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Chinese primitive philosophy, as the unity of cosmological ontology, epistemology and methodology of the Chinese philosophical system, is a complete and mature philosophical system formed in the late primitive society as early as before the Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties. It is also the unity of the concept of Yin and Yang and constant life that is sublimated from the human-beings’ basic cultural consciousness: life consciousness and reproduction consciousness. The Chinese primitive culture, from the painted pottery culture 7,000 years ago to today, from the underground archaeological culture to the group culture on the ground, is a plastic art based on the concept of viewing objects and taking images. It is a broad concept of fine arts that determines the philosophical view, artistic view, emotional temperament, psychological quality and national spirit of the Chinese nation. The most primitive culture and primitive philosophy in China have been preserved with extremely rich and complete historical remains in the group’s cultural and social life. It is for this reason that China is the only country with an ancient history of civilization that has not experienced a cultural break. The primitive culture and philosophical system of China, as the philosophical basis and main connotation of ethnic group culture, are completely accumulated in the ethnic groups’ social life. Folk art, which has accumulated the hundreds of millions of working masses’ wisdom in China, is the mother of the Chinese national culture and art that has been inherited from primitive society until today with distinct national and regional characteristics. It is a long-standing cultural form with the longest history, the widest mass participation, the most distinct regional characteristics and the richest cultural connotation in the Chinese national cultural form. The rapid development of the times makes the traditional folk customs and folk arts, which are generally deposited in the rural areas of China, become precarious. As a result, the research advantages of the unique human culture and the original culture of China will cease to exist. Therefore, it is an urgent historical task to make use of this advantage to study the original culture of China and the philosophical genes of the Chinese nation. Protection is imminent, and inheritance is the historical mission, which highlights the deeper significance of studying primitive culture and primitive philosophy in modern society. Riassunto: La filosofia originale cinese è una sublimazione della coscienza culturale umana di base - la coscienza della vita e della riproduzione - che è l’unificazione del “Concetto di yin e yang” e del “Concetto di ciclo di vita “ in cui “lo yin e lo yang si uniscono per creare tutte le cose, e il ciclio dà una vita senza fine. La cultura originale cinese determina la visione filosofica, la visione artistica, il temperamento emotivo, la benessere psicologica e lo spirito nazionale della nazione cinese. Il sistema filosofico cinese, che rappresenta l’unificazione della cosmologia, dell’epistemologia e della metodologia della nazione cinese, è un sistema filosofico completo e maturo che si è formato nella società tardo primitiva molto prima delle Dinastie Xia, Shang e Zhou. La cultura originale cinese, dalla cultura della ceramica dipinta di 7.000 anni fa fino ai giorni nostri, dalla cultura archeologica sotterranea alla cultura di massa terrestre, è un concetto ampio di belle arti, determinato da una visione filosofica dell’arte plastica di osservare gli oggetti e prendere immmagini. La cultura originale e la filosofia originale della Cina primitiva sono ancora conservate in un’eredità storica estremamente ricca e completa nella vita sociale della cultura di massa. Per questo motivo la Cina è l’unico Paese tra le civiltà antiche che non aver subito una frattura culturale.

Nurses are the backbone of any healthcare system. However, nurses are still struggling withmany challenges particularly in the developing world. One of the biggest challenge of today’snurse is the clinical application of nursing theoretical concepts into routine practice. Thepurpose of this scholarly paper is to explicitly describe the Nightingale nursing theory intoclinical practice in light of a clinical scenario particularly three core concepts (Bed andbedding, proper ventilation of ward, and proper hygienic dressing) in order to demonstrationthe evidence based practice in nursing care

Introduction: To protect patients and healthcare providers from healthcare-associated infections (HAIs), standard precautions have been promoted universally. Nurses are the forefront force in patient care; therefore, evidence-based and up to date knowledge and practices can play a vital role in helping nurses apply standard precautions (SPs). Methods: The analytical cross-sectional study design was used. Through purposive sampling, the data were collected from 320 nurses, via, a self-administered questionnaire, from April to May 2017, from a public tertiary level hospital in Islamabad. The validity and reliability of each section was established. Mean and standard deviation were computed for continuous variables’ whereas; frequencies with percentages were calculated for categorical variables. The Multiple linear regression was applied for inferential statistics, maintaining 95% CI for important associations. Results: Out of 320 participants, the mean age of the participants were 33.04 ± 6.65 years. More than half of the study participants (66.88%) were females’ whereas 33.13% were male nurses. The mean knowledge and practice were 19.6 ±3.3 and 13.00± 5.23, respectively, with a maximum score of 24 and 25. The results showed that the knowledge of the participants were better as compared to practices, though, in general knowledge they were reported as relatively deficient. Continuing training sessions on SPs revealed a significant 0.66 (95% C.I; 1.07, 3.67) relationship with the knowledge score in the final model. Practices were found to be better. Similarly, the Hep. B vaccinated nurses showed a positive impact of 1.49 (95% C.I; 0.07, 2.91) on the level of practices in MLR. Conclusion: The overall level of knowledge and practices among female nurses regarding standard precautions were inadequate. The study findings highlighted the need to continue intensive and in-service trainings sessions on SPs of infection control, using innovative approaches.

Pakistan and Afghanistan share the longest border in the northwest with each other. Afghanistan is the most influential factor for Pakistani policymakers in terms of foreign policy. Relations of both the countries have not been cordial since the inception of Pakistan. Internal circumstances affected Pakistan in one way or another during the Cold War era and the invasion of the USSR. Between different powers, this country became a focus regarding of interest after 9/11. The western border has become very uncertain due to Indian’s involvement. With relation to Afghanistan, Pakistan has always been a victim of instability. Pakistan's internal peace has greatly disrupted by the movement across the border. By smuggling weapons, drugs and terrorists anti-state actors have always used this border to destabilize the country. Being already weakened country, Pakistan overwhelmed by migration of a large number of Afghan citizens. To assess the effects of the instability in Afghanistan on Pakistan, numerous attempts are being made. In addition, this study will aim at the classification of the features and political objectives of the players concerned in the conflict on violence in Afghanistan. It will analyze the evolution of the peace course in Afghanistan as well as its significance for regional solidity.

In conjunction with the modern ideas of neocolonialism and neo-imperialism, the present world is witnessing the occurrence of a relatively new and persistent state of neo-subalternity under which the men and women of the third-world countries and their diasporic communities are forced to live a life under socio-political duress. The present study concerns with the development of this state of affairs and has sought to locate the theoretical explanation of this phenomenon. It has been found that the neo-subaltern identifier can most aptly be attributed to the women of these effected postcolonial communities at home or scattered around the globe. They are subjected to the conditions of foreign coloniality as well as local patriarchal hierarchy. Most recent examples of this bias are witnessed among the diasporic communities in the western cosmopolitans where the post 9/11nationalist sensibility, in reaction to an alleged religious terrorism, has given rise to a set of prejudiced policies and compulsive social behaviors that are against these subalterns’ rightful interests. Among these diaspora communities, the Muslim women’s symbols of modesty are especially portrayed with prejudice and a malevolent preconception. Under neocolonial and patriarchal control, these sunaltern women live as ‘slaves of the slaves’ in the Marxist sense of the word. The present study has sought to locate these paradigms of power at the subaltern theoretical level.

This chapter assesses the experiences of Pakistani female diaspora in Australia with reference to its participation in the labour market. The assessment is located within the context of literature on Muslim women in the workplace in general and Pakistan in particular and outlines the kind of challenges faced by them. Using interviews with a selected sample of Australian women of Pakistani background living in Western Australia, it argues that not all experience similar challenges to the ones faced in Pakistan. Rather a diversity of experiences and challenges, including with reference to the current environment marked by increasing Islamophobia, manifests itself in their responses. At the same time, the women assume agency in responding to their social and workplace environment, and explore ways of shifting perceptions of Islam and Muslims. They also use their experiences in the Australian workplace to suggest pathways to improve the status of working women in Pakistan.

This chapter argues that China's Kashmir policy is part of its overall South Asia policy which is part of China's counter-encirclement strategy. As Beijing's perceptions of, and responses to, the threat along its borders has altered, so has its South Asia policy and its stand on the Kashmir dispute. Despite a change in its position on the Kashmir issue, Beijing was initially reluctant to endorse Pakistan's adventurist policies in Kashmir. Hence, as Pakistan's President Ayub Khan embarked on his adventurist policies in the Indian part of Kashmir, Chinese leaders and media cautiously avoided giving any impression that they would favor a conflict in the princely state. As the moderates gained ascendancy in China in the late 1960s, Beijing changed its South Asia policy. The souring of Sino-Soviet and Sino-Indian relations in the late 1950s and a fear of joint Soviet-American encirclement of China triggered a change in even-handed policy.

Analysts have traditionally ignored women's narratives on jihad and have focused on the views of male jihadists. Research on Jamat'ud'Dawah and Lashker-e-Toiba fits this pattern, despite the growing involvement of women in the activities of those organizations. This article analyses the narratives and stories, and their implications for the jihadi project with reference to the publications of one female leader in the group, Umm Abd Muneeb. Drawing upon her publications in Urdu, the article explores her discussion of ḥayā (modesty), purdah (seclusion) and male superiority, and how these ideas are designed to guide women into accepting the need for jihad by male members of their families. The article establishes that ideas of piety are often linked to the political project in narratives of Muslim women affiliated with jihadi groups and that it is necessary to understand the language used by these women in their particular socio-political environment. Such understanding provides a holistic view of ho...

Samina Yasmeen’s chapter seeks to extend the scope of existing analyses of jihadi narratives by examining the concept of indigenization of Salafi ideas in the context of the narratives shaped and propagated by the Jamat’ud’Dawah and its parent organization Markaz Dawah Wal Irshad in Pakistan. The chapter explores the means of indigenization utilized by Gulf authors with the purpose of responding to the particular needs of the local audience coming largely from the poorer segments of the Pakistani society. A link between narratives and identities is established especially in context of ideals of womanhood and jihad discourse by studying literature produced by the Jamat’ud’Dawah movement. The significance of such an indigenized narrative is invoked in reflecting upon the transnational links between Islam in the Gulf and Pakistan.

The new millennium has drawn renewed attention to Muslim presence in Australia despite the fact that the links between Muslims and the continent predate the European settlement. A complex set of informational, institutional, and political factors have shaped multiple identities of Muslims in the country with the set of views and identities ranging from orthodox to more modernist interpretations of what it means to be a Muslim in a majority non-Muslim state. The complexity is consistently being reinforced and rendered more complex due to the emergence of organizations, groups and forces that present what they assume to be the ‘definitive’ view of Islam. The phenomenon exists in both Muslim and non-Muslim communities in Australia. Among Muslims, this diversity has expressed itself, among other issues, with reference to national days that have come to symbolize Australian identity. This article will explore this diversity of views and responses with reference to Australia Day celebrations and the ANZAC Day. It argues that despite the presence of ideas promoting a global caliphate of Islam, as well as a tendency to present an essentialist nature of Islam and Muslims, the responses by Muslim communities in Australia have differed with respect to these national days—an indication of the flaws inherent in conceiving Muslim presence as a singular identity in Australia.

Although phosphate-solubilizing microorganisms play a positive role in plant growth, their role in plant growth and root nodulation in combination with Rhizobium and Enterobacter has not been fully elucidated. Furthermore, only information exists regarding the effect of inoculation at successive stages of nodulation. The present study aimed to monitor the changes in the production of Indole acetic acid (IAA) and Gibberellin (GA3) in the roots of soybean during and after nodulation (25 DAS and 40 DAS) and in the rhizosphere soil following inoculation with two different strains of phosphate-solubilizing microorganisms (PSM I, strain CA 18 and PSM II, strain 54RB), Enterobacter strain A and BradyRhizobium Japonicum strain Tal 377. The effects of inoculation on the available NO−3, K, and P content of soil were studied at harvest. Beneficial effects of inoculation with Rhizobium, Enterobacter, and PSM I and II were obtained in all growth parameters of soybean. Co-inoculation resulted in maximum increase in IAA...

This paper locates the discussion on wearing niqab and burqa within the context of information acquisition and response formation among Muslims and non-Muslims in the contemporary world. The paper argues that, against the backdrop of varied opinions on Islam and Muslims around the world, the debate on wearing burqa represents the continuation – albeit up-scaling – of the focus on Muslim women as the signifiers of Islam and Muslim identities. Australia is influenced by, and dealing with, the debate on whether or not to ban the burqa and niqab. Opinions among both the wider community and Muslims have differed on the justification and advisability of such a ban. The Australian government at the federal and state levels has demonstrated cautious activism in dealing with the issue, thus protecting the rights of Australian Muslim minorities, and reducing the space in which a heightened sense of exclusion could develop among them.

This article focuses on the dominant and parallel struggles that have been carried out in Pakistan in terms of its Islamic identity since 9/11. It argues that the Pakistan government has legitimised and explained its partnership with the US government in countering terrorism through a discourse that makes use of Islamic symbols. The Islamists have engaged in a similar process, arguing for jihad against the enemies of Islam. Simultaneously, a tension has persisted between liberal/progressive and orthodox notions of being a Pakistani Muslim, which has been reflected in, for example, the debate on the blasphemy law in Pakistan. It is important that strategies to strengthen Pakistan also creatively empower groups subscribing to liberal/progressive ideas so as to succeed in the struggle against militancy in the long term. The argument is developed in three parts, starting with a discussion of opposing views on Pakistan's identity and the place of Islam as the context for the Pakistan government's participation...

Duty to care is the first oath that each nurse must take while entering in nursing profession. It’s not only mean to provide care but also protect the patient from potential harm in term of giving infection from himself/herself. This commentary paper is based on a scenario, addressing an ethical conflict between a duty nurse and management, where administration wants a sick nurse to give care to an organ transplant patient. This paper also aimed to give critical review and identify the possible solution for such a routine ethical issues.

This paper locates the study of Jamat-ud-Da'wa (JUD) within the context of global political developments. Premised on the nexus between the local and the global developments, it discusses how changes in the domestic or international arena shaped the policies of JUD after 9/11. It argues that, as a successor to the Lashker-e-Toiba in Pakistan, the JUD has been active in the social welfare space. It has moved into roles that reside in the domain of the state's responsibility but have passed to the private sector due to the state's failure to meet the needs of its citizens, including the provision of education and relief and rescue efforts after natural disasters. Though not categorically identified as being part of the jihadi agenda, this activism increases the appeal of the JUD among Pakistani citizens, with a possibility of increasing their declared and/or active support for JUD's views on Pakistan's foreign policy.

This paper focuses on Pakistan's Kashmir policy in the 1990s. It argues that this policy has been embedded in the context of negative imagery in India and Pakistan of the ‘other’. But it has not been devoid of pluralism; different views exist in Pakistan on the appropriate approaches to resolving the dispute. While the Orthodox and the Islamists favour a combative approach, the moderates favour accommodation and negotiation with India on Kashmir. While the Orthodox–Islamist nexus dominated Pakistan's Kashmir policy for most of the 1990s, gradually moderate voices have been heard favouring a different approach to resolving the issue. This plurality of views has continued, even after the military took over power in October 1999, causing it to adopt a managerial position. The Pakistan government has been engaged in an act of balancing and addressing different ‘constituencies’ on Kashmir. The process has not changed after the terrorist attacks on the United States and the Indian Parliament in September and De...

The Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests of May 1998 have threatened the norms of nonproliferation while at the same time raising the possibility of an accidental nuclear war in South Asia. Ideally, this situation could be improved by India and Pakistan renouncing their nuclear option and opting for a Nuclear Weapon Free Zone in South Asia. The existing realities in the region, however, militate against these ideals. Both the Indian and Pakistani governments have declared their intentions of developing and maintaining a minimum nuclear deterrent capability. Public opinion in these two states supports such a stand. Therefore, a need exists for adopting a flexible approach to the problem of nuclear proliferation in South Asia. Instead of insisting on Indian and Pakistani membership of the Non‐Proliferation Treaty (NPT), attention should be focused on securing their agreement to the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and the Fissile Material Cut‐Off Treaty (FMCT). These international attempts need to be supp...

(1999). Islamisation and democratisation in Pakistan: Implications for women and religious minorities. South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies: Vol. 22, Islam in History and Politics: A South Asian Perspective, pp. 183-195.

The current study was designed to identify parenting styles based on parents’ perception and to examine the relationship of parenting styles with students’ academic performance. Baumrind’s (1971) theoretical model of parenting styles was used. It is comprised of authoritative, authoritarian and permissive parenting styles. The Parental Authority Questionnaire (Buri, 1991) was used and modified in order to assess the three parenting styles based on parents’ perception. After consultation with experts, Researcher developed the Academic Performance Questionnaire, which was used to assess the students’ performance with regard to their educational motivation, communication skills, learning skills, creativity, positive attitude and study skills in this correlational study. Both instruments were developed on five point Likert scale. The target population of the study comprised of students of higher secondary level along with their parents studying at 17 Islamabad Model Colleges of both boys and girls. The sample was drawn from 10 Islamabad Model Colleges. The total number of respondents comprising the sample was 350 students 17-20 years old. Stratified random sampling was used to represent both genders equally. The correlation between parenting styles and academic performance was computed through Pearson’s correlation coefficient (r). The results of study showed that authoritative parenting style of mother and father had a positive relationship with academic performance. While the authoritarian and permissive parenting style of mother and father were negatively correlated with academic performance. Overall, the authoritative style of parenting proved to be appositive style and authoritarian and permissive styles proved to be negative styles of parenting in the cultural context of Islamabad.

The increasing identification of Pakistan as the locale for international terrorism has drawn attention to the ideology and activities of Muslim militant groups. While most of the literature focuses on the impact of these groups, little is written on the alternative voices on Muslim identity in Pakistan. Though most of these voices exist in the liberal/progressive groups, scholars and practitioners from orthodox schools of understanding have also addressed the question of Islam and its relationship to the state in their attempt to counter the spread of militant ideas. Of these, Javed Ahmed Ghamidi has attracted international attention for his pioneering role in providing a different view on the role of Islam in Pakistan. This chapter analyzes his views with reference to the question of democracy in Muslim states.

Islam has acquired a significant place in international politics since the terrorist attacks on the United States in September 2001. It is both demonised and engaged by those who acknowledge the role played by religion, particularly Islam, in partially determining the course of global and regional developments. For some, Muslims subscribe to an outdated form of allegiance to religious symbols and ideals of Islam with a propensity to engage in violence. Such analysts and practitioners of world politics emphasise the need to contain and curtail militancy linked to religious views by exploring and accepting the inherently violent and anti-democratic nature of Islam and Muslims. Others are reluctant to adopt a categorically negative view of Islam and opt for a more nuanced understanding of the diversity of views and practices among Muslims. Often acknowledging the role played by economic and political factors in creating militancy, they favour policies designed to engage ‘moderate’ Muslims in the agenda of bridge-building between Islam and the West. Interfaith dialogue has entered the lexicon of world politics: the analytical space traditionally reserved for secular understandings of global politics is gradually opening up to discourses centred round the salience of religion. At the same time, practitioners of world politics have focused on the need to build bridges across religious and civilisational divides.