same individuals were burdened, according to the same rules, with three taxes (in the total amount of up to 15% of rent), changed on 2 August 1926 with the enactment of the Act on the tax on premises, which replaced the previous ones and the new tax was to be collected starting from 1 August 1926, also for the purposes of the FKW (a total of 114,174,379 Polish zlotys was paid to the FKW account by the end of 1938). This solution, combined with the authorisation of the FKW to take out (with the guarantee of the Government) a loan of up to 140 million zlotys, allowed the FKW to pursue a quite broad construction activity, which resulted (in the period 1927–1937) in 7,334 dwellings for officers and married non-commissioned officers (in 1938 a total of 1,577 dwellings were under construction).

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Le siècle des Antonins incarne plus que tout autre une dualité inhérente à la société romaine. D’une part l’esprit de conquête brillement mis en pratique par Nerva, Trajan et Hadrien et de l’autre, la piété envers les dieux et la recherche d’équilibre, incarnés par Antonin le Pieux et perpétuée par Marc-Aurèle. Il s’agit là de deux tendances chères aux romains : l’armée et la religion. Les pensées de Marc-Aurèle semblent exprimer le mieux cette lutte pour assurer un équilibre fragile à un peuple qui n’a quasiment jamais vécu en paix. Une approche analytique des pensées de Marc-Aurèle nous a amenée à nous interroger sur l’impact de cette dualité sur la vie de l’empereur et qui semble révéler un malaise intérieur que l’on ne retrouve pas chez les autres césars. - The century of the Antonines embodies more than any other a duality deeply rooted into the roman society. On the one hand the spirit of conquest brilliantly put into practice by Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian and on the other, piety towards the gods and the search for balance, incarnated by Antoninus Pius and perpetuated by Marcus Aurelius. These are two trends precious to the romans: army and religion in a context perpetually electrified by the demands and defiance of the Senate. The thoughts of Marcus Aurelius seem clearly reflect this inevitable struggle to ensure a delicate balance between on the one hand the constraints of the status of emperor and on the other, the need to ensure justice to a population which has ultimately never known peace. An analytical approach of the thoughts of Marcus Aurelius has led us to question the impact of this duality on the life of the emperor himself and to glimpse an internal discomfort that is not to be sensed with other Caesars.

The article shows how the Polish Senate's electoral rivalry has changed after the electoral reform in 2011, when a plurality rule in single-seat constituencies was introduced. Based on the analysis of the election results, it was shown how individual parliamentary parties adjusted to the new realities. In particular, it was checked to what extent these changes led to phenomena commonly recognized in political science - polarization, duopolization and disproportionality as well as division into safe and marginal (swing) districts. The analysis focused on the strategies of political parties. It turns out that the reform resulted in a few expected phenomena. At the same time, there were clear deviations from the predictions, resulting from the fact that the Senate elections were of a secondary importance. One of the reasons behind the deviations was additional uncertainty in the Senate's rivalry introduced by the fuzzy configurations of political alliances, especially regarding the nominations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pregled is the property of University of Sarajevo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Now that Justin Trudeau's "independent" Senate has had a full term to orient itself, how do we characterize the emerging relationship between it and the House of Commons? To answer this question, this article examines quantitative and qualitative changes in the Senate's impact on legislation since 2015. I look first of all at quantitative changes in Senate-Commons interaction, as assessed through the Senate's strong challenges to the Commons, more normal legislative review, and proactive policy influence. I then turn to qualitative case studies of Bills C-14, C-48, and C-69 to provide a more in-depth assessment of Senate review of legislation related to its core institutional mission. Overall, I argue that the newly independent Senate has been a much more assertive participant in the legislative process, but ultimately has been very mindful of reputational considerations and avoided going beyond "moderate" review. As a result, there are lingering questions about the practical significance of Trudeau's reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of the article is to present the issues related to the time limits set for individual organs of public authority (the Sejm, the Senate, the President of the Republic of Poland) for the performance of specific activities within the legislative procedure. These time limits should be calculated according to conventional rules, that is, from the beginning of the day following the day on which the act on which the legal provisions are binding begins. However, the action will also be effective if it is performed on the same day on which the said event occurred. Violation of the time limit in legislative proceedings is of fundamental importance for the act, as a normative act, within the scope of its validity. As part of the review of the constitutionality of the law, the Constitutional Tribunal also examines the correctness of the proceedings in which the law was adopted. According to the latest jurisprudence of the Constitutional Tribunal, violation of the minimum time limits required for the performance of individual activities, which have only been specified in the Rules of Procedure of the Sejm, may constitute an independent basis for declaring the entire act unconstitutional. This view differs significantly from the existing, well-established approach to this subject. The effects of violating the time limits of the legislative procedure can also be considered at the level of the rights (competences) of individual authorities within a specific proceeding. The signing of the act by the President after the expiry of the constitutional time limit should be deemed legally effective. The admissibility of issuing by the Constitutional Tribunal of scope judgements should be considered in cases of violation of the rules of correct legislation, leading to the omission or reduction of vacatio legis.

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Adam Mickiewicz is considered to be the most outstanding Polish Romantic poet, as well as one of the most excellent poets of Europe. Due to their timeless value, his works become a source of inspiration for generations of readers. Interestingly, in Mickiewicz's works we can find numerous references to legal issues, including those concerning the composition, functioning, and significance of the senate and popular assemblies in ancient Rome. An analysis of individual parts of the poet's works allows us to conclude that he was quite familiar with the issues related to the social history and political organization of ancient Rome. His knowledge of the subject primarily comes from the works of ancient writers (Cicero, Livy, Tacitus, Plutarch, Suetonius, Aulus Gellius, and Cassius Dio), with which he became acquainted during his studies at the Vilnius University. Mickiewicz also read publications dealing extensively with the history of ancient Rome by such authors as Edward Gibbon, Barthold Georg Niebuhr, and Jules Michelet. It should be emphasized that the poet used expert Latin legal terminology when addressing various issues concerning the Roman senate and popular assemblies. The references to Roman law present in Mickiewicz's works are yet another testimony to the fact that it is an important component of Europe's cultural heritage. Having at least elementary knowledge in this area should therefore be desirable for the largest possible group of people, which needs not be limited only to lawyers. Poland's greatest poet is a good example of this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue du Nord is the property of Revue du Nord and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article shows how the Polish Senate's electoral rivalry has changed after the electoral reform in 2011, when a plurality rule in single-seat constituencies was introduced. Based on the analysis of the election results, it was shown how individual parliamentary parties adjusted to the new realities. In particular, it was checked to what extent these changes led to phenomena commonly recognized in political science - polarization, duopolization and disproportionality as well as division into safe and marginal (swing) districts. The analysis focused on the strategies of political parties. It turns out that the reform resulted in a few expected phenomena. At the same time, there were clear deviations from the predictions, resulting from the fact that the Senate elections were of a secondary importance. One of the reasons behind the deviations was additional uncertainty in the Senate's rivalry introduced by the fuzzy configurations of political alliances, especially regarding the nominations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

L’article analitza, d’una banda, la configuració jurídica general de l’article 155 CE a partir de les dades normatives del mateix text constitucional, dels antecedents de dret comparat, dels debats del procés constituent espanyol de 1978, de les aportacions doctrinals i de les referències de la jurisprudència constitucional. S’examinen els diversos elements d’aquest mecanisme de coerció estatal sobre les Comunitats Autònomes: quan es pot aplicar, amb quin procediment i a quines mesures pot donar lloc. De l’altra, el treball estudia la concreta aplicació de l’esmentat precepte de la Constitució a Catalunya l’any 2017 per tal de valorar-ne el grau d’adequació al marc constitucionalment establert. En aquest segon punt es tracten específicament el nivell de congruència entre el requeriment previ del Govern al President de la Generalitat i la concatenació d’actes subsegüents, la intervenció del Senat i les mesures concretes de dissolució del Parlament de Catalunya i de cessament del President i del Govern de la Generalitat. La conclusió final és que no s’ha donat aquesta congruència, que el control del Senat ha estat feble i que no eren procedents les mesures de dissolució del Parlament i de cessament del President i del Govern de la Generalitat.

Since 1876 until his death in 1885, Victor Hugo, one of the most popular French authors of the 19th century, was member of the Senate. His mandate has, however, been rarely mentioned in biographies devoted to him. Far from being a self-effacing period in the life of Hugo, during his mandate he was fighting the last great battles of the republicans. After a difficult election, Victor Hugo became senator and started his fight against personal power, but in favor of the amnesty of the communards. In consideration of the republican victory, by the end of his life, Victor Hugo became a guardian figure of the Haute Assemblée.

Zmiany Konstytucji Republiki Czeskiej. Konstytucja Republiki Czeskiej została uchwalona 16 grudnia 1992 r. Regulacja stosunków konstytucyjnych w Republice Czeskiej jest również uregulowana w ustawach konstytucyjnych, które w art. 112 Konstytucji określane są jako część „porządku konstytucyjnego”. Od 1993 roku konstytucję nowelizowano dziewięciokrotnie, zgłoszono również wiele in­nych projektów ustaw konstytucyjnych dotyczących zmian w konstytucji, które jednak nie zostały uchwalone.

L'article porte sur un corpus de plusieurs centaines de pages de débats, à l'Assemblée nationale ou au Sénat concernant langues régionales, notamment au moment des discussions de 2008 sur la ratification de la Charte européenne des langues régionales et minoritaires, mais aussi à propos de propositions de loi spécifiques ou plus générales – par exemple, la Loi école dite "Peillon" en 2013. Les auteurs se penchent d'abord sur les questions juridiques liées à ces débats avant d'étudier ce qui leur semble fondamental, à savoir la question idéologique.

Copyright of Zeszyty Prawnicze Biuro Analiz Sejmowej is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeszyty Prawnicze Biuro Analiz Sejmowej is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Public Law / Zeitschrift für Öffentliches Recht is the property of Verlag Oesterreich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Growing mainstream awareness of tensions surrounding Indigenous rights and recent political movement to promote reconciliation suggest that the time might be ripe to revisit some of the most important ideas for strengthening Indigenous Peoples' place and space within the Canadian federation, particularly within the country's central political institutions. This article argues that the Canadian Senate has the potential to be an important institution for reconciliation in Canada's system of federalism. It centres on one of the proposed recommendations of the Charlottetown Accord—reserved representation for Aboriginal people in the Senate. Using a theoretical framework based in treaty federalism, this article argues that reserved Indigenous representation in the Canadian Senate could provide a starting point to mitigate some of the existing tensions between dominant understandings of federalism and reconciliation, as well as to ensure that Canada's political institutions better represent the interests of Indigenous Peoples and Nations. The Senate's essential responsibilities in Canadian democracy, including representing sectional interests and reviewing legislation, make it an ideal starting place for realizing commitments to reconciliation in Canada's central political institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fate of “Eastern Christians”, a subject of predilection in the French political imaginary, has recently experienced a resurgence of interest in France. Here we propose some avenues for reflection on the contemporary penetration of the subject of “Eastern Christians” in the French public sphere. This brief overview aims to present a certain number of empirical elements based on several quantitative dataset and a chronological presentation of the evolution of this field between 2014 and 2018. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Economic & Political Thought / Myśl Ekonomiczna & Polityczna is the property of Lazarski University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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The parliamentary system under John III Sobieski stands out against other eras and has many distinguishing characterstics. Initially, the parliament functioned more effectively at that time than during the reign of Michał Korybut Wiśniowiecki, but its efficiency was steadilly falling. The successes of parliaments were bought at the price of several months of deliberation. The desperate nobility looked for legal solutions, but without violating the liberum veto principle they were not very effective. The increase in the importance of dietines meant that they gathered much more often than before. The limita (continuing the debate after a few weeks' break) allowed for frequent dietine meetings without issuing a new royal document (uniwersał). However, dietines also experienced a period of political struggle, which can be seen in the increasing number of interrupted dietines. "Senatorial councils" functioned efficiently, but their competences were limited. The king's attempts to replace parliaments with councils could' not succeed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue Historique (0035-3264) is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przegląd Europejski is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)