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This study provides empirical evidence on preservice teachers' (PSTs) dispositions by surveying them on topics of educational policy in their first required course for a teacher preparation program in one mid-sized public university. Our survey used the same questions as did the Ed Next/Harvard Program on Education Policy and Governance poll, which was administered nationally both to the general public and to public school teachers. The goal was to understand PSTs' dispositions when they enter teacher education programs. Results of the survey indicate that dispositions and attitudes of PSTs reflect a belief that schools are doing well and that PSTs are neutral with respect to many major educational policies. These findings suggest that students are entering teacher preparation programs with largely positive views of schooling and a general lack of knowledge about educational policy and teachers' working conditions. We provide several implications for teacher education and teacher educators who look to disrupt rather than reproduce structural inequalities.

This study analyzed educators' requests for grant funding to purchase desired educational resources or services. Specifically, it examined to what extent, and how, educators utilized research and other forms of evidence to support their decision-making. References to research were sparse, though applicants sometimes referred to local data or small-scale trials. Conceptual research use likely also lurked beneath certain statements. Applicant educators also showed special concern for certain topics, including student engagement/motivation and enhancing the cultural relevance of programming. The proposals varied considerably in terms of the robustness of underlying theories of action. This line of inquiry contributes to understandings both regarding a) educators' use of research and other knowledge sources to support their professional decision-making; and b) the nature of evidence use in education.

Despite the strong relationship between geography and education policy, educational research tends to draw from other fields of inquiry such as economics, political science, and history. This special topics collection centers the usefulness of geography and place in educational policy research. The introduction explains the rationale for the collection and discusses the themes and articles in the collection. We conclude with a call for researchers, policy makers, and colleges of education to enhance their capacity in incorporating geographic thinking into educational policy research.

Background: While journalists claim social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter have been central to the growth of the opt-out movement, there is a lack of empirical research that examines its use by participants. We address this gap by highlighting findings related to the usage of social media by opt-out participants in Ohio. Purpose: This study examines how the ideologically diverse participants in the Ohio opt-out movement utilized social media to support their activism. Subjects: 183 Ohioans who opted their child(ren) out during the 2014-15 academic year completed a survey about their reasons for opting out. Fifteen of the survey respondents were also interviewed. Research Design: This mixed methods study uses both survey data and qualitative interviews as sources of evidence. Results: The findings show participants utilized social media for networking, knowledge acquisition, knowledge mobilization, and support. Social media was a valuable tool for coordinating the efforts of participants. Conclusions: This study demonstrates how social media supported the development of a discourse coalition by enabling connections among actors with diverse political and philosophical beliefs and extending valuable networking opportunities across district and state lines.

In this essay, Jack Schneider and Andrew Saultz offer a new perspective on state and federal power through their analysis of authority and control. Due to limitations inherent to centralized governance, state and federal offices of education exercised little control over schools across much of the twentieth century, even as they acquired considerable authority. By the 1980s, however, such loose coupling had become politically untenable and led to the standards and accountability movement. Yet, greater exertion of control only produced a new legitimacy challenge: the charge of ineffectiveness. State and federal offices, then, are trapped in an impossible bind, in which they are unable to relinquish control without abdicating authority. Schneider and Saultz examine how state and federal offices have managed this dilemma through ceremonial reform, looking at two high-profile examples: the transition from No Child Left Behind to the Every Student Succeeds Act, and states' reaction to public criticism of the Common Core State Standards.

The Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA) was designed to remedy the wrongs of No Child Left Behind (NCLB). Yet Andrew Saultz, Jack Schneider, and Karalyn McGovern explain that, so far, it has failed to fundamentally alter how the federal government interacts with schools. They discuss the need for federal authority over issues of equity in education and how federal authority has expanded over time, leading to the accountability movement, which, under NCLB, required schools to provide quantifiable measures of student achievement. Although ESSA was touted as a return of control to the states, states are still held accountable for testing requirements, reporting data, and sanctioning underperformance. The authors recommend instead a model of rigid flexibility, in which centralized offices might require certain activities but allow schools some choice in determining specific goals.

Executive leadership of the U.S. Department of Education (USDOE) initiated a flexibility offering from No Child Left Behind. Our work explores specific design decisions made in these state-specific accountability systems as associated with state political environments, resources, and demographic characteristics. Our analysis, focused on 42 states with approved flexibility waivers, provides some evidence that design decisions are associated with prior education policies, political leanings, and financial resources within each state. Policymakers should also take note, as these results suggest that state political factors may influence how state policymakers will react in future negotiations with the USDOE.

The Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA) changed federal teacher policy in a number of important ways. This article uses No Child Left Behind (NCLB), Race to the Top, NCLB waivers, and ESSA to detail these shifts. Since ESSA is in the early phase of implementation, we analyze the policy through the lens of previous empirical work as a way of anticipating how the various components of the law may function. The goal is to understand how the policy differs from previous federal efforts, detail the theory of action of teacher policy under ESSA, and provide concrete ways for educational leaders to implement the law. We find that ESSA focuses on the distribution of highly effective teachers and allows states more autonomy to define teacher quality.

In this controversy piece, we portray online learning as growing too fast for existing regulatory structures to oversee and generally as having failed to live up to its potential. Operators, particularly for-profit operators, have generally not produced successful schools. We urge reforms of cyber schooling funding mechanisms, data systems, and oversight.

The media suggest that accountability pressure increases teacher stress and drives teachers away from teaching, resulting in teachers leaving disadvantaged schools that serve larger proportions of poor and minority students. However, no prior work has systematically examined the changes in the national trends of teacher turnover in response to No Child Left Behind (NCLB) school accountability. Drawing on nationally representative samples of schools and teachers from the Schools and Staffing Surveys and Teacher Follow-Up Surveys from 1993-2009, this study applied difference-in-differences approaches to examine the effects of NCLB on teacher turnover. We found a weak increase in the average rate of teachers transferring involuntarily to other schools following school-initiated separations, particularly in disadvantaged schools that served larger proportions of poor and minority students. We also observed that NCLB reduced the involuntary attrition rates of teachers. Importantly, the policy effect is indistinguishable from zero on voluntary transfer between schools or voluntary leaving the teaching profession.

In 2011, Washington was one of only eight states that did not have a charter school law in state policy heading into the Race to the Top (RTTT) competition. The RTTT competition incentivized local education agencies not only to allow charter schools, but also to increase or eliminate the cap on the number of charter schools that a state allowed to be authorized (Saultz, 2015). As a result, many within Washington were concerned that the state would not be able to garner additional funds from the federal government. There was much debate within the state on whether or not to apply to RTTT. In the end, Washington was one of only four states that did not apply in round one of the competition, but did submit an application in round two (Saultz, 2015). This paper provides an historical overview of charter school policy in Washington State and explores the role of the federal government in shaping current charter policy.

We analyze the geographical distribution of, and access to, charter schools in the state of Ohio. Using poverty and race data from the U.S. Census, as well as publicly available student achievement scores, we analyze the locational preferences of charter schools. We use Geographic Information System (GIS) to visual display charter school locations relative to these community variables. Results suggest that policies limiting charters to locate in low performing school districts (labeled "challenged districts") lead charters to cluster in urban cities; thus students living in poverty in large portions of the state lack easy access to school choice options. Further, we find that charters tend to avoid areas of the highest concentrations of poverty and Hispanic (though not Black) students.

In April 2015, 11 educators were convicted for their roles in the cheating scandal in the Atlanta Public Schools. The authors examine the lessons that teachers, administrators, and policy makers can learn from the cheating scandal: Teachers and school leaders were not adequately prepared to navigate the school district's environment; there were multiple indicators that cheating would likely occur in the district; and single-measure reward systems are problematic. The authors conclude with suggested reforms for teacher and principal preparation programs.

This article analyzes how the Obama administration used executive power to grant waivers from federal education policies and assesses whether they used this power differently than previous administrations and in other sectors (e.g., health or welfare). The executive use of waivers to shape state policy is not a new trend. However, we find that recent education waivers differ in purpose and specificity from past education waivers, as well as waivers in other social policy arenas, and that the Obama administration is using this executive power to further its policy objectives in ways that often circumvent congressional intent. As the executive branch continues to utilize waivers as a policy lever, this research has important implications for the future of federal involvement in educational policy and provides critical background for Congress's reaction to waivers in the recently reauthorized Elementary and Secondary Education Act.

Using theories of representation and democratic education, this article examines the impetus of parent trigger policies in the United States and their potential effects on public good goals for public education. The article also uses theories of representation and responsible democratic governance to assess the parent trigger policies, or what are often called parent empowerment laws, enacted in seven states.

School choice policies have led to a proliferation of new schools opening. While economic theory suggests that new charters would open in high demand locations, limited work examines whether this is, indeed, occurring. Framing our study in geography, we explore both space factors and place factors as contrasting explanations for where new charters may open. By using geographic information system (GIS) mapping, we explore where new charters open in New York City (NYC) using data from NYC public schools and the Census. Results suggest that charters are responding to poor student achievement and possibly to poverty density, but not to parental satisfaction.

The 2001 No Child Left Behind Act requires local education agencies to publicly disseminate school performance data. In response, districts and state departments of education have created "school report cards" that vary widely. While data dissemination policies can improve institutional legitimacy and ensure ongoing support, we suggest that the potential to diminish or undermine legitimacy also exists. Using data from a population-based survey experiment, we demonstrate that people assign significantly different meanings to some formats. We find that format influences not only the average rating individuals assign to schools with the same performance levels but also difference perceived among schools of varying performance.

Recognizing the need for information in public education, Congress mandated in the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) that all states create and disseminate annual school performance report cards. A decade after NCLB passed, school report cards are widely available for nearly every school in the country. As the amount of school performance data grows, so too has public attention. Research suggests report card grades influence parent satisfaction and even housing prices. However, this responsiveness should be viewed cautiously because report card elements not related to school performance, such as how the data are presented, also influence satisfaction. Thus, while school performance report cards hold potential to inform, they also can distort views about public education performance and affect parent and voter support for public education.

No Child Left Behind (NCLB) requires that two accountability strategies--raising standards and public pressure through publicizing performance data--be implemented simultaneously. However, when coupled, they may produce an inappropriate consequence for public opinion. The public may misunderstand the drop in achievement that occurs when the bar is raised and become dissatisfied with school performance. To examine this potential negative consequence, the authors analyze data from New York City. The authors find parent satisfaction declined when school performance grades dropped after the implementation of higher standards. This article contributes to our understanding of how the public responds to school accountability data. Because public support for sustained and successful reforms is key, understanding how accountability policies may erode support is critical. (Contains 4 tables, 1 figure, and 1 note.)

A 2011 report by the Georgia Bureau of Investigation (GBI) confirmed a widespread cheating scandal among teachers, principals, and administrators in the Atlanta Public School system (APS) from 2009-2011. To date, it is the largest cheating scandal of its kind in the United States. The vast public investigation of this scandal provides an opportunity to gain an in-depth understanding of school accountability practices, particularly as they pertain to the education of students with disabilities. The purpose of this chapter is to draw from the lessons learned from the APS scandal with particular attention paid to the unintended consequences of high-stakes accountability practices, especially for students with disabilities. First, we examine the policies and practices related to disability referrals and identification practices at the federal level during the 2009-2011 school years. Second, we explore what literature on accountability practices and disabilities suggests about the APS scandal. Finally, we discuss broader implications for policy, practice, and future research related to the education of students with disabilities in high-stakes test driven classrooms.

Performance management reforms are a popular way to try to create responsive and improving government. These types of reforms have become commonplace in education policy and the Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory (JPART) has been one of the leading venues for research on these topics. However, under-analyzed are the ways in which performance management policies represent antipolitical bent to education reform. We outline an argument that avoiding political decisionmaking in favor of reforms that create authoritative or purportedly neutral data risks undertaking policy change are not as meaningful as hoped. We select eight articles that represent research on performance management broadly and are thought provoking for a broader consideration of performance management in education policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, policymakers have expanded the use of performance management in public education in the United States. Education researchers have focused heavily on the ways these practices and policies shape teaching and learning, but have given much less attention to other expected outcomes of performance management. This article explores two specific areas where more research is needed: whether performance management improves public satisfaction and trust in public education, and whether it improves public oversight of education. We provide background on relevant educational issues and context for the study of performance management in education scholarship. Our goal is to draw additional researchers into this important line of inquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]