Search

This paper presents a large-scale field experiment assessing the impact of an intervention providing evidence-based information about costs and returns to higher education. Treatment impacts are evaluated through university enrolment, choice of field of study, and performance either at university or in the labour market. Thanks to the large sample size, treatment effects can also be assessed for subgroups (by gender and parental education). We find that treated females from high-educated families chose more economically rewarding fields of study, while treated males from low-educated families were more likely to enter the labour market. Although not necessarily in line with policy goals, choices induced by additional information were not detrimental to students’ opportunities, as treated students displayed a similar academic performance and higher employment rates.

Recent research into educational inequalities has shown the importance of decomposing social origins into parental class, status and education, representing economic, socio-cultural and educational family resources, respectively. But we know little about how inequalities in educational attainment at the micro-level map onto institutional characteristics of educational systems at the macro-level, if we treat social origins in a multidimensional way. Drawing on the rich over-time variation in educational systems in four European countries–Britain, Sweden, Germany and Italy–this paper develops and tests a number of hypotheses regarding the effects of various components of social origins on individuals’ educational attainment in different institutional contexts. It is evident from our results that a great deal of similarity exists across nations with different educational systems inthe persisting importance for individuals’ educational attainment of parental class, status and education. But our findings also indicate that changes in the institutional features of educational systems have, in some instances although not in others, served to reinforce or to offset the social processes generating educational inequalities at the micro level.

The aim of this research is to analyse the educational gap between native and foreign students in Europe. In last decades, because of the increasing number of immigrants, the sociological literature on the ethnic stratification in education has considerably grown. However, several aspects of the relationship between ethnicity and educational inequality are still under debate. This research is based on the assumption that the gross educational disadvantage of foreign students is due to differences in both achievements and educational choices. I analyse the several dimensions that scholars have identified as being able to influence one of them, or both. The roles played by individual characteristics –micro-level– (such as: social class, cultural background, gender, ethnicity and migration background), by the school context –meso-level– (i.e. peers group, teachers, and the school) and by the institutional context –macro-level– (the educational system and the country’s migration history) will be analytically divided. As different European nations have historically attracted migrants from specific countries in specific periods, individual’s ethnicity has long coincided with his immigration generation. Nowadays, because of the growing number of nationalities present in each country, it is finally possible to separate these two dimensions. Thus, I add to the debate in that I analyse whether ethnicity and migration background influence the individual educational success independently one another and independently of social origins. Moreover, I address whether the relationship between ethnicity and educational inequality is due to primary or secondary effects. In other words, I investigate if ethnicity and migration background influence only academic competences – which than translate in better choices – or if they are also able to directly affect the latter, net of individuals academic skills.

The participation in tertiary education in Italy is characterised by sharp vertical and horizontal inequalities, linked to social origins, and by a marked mismatch between the demand for skilled jobs and the distribution of graduates across fields of study. These two problems may derive from the lack of information about the profitability of the investment in tertiary education among students and families. We explored this issue by designing a counselling intervention to provide high school seniors with up-dated and high-quality information about costs of university and post-secondary vocational courses attendance, occupational returns guaranteed by the various fields of study and the chances of successfully completing them. We tested the effect of our initiative on high school senior students’ decisions to enrol either at university or post-secondary vocational courses through a randomized controlled trial. It started in October 2013 and involved about 9,000 students from 62 schools in the provinces of Milan, Vicenza, Bologna and Salerno. We found that treated students did not increase their participation in tertiary education compared to that of control students. However, they were induced to change their initial choice of the field of study moving away from those poorly rewarding towards either highly rewarding ones (students from advantaged families) or post-secondary vocational education (students from disadvantaged families). We explained these effects resorting the rational action theory models.

Education continues to define social positions and reproduce social inequalities. Deficiencies in education may lead to disadvantages at both the individual and societal levels, and lower qualifications are usually obtained by already disadvantaged youths. One of the biggest problems in this regard is dropping out (also named early school-leaving)—i.e. young people who leave the education system before completing upper secondary school. Many interventions have attempted to prevent or discourage students from dropping out of school. Among them there are two straightforward systemic policies: raising the age of compulsory schooling and creating alternative tracks for completing education. They aimed to achieve the same goal—reducing dropping out—but using different strategies. Despite the diffusion of these reforms, it is not clear to what extent one or both may succeed in their goal. Both of these policies were actively pursued in Italy in a less than five-year period—from 1999 to 2003. In 1999, the so-called Berlinguer reform extended compulsory schooling from age 14 to 15, and in 2003 the State-Regions Congress introduced experimental vocational and training programmes (IFP). These intensive changes allow for the comparison of these two interventions in a single context one after the other, but no extensive studies have been made so far. The dissertation seeks to address this lacuna by making the best use of the available data. The broad question of the thesis is whether the extension of compulsory schooling and/or the creation of new vocational and training programmes have modified students’ (and families’) dropping-out decisions. To answer, propensity score matching, counterfactual time series, segmented regression, region fixed effect and individual multilevel cross-classified logistic analyses are used. The results are framed in the theoretical debates about education: its roles, its expansion, its contribute to (in)equality and its policies.

Il lavoro di ricerca qui proposto si inserisce nel filone delle ricerche sulla mobilità intragenerazionale appena esposto. Questo tema è ampiamente affrontato negli studi che si occupano dell’analisi del mercato del lavoro e dei suoi cambiamenti avvenuti nel corso del secolo scorso. Tuttavia, la gran parte della letteratura si concentra sull’ingresso o sull’uscita delle donne dal mondo lavorativo tralasciando lo studio delle loro effettive possibilità di sperimentare un cambiamento di posizione occupazionale. Rispetto agli studi già condotti in questo ambito, riteniamo possa essere interessante aggiungere all’analisi delle carriere femminili anche altri aspetti. Un primo ambito di analisi è l’influenza della posizione occupazionale dei mariti e dei padri sulla carriera delle donne. Un altro ambito riguarda l’influenza di due eventi familiari di particolare rilevanza, quali il matrimonio e la nascita di un figlio, sull’abbandono del mondo del lavoro e sulla chance di cambiamento della posizione occupazionale delle donne. Con il primo interrogativo di ricerca, ci proponiamo di indagare se, nel corso del ventesimo secolo, si siano modificati i modelli di mobilità di carriera in Italia. La seconda domanda di ricerca cercherà invece di capire come gli eventi familiari - matrimonio e nascita di un figlio - influiscano sulla partecipazione delle donne al mercato del lavoro. Infine, con la terza domanda di ricerca, ci chiediamo come gli eventi sopra esposti influenzino le opportunità di carriera delle stesse. Per rispondere agli interrogativi indicati, prenderemo in considerazione lo studio sia dei fattori inerenti la dimensione individuale, sia di quelli specifici riguardanti l’ambito strutturale. L’analisi di questa ultima sfera permetterà di porre attenzione sui cambiamenti che hanno interessato, a partire dagli anni cinquanta del secolo scorso, il sistema produttivo italiano e le modifiche riguardanti i meccanismi di regolamentazione nei rapporti di impiego. Per quanto

The thesis looks at three major determinants of economic well-being of a modern woman: 1) individual financial resources 2) decisions about work and career, 3) the choice of partnership. The economic well-being is thus reflected in both individual achievements (income and work) and collective conditions (partnership). I compare the situation in five European countries- Italy, Denmark, France, United Kingdom and Ireland using the data on perceived individual financial satisfaction. In the first chapter, I investigate how economic well-being of women changes with the presence of their personal income. Economics suggests various theories that explain the way family performs its functions and determine the well-being of its members. The theory of Gary Becker idealizes family seeing it as a rational unit where both wife and husband aim at the maximization of family resources. On the other hand, the bargaining perspective highlights that the household behaviour depends largely on family dynamics and a bargain between the partners. There is large empirical evidence against unitary models of household behavior and this chapter presents another contribution to the relevant empirics. I further enrich the analysis by: 1) incorporating the social context in explaining the bargaining between partners and woman’s economic well-being, 2) testing the unified model of household behaviour at different household income levels. The second chapter goes beyond the current studies on woman’s economic independence. Economic theory is rather limiting because it relies only on income in explaining the economic well-being of women. The sociological perspective is broader because it encompasses the employment patterns, future career prospects and commitment to personal occupation (Gerson, 1993, Hakim, 2000). I employ diversity of work choices and career orientation in the analysis of woman’s economic well-being and her financial position within family. Career stability and attachment to work a

This article examines the relationship between social cohesion and economic vulnerability in Europe. The analyses are build around two main research hypotheses. The first one argues the existence of a direct and negative association between economic inequality and social cohesion. The second supposition states that this connection is mediated by some factors which include the individuals’ position in the stratification system (i.e. social class). Finally, we believe that welfare state could be relevant because it influences both the relationship between social class and economic vulnerability and the link between social cohesion and economic vulnerability. The empirical analysis –based on the European Social Survey (ESS) carried out in 2003– shows the central role played by the welfare state and the existence of a direct and negative connection between social cohesion and economic vulnerability, only partially mediated by the effect of social class.

'Auf der Grundlage eines nationalen longitudinalen Datensatzes analysiert der Beitrag die Bedingungen, die das Entstehen von Zweiverdiener-Haushalten und berufstätigen Ehepartnern in Italien begünstigen, d.h. in einem Land, das durch eine relativ geringe Partizipation von Frauen am Berufsleben und geringe Mobilität zwischen den Generationen gekennzeichnet ist. Als berufstätige Ehepartner werden auch alle Paare gefasst, bei denen beide Ehepartner höheren Berufsklassen nach der Klassifizierung von Erikson und Goldthorpe angehören. Mittels EHA und Cross-Lag-Modellen haben wir untersucht, wie die Bildung von Frauen und ihre Stellung ihrer Zugehörigkeit zum Arbeitsmarkt über die gesamte Dauer der Familienbildung bestimmen. Wir haben festgestellt, dass in Italien zwar relativ weniger Zweiverdienerhaushalte als in anderen Ländern bestehen, dass jedoch in diesem Fall in der Regel beide Ehepartner eine anspruchsvolle Laufbahn verfolgen. Weiterhin haben wir die Rolle homogamer Ehen im Hinblick darauf untersucht, dass ein Paar zunächst als Zweiverdiener-Haushalt beginnt und sich anschließend zu einer Partnerschaft entwickelt, in der beide Partner eine Karriere verfolgen. Schulbildung und Beruf der Ehegatten haben keinen Einfluss auf ihre jeweiligen Karrieremobilitätschancen. Insbesondere haben Bildung und berufliche Stellung des Ehemannes im Gegensatz zu den Ergebnissen anderer Studien keinen Einfluss auf die Berufstätigkeit der Ehefrau, es sei denn, im negativen Sinne, wenn der Ehemann über eine höhere Bildung verfügt als die Ehefrau. Ehen, in denen beide Ehepartner eine Karriere verfolgen, scheinen eher Ergebnis originär homogamer Merkmale der Ehepartner denn die Folge einer verstärkenden Wirkung des Sozialkapitals hoch gebildeter Ehemänner zu sein.' (Autorenreferat), 'Based on a national longitudinal data set, this essays analyses the conditions that favour the formation of dual earner, and specifically dual career couples in Italy, i.e in a country characterized by comparatively low women's labour force participation and intra-generational mobility. Dual career couples include all couples in which both spouses belong to the higher occupational classes according to Erikson's and Goldthorpe's classification. Using EHA and cross-lag models, we have tested the role of women's education and occupational position in supporting their attachment to the labour market throughout the family formation years. We found that, although dual earner couples are comparatively fewer in Italy than in other countries, dual career ones are, in relative terms, the most common kind within them. We have also explored the role of homogamous marriages in shaping the possibility that a couple develops first as a dual earner and second as a dual career one. The school credentials possessed and the occupations performed by the spouses do not affect their respective career mobility chances. Particularly, contrary to findings of other studies, the husband's education and occupational position has no impact on the wife's occupation, except, negatively, when he is better educated than she. Dual career marriages seem more the result of original homogamous characteristics of spouses than of a reinforcing impact of the social capital of highly educated husbands.' (author's abstract)

The article deals with two different topics. First, it stresses the cultural and institutional meanings of the recent issue of a deontological code regulating the treatment of personal information collected or used for scientific purposes. Second, the article tries to show how the new rules affect the main steps of a sociological survey, namely the sampling procedure, the field work and interviewing arrangements, and the storage of personal information in an electronic data warehouse.