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The Women, Peace and Security resolutions have consistently called for women's increased participation at all levels in institutions and mechanisms for preventing, managing and resolving conflict. Despite a long history of feminist interventions to disrupt categories of gender as a stagnant, ahistorical or geographically consistent structure, rationales for women's inclusion continue to rest on problematic narratives and assumptions. We draw on twenty-nine interviews with practitioners whom we asked to speak about their experiences in peace negotiations and the expectations placed on women involved in these processes. The problematic narratives and assumptions we identify on the basis of these interviews and academic literature have the effect of diminishing women's agency and, thus, their ability to participate in peace negotiations on their terms. Women contribute positively to the durability of peace and the inclusion of gender provisions in agreements. Still, when women's identities are constructed as one-dimensional, the benefits of women's inclusion remain paradoxically a cause for celebration and a partial gain. In this article, we apply theories of intersectionality, informed by Black and African feminisms, to expose women's subject positions that may be made invisible because of assumptions that continue to be associated with calls for women's participation in peace negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, a year before the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) adopted two more resolutions – UNSCRs 2467 and 2493 – under the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) thematic agenda. The WPS agenda is considered revolutionary for bringing women's rights and security into the UNSC; however, it also reflects the precariousness of the alliance between feminist activists and the UNSC. During the drafting of UNSCRs 2467 and 2493, the United States (US), Russia, and China – all permanent members of the UNSC – objected to the inclusion of certain language in the final texts. The US pushed for the deletion of language on sexual and reproductive health from UNSCR 2467, while Russia and China challenged the definition of women human rights defenders in UNSCR 2493. These objections epitomize and contribute to the global pushback on women's rights and security, which foregrounds concerns that the UNSC and feminist activists make for "strange bedfellows." In this article, we consider whether the UNSC has been used as a forum to damage women's rights and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peace mediation is a professional practice that is increasingly reliant on thematic technical experts, including gender experts. The strategy of including gender expertise in peace mediation reflects the Women, Peace and Security agenda and the call to include dedicated gender expertise in all peacemaking efforts. Based on interviews with peace mediation practitioners, the article analyzes the role of gender experts in peace mediation. We argue that there is a tension between the art of mediation and the art of gender expertise that reflects the gendered power dynamics of peace mediation. We conclude that the strategy of appointing gender experts to peace mediation teams will not "dismantle the master's house." However, we acknowledge that without a gender expert very little will be accomplished on this issue. For peace mediation to address the gendered foundations of conflict we argue for the development of an alternate feminist peace mediation practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THOMAS TURNER, The Congo Wars: conflict, myth and reality. London and New York NY: Zed Books (pb 17.99 [pounds sterling]--ISBN 978 1 84277 689 4). 2007, pp. 254. Thomas Turner's [...]