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This article examines the evolution of nineteenth-century French economist Michel Chevalier’s reputation and self-understanding as a Saint-Simonian. Despite only having served two years as chief editor of the famous Saint-Simonian Globe, Chevalier’s attempt to re-integrate himself into liberal intellectual circles following his split from the Saint-Simonian movement was consistently hindered by his perceived adherence to its illiberal principles. This article mobilizes Chevalier’s reputation as a means to explore the porous boundary between Saint-Simonianism and French liberalism at a time when the contours between the two traditions were still not clearly defined. I also argue that the economist’s continued prioritization of economic development over political liberty grounded a variety of liberalism that many political liberals found intolerable, notably in its willingness to endure Bonapartist authoritarianism for the sake of economic growth. Mobilizing new archival material from the Second Empire, this article illuminates how Chevalier and others understood his relation to Saint-Simonianism and liberalism in the moment when he was at the apogee of his power and influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1860s and early 1870s, a series of decrees famously rede- fined the legal identity and rights of Algerian Muslims and Jews. These decrees were part of a broader reappraisal of French colonial rule and the implications of France's founding treaty in Algeria, the Convention of 5 July 1830. This article traces the role of Ismaÿl Urbain and his push to gradually regenerate Algerian Muslims by formalizing a relationship between France and Islam, which echoed efforts to integrate Catholic and Protestant settlers and Algerian Jews within French colonial society. Yet, in his effort to safeguard Islam, and Muslim personal status law more specifically, as necessary tools of Franco-Muslim fusion, Urbain inadvertently helped to ensure the long-term marginalization of Algerian Muslims under French rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Outre-Mers: Revue d'Histoire Colonial et Impériale is the property of Societe Francaise d'Histoire d'Outre Mer and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Outre-Mers: Revue d'Histoire Colonial et Impériale is the property of Societe Francaise d'Histoire d'Outre Mer and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The arrival of tourism in Biarritz and on the French Basque coast in the mid-nineteenth century accentuated the national sentiment of the area and its distinctive Basque cultural attributes alike. This article analyzes such dualism, emphasizing both transformations that turned Biarritz into a resort popular across France and Europe and modifications to local culture that made it a key feature of the tourist experience in the Basque Country. The contribution of the local population to the folklorization of its culture was key to its survival, underscoring the importance of regional folklore for the touristic success of France as a whole. Mid-nineteenth-century governments' support of local cultural initiatives, in turn, was necessary for their accomplishment, as well as for the maturing of an idea of France as unitary yet culturally diverse that came to define the early Third Republic after 1870. Le début de l'expérience touristique à Biarritz et sur la côte basque française au milieu du dix-neuvième siècle a accentué le sentiment national de la région et les particularités culturelles basques. Cet article analyse ce dualisme et souligne deux aspects : les changements qui ont transformé Biarritz en une station touristique célèbre en France et en Europe, et les transformations de la culture locale qui était une partie importante de l'expérience touristique au Pays basque. La participation de la population à la création d'une culture folklorique fut fondamentale pour son existence et pour le succès touristique de la France entière. Le soutien des gouvernements du milieu du siècle aux initiatives culturelles locales fut nécessaire aussi pour l'achèvement et la maturation d'une idée de la France comme unitaire mais culturellement différenciée qui définit le début de la Troisième République. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The execution of Maximilian of Habsburg and his two generals, Miguel Miramón and Tomás Mejía at Cerro de las Campanas, Querétaro, on June 19, 1867, produced a series of visual vestiges such as lithographs, photographs, and paintings that tried to reflect the condition of lay martyr that the ill-fated emperor acquired from that moment on. Many of these images tried to establish an analogy with respect to the biblical passage of the crucifixion since they portray a man about to die next to two prisoners, as well as the inclusion of crosses, pious witnesses, and priests. This dissertation also contemplates the construction of places of memory, such as the expiatory chapel of the Cerro de las Campanas to perpetuate the memory of a man who, according to the artists, sympathizers and witnesses of the trance, had died unjustly. Through an iconographic analysis of some of these visual representations that appeared both in Mexico and in Europe, we will try to confirm this hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La décennie 1860 fut marquée, en France, par une large mobilisation des catholiques visant à défendre le pouvoir temporel de la papauté, menacé par l’unification italienne. À rebours de l’historiographie, qui a longtemps négligé leur participation, l’article vise à montrer que les femmes jouèrent un rôle non négligeable dans ce mouvement. Il met en évidence différentes formes d’engagement féminin, dont la principale fut la collecte d’argent pour le pape, qui témoignent d’une réelle capacité d’action (agency). L’article montre ainsi que, alors que les formes institutionnalisées de la participation politique leur étaient fermées, les catholiques françaises purent prendre part à la mobilisation en faveur de la papauté, à condition d’inscrire leur action dans des domaines jugés conformes à une intervention féminine. À travers ces formes d’engagement, ce sont des voies de politisation alternatives, laissées ouvertes par les stéréotypes de genre, qui se font jour.

This article is devoted to the study of the French historiographical tradition of studying the Crimean war. Due to the fact that the French historiography of the Crimean campaign has diff erences from the Russian or Anglo-Saxon, it is interesting to turn to the study of the features that are characteristic for the works of French historians. One of the key theses of this article is the statement of the following situation in French historical science: since the second half of the 19th century the Crimean war was studied in the framework of studies on the history of the Second Empire. In the late twentieth century the scientifi c tradition has undergone certain changes, as a result of which the events of 1853-1856 became the subject of separate studies on the military history of France and historical anthropology. This feature infl uenced the perception of the war in French public opinion and the scientifi c community and led to the diff erentiation of certain problems and subjects directly related to the history of the Crimean war. The study of French historiography allows us to determine the themes that prevailed in the scientifi c thought of France during the second half of the 19th - 20th centuries, as well as those trends that are currently key in discussing the prerequisites, the nature, the results of the military campaign of 1853-1856. The authors conclude that the scientifi c and possibly public interest in the Crimean war in France is much lower than in Russia. The events of 1853-1856, largely overshadowed by the discussions and memory of the First World war, gradually turn into a little-known period of French history. However, the jubilee years associated with the Crimean war and the siege of Sevastopol are an important point that allows us to revisit the study of both the military campaign and diplomacy, and in general the history of Russian-French relations.

In France, throughout the 19th century, the politicisation of Catholics was largely the result of conflicts between them and a state whose modernisation was marked by secularisation. The mobilisation against the Italian policy of Napoleon III illustrates this situation well. Such mobilisation was marked by a continued appropriation by Catholics of modern forms of politics. However, this appropriation was not just a passive process of taking up repertoires of action already used by others; on the contrary, it took specific forms, linked to the characteristics of Catholicism at the time, and in particular to the refusal of an absolute separation between politics and religion.Using the case of western France as a starting point, we propose to show how the politicisation of Catholics at the time of the Roman question was able to take on original forms, alongside classic political practices, testifying to an interpenetration of the political and religious spheres.

Copyright of Oficina do Historiador is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On 7 February 1861, John Tyndall, professor of natural philosophy, delivered a historical lecture: he could prove that different gases absorb heat to a very different degree, which implies that the temperate conditions provided for by the Earth's atmosphere are dependent on its particular composition of gases. The theoretical foundation of climate science was laid. Ten years later, on the other side of the Channel, a young and ambitious author was working on a comprehensive literary analysis of the French era under the Second Empire. Émile Zola had probably not heard or read of Tyndall's discovery. However, the article makes the case for reading Zola's Rougon-Macquart as an extensive story of climate change. Zola's literary attempts to capture the defining characteristic of the Second Empire led him to the insight that its various milieus were all part of the same 'climate': that of an all-encompassing warming. Zola suggests that this climate is man-made: the economic success of the Second Empire is based on heating, in a literal and metaphorical sense, as well as on stoking the steam-engines and creating the hypertrophic atmosphere of the hothouse that enhances life and maximises turnover and profit. In contrast to Tyndall and his audience, Zola sensed the catastrophic consequences of this warming: the Second Empire was inevitably moving towards a final débâcle, i.e. it was doomed to perish in local and 'global' climate catastrophes. The article foregrounds the supplementary status of Tyndall's physical and Zola's literary knowledge. As Zola's striking intuition demonstrates, literature appears to have a privileged approach to the phenomenon of man-induced climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maximilian is the tenth historical legend written and published by Ireneo Paz in 1899. For its author, it is "a little recreational work, aimed rather at making familiarly known some of the most notorious sides of that great farce". Why does he call it a legend and not a novel? Is it possible that the Mexican writer intends to make the clash between liberals and conservatives legendary? A purpose for this work would be to demonstrate the construction of an historical legend, based on The Simple Forms by André Jolles. From Hayden White's Metahistory, we will try to demonstrate that Paz constructs his legend using procedures similar to those of the nineteenthcentury European Romantic historians: a metaphorical style, a novelescromantic narrative and a formistic mode of argumentation; all in order to mythologize an otherwise complex historical process and thus contribute to the support of the victorious triumphant liberalism, at the cost of fictionalizing and uniquely characterizing the main actors of the Second Mexican Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the first accomplishments of the Second Empire (1852–70) was to bring the Opéra under the control of a committee of the most highly placed politicians in the land. While this had far-reaching consequences for the development of repertory in the capital and beyond, it also opened up the possibility of using the Opéra as a locus of diplomatic activity, and major works and productions were made to work for diplomatic purposes. The Opéra emerged as a site of four types of diplomatic activities: the spectacle of state visits, the celebration and monumentalizing of military victories, the restoration and maintenance of good relations, and the promotion of Napoléon's imperial project. Occasionally, as at the end of the "Crimean war," the Opéra served as one of the sites for a series of prolonged negotiations that would lead to formal treaties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The law of May 30,1854 on the execution of the sentence of hard labor turned French Guiana into an experimental territory for a penal, agricultural and colonial utopia. Between 1852 and 1867, penal colonists represented only 1.32% of the workforce. The category «Arab convict» made its appearance in 1866 in the official statistics of the penitentiary administration of French Guiana. In 1867, the decision of the French government to temporarily halt the transport of European undesirables greatly altered the sociology of the penal colony. In order to impart a second wind to the prison colony project, a decision was made to tap into the pool of indigenous convicts to supply French Guiana with vital recruits. From 1868 to 1887, this pool was composed mainly of «Arab convicts» mostly from Algeria. The purpose of this article is to revisit the political and social context of the Algerian period in the French Guiana penal colony (1867-1887), to record these as part of the geography of «trans-imperial» forced transports, tracing the contours of the first generation of Algerian convicts. To do this, we chose to establish our body of sources around the convoy of July 27, 1868, which seems to have been the first convoy of Algerian convicts since the provisional suspension of European convict transports to French Guiana.

This article is devoted to the urban planning policy of the Second Empire in France, as well as the reflection of this era in literature. The purpose of the study is to tell about the urban policy of the Second Empire, relying on the novels of Emile Zola as a historical source. To achieve the goal, the following tasks were set: to trace the evolution of the author’s views on the internal politics of the regime and analyze such works as "The Belly of Paris", "The Kill", " The Ladies' Paradise". The novels of the Rougon-Macquart cycle by Emile Zola show Paris undergoing large-scale changes in the middle of the 19th century, since, at the initiative of Emperor Napoleon III, Paris was to turn into a modern capital, the center of a civilized world with wide streets, parks and gas lighting. The article is based on comparative and descriptive methods, which make it possible to trace how the attitude of the writer to the transformation of the city changed from work to work. The source for writing the article was the novels “The Kill”, “The Belly of Paris” and “The Ladies’ Paradise”. If at the beginning Zola is rather sharply critical of both the regime and the transformations that the capital is undergoing, then later his views become less radical. Initially, he associates the Second Empire with unprincipled people, ready to do anything for their own benefit. It is they who receive the most profit from the ongoing urban construction, which, in fact, only spoils the historical appearance of the city. However, little by little, he begins to recognize that the innovations that have arisen thanks to the prefect of the Seine, Baron Haussmann, can be useful. Both the rebuilt central market and large shops ultimately serve the Parisians and positively influence their way of life. The death and ruin of small traders already look historically determined, inevitable from the point of view of progress, which is pointless to resist. They disappear, but Paris, changeable and at the same time eternal, remains. In addition, the city can rightfully be called the protagonist of Zola’s works; he experiences transformations, but retains his soul, his essence.

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Copyright of Revue Historique (0035-3264) is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the Second Empire, rumour and slander were often used in the political fight. Obviously, it was more often used by the opposition, especially republican. At the same time, rumour and slander spread in the country, particularly among peasants, differed much from those spread in the power circles in Paris. The former were thoroughly researched by French historian FranQois Ploux, who identified typical models of rumours appearing in various regions of France. These concerned alleged revolutions in Paris or attempts at the emperor's life, treasons of nobles and the Church. Ploux thus describes the functioning of both the republican opposition in various departments, and the peculiar bonapartism, related actually to the republicans through their anti-Church or anti-aristocratic beliefs. In Paris, however, rumours concentrated more on Napoleon III himself, his background, or private life. The common element was the health ofthe emperor, actually truly poor in 1865. It can also be clearly seen that these rumours on the declining health of the emperor, just like some others, although spread by the republicans, originated naturally from censorship and lack ofreliable information. The same was true about state finances, although here we can see the malicious intent of the authors. The emperor in Paris was also victim to, sometimes justified, rumours used clearly as political means about his background, love affairs, spouse, or collaborators.. The republicans thus consciously created an image of a badly-led and immoral empire, as set against a pure and just future republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay approaches a period of Guillermo Prieto's life in order to explain him in the context of this period, which corresponds to the Reforma, the Tripartite Intervention and the Second Empire. It is a first approximation to the moment in which Prieto moves away from Benito Juárez due to the alliance with Jesús González Ortega. This is an aspect that has been little addressed by his biographers since these studies are fundamentally apologetic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues against the often-made connection between democratic reform and Union victory in the Civil War. Defining democracy narrowly as an electoral process, the article looks at France, the German states, a selection of Latin American countries, and Great Britain to illustrate that democratic reforms were an ongoing conversation started long before the Civil War. While the Second Empire of Napoleon III receives much scholarly attention because of its perceived autocratic tendencies, historians often forget that Napoleon retained universal manhood suffrage during his reign. More importantly, the article illustrates that the United States were a symbol of what to avoid during Great Britain's Reform Act debates as democracy was frequently equated with mob rule. Overall, the article illustrates that the countries discussed had ongoing conversations about democratic electoral reforms well before the 1860s and that debates surrounding democratic reforms did not focus on the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Anos 90 is the property of Anos 90 and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)