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Populism is a political process of democratic erosion that has influenced a general intellectual and moral regression, further underlined by the COVID-19 pandemic. Populism arose from core dissatisfactions in developed European societies and within in the geographical peripheries that were included in the process of EU enlargement, or where enlargement has not been not successful. Populists are political allies of the Kremlin and views from the perspective of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine provided clearer insights into their participation in the emergence of the deepest and most dangerous crisis in European relations since 1945. Putin’s current failure in Ukraine has further exposed the network of populists and their role in his imperial agenda. Moreover, Russia’s aggression against Ukraine mobilised new European forces of resistance to populism and Russian imperialism, from the Baltics to the Mediterranean – from Estonia and Poland to Montenegro and Kosovo.

Nadaren kao pripovedač, naš poznati istoričar Radovan Samardžić pisao je svoje istorijske portrete u duhu najboljih srpskih romansijera, kao uzbudljive i nadahnute „dokumentarne“ romane u kojima ćemo istoriju čitati kao fikciju, a stilske figure i bogatu leksiku kao ukras koji se skladno uklapa u temeljno istražene činjenice. Pored Sulejmana i Rokselane i Mehmeda Sokolovića, takav je i Samardžićev Osman, tragična povest o usponu i padu prvog i poslednjeg otomanskog sultana koga su, u njegovoj sedamnaestoj godini, ubile njegove dvorske sluge. Bio je široko obrazovan i pravedan vladar, donekle mladalački naivan, govorio je više jezika, ratovao protiv Persijanaca i Poljaka, pokušavao da osvoji Rim i nastojao da reformiše tursku vojsku, u čemu je surovo osujećen, svrgnut i pogubljen. Priča o ovom nesrećnom vladaru s početka XVII veka, koji je inspirisao i Ivana Gundulića da napiše istoimeni ep, istovremeno je i priča o turskim janičarima, najuticajnijem redu turske vojske, sastavljenom uglavnom od „stranaca“, poturica koji su regrutovani još kao deca iz turskih hrišćanskih provincija na Balkanu, pa školovani i obučavani u turskim vojnim školama da bi postali najmoćniji i najodaniji sultanovi ratnici. Drama njihove pobune protiv sultana, žive slike previranja i koloplet smutnji na carigradskoj pozornici u središtu su ove hronike, uzbudljive poput kakvog srednjevekovnog trilera. „Tragična greška mladog sultana Osmana bila je već u tome što je pokušao obnoviti carstvo preziđujući temelje na kojima je podignuto…, slušao je savete svojih dvorana da treba ukinuti janičarski red i umesto njega dovesti vojsku iz azijskih i afričkih zemalja.“ Ta kobna greška koštala ga je i prestola i života…

Knjiga z zahodne perspektive analizira novi vzpon Rusije, ki ji je predsednik Vladimir Putin obljubil, da bo končal obdobje negotovosti in ponižanj. Namesto politične svobode, ki naj bi dotlej obstajala, si je ruski voditelj zadal, da bo srednjemu razredu zagotovil gospodarsko rast. Avtor, zgodovinar in profesor na filozofski fakulteti univerze v Beogradu, je bil Fulbrightov štipendist na Univerzi v New Yorku. V knjigi postavlja tezo, da tri desetletja po koncu hladne vojne Evropa še vedno ni enotna (takšna bo šele, ko se bo Moskvi vladalo iz Bruslja). Iz jugoslovanskih spopadov, meni avtor, je nastopilo obdobje nove, druge hladne vojne, ki se jo je dalo slutiti že leta 1999, vrhunec pa je doživela z vojno v Ukrajini. V tej drugi hladni vojni so se sistemi zahodnih vrednot, vizij, prepričanj umaknili pred politiko, ki vztraja pri ideji suverene nacionalne države. Avtor izraža mnenje, da se je Slovenija z odzivom na vojno v Ukrajini postavila na pravo strani etike in zgodovine in tako pritrjuje hegemoniji post-nacionalnega globalizma. Obvezno čtivo za vsakogar, ki ga zanima pogled »zahodnega« Balkana na rusko vprašanje.

Prof. Šljivo je već u svojoj studiji Klek i Sutorina u međunarodnim odnosima 1699-1878. svoju istoriju smestio u početke vremena koje je definisalo posebnost Bosne i Hercegovine. Nove granice ustanovljene 1699. godine odgovarale su potrebama Dubrovačke republike kako bi se zaštitila od neposrednog kopnenog susedstva Mletačke republike. Austrija je preuzimala balkansku trgovinu iz koje su se, zbog dekadencije Osmanskog carstva, i sopstvene, povlačile Mletačka i Dubrovačka republika. Austrijski uticaj ustanovile su pobede u ratovima 1683-1718. Povremena nedovoljna motivisanost Austrije bila je pre svega uslovljena okretanjem njene spoljne politike prema Italiji, gde je videla više ekonomske i političke dobiti. Balkan je ostao na evropskoj periferiji i posredno se uključivao u srednjeevropsku orbitu, kojoj je, naročito u krajevima prema Austriji i jadranskom primorju, pripala i Bosna i Hercegovina. Tako je, pre svega zahvaljujući austrijskoj građi, prof. Šljivo do najtananijih pojedinosti rekonstruisao početke njene moderne istorije, njen 19. vek, 1788-1878.

The idea of the modern state promotes the ethics of utilitarianism, citizenship and non-personalized relations between government and society. While preserving the democratic shell, populism promotes personal, authoritarian rule that allegedly removes the intermediaries between the authorities and the subjects. Pandemic revealed the inefficient futility of populism as populist regimes abused epidemiological measures and medical priorities to further restrict democratic rights and personal freedoms. Populist and autocratic regimes, supposedly based on the principles of subordination, order and discipline, contributed to the spread and duration of the pandemic, the illness and death of millions of people, the global erosion of freedoms and democracy, and the principles and mechanisms of public health, with their disregard for evidence-based medicine and science and even human lives., Ideja moderne države zasnovana je na etici utilitarizma, na građanstvu i nepersonaliziranim odnosima između vlasti i društva. Dok čuva demokratsku ljušturu, populizam je zasnovan na osobnoj, autoritarnoj vlasti koja navodno uklanja posrednike između vlasti i podanika. Pandemija je otkrila neučinkovitu uzaludnost populizma jer su populistički režimi zloupotrebljavali epidemiološke mjere i medicinske prioritete za daljnje sužavanje demokratskih prava i osobnih sloboda. Navodno utemeljeni na načelima podređenosti, reda i discipline, populistički i autokratski režimi, svojim zanemarivanjem medicine zasnovane na dokazima i znanosti, čak i ljudskih života, doprinijeli su širenju i trajanju pandemije, bolesti i smrti milijuna ljudi, globalnoj eroziji sloboda i demokracije, kao i načela i mehanizama javnog zdravlja.

„Saggio delli Commerciali Rapporti di Veneziani colle Ottomane Scale di Durazzo ed Albania“ by Giovanni Antonio Maria Morana, printed in Venice in 1816, is used in this study as a first class source in attempt to track significant changes in local businesses of the the so-called Turkish Albania, within the general framework of Venetian economy, in the circumstances that followed the abolition of the Republic in 1797. Document offers concrete answers to the question, whether this area, with Durrës as an export port, could be a compatible partner to the Venetian economy. At the time this treatise was published, the region came under the rule of Austria., Nel presente studio, il „Saggio delli commerciali rapporti dei veneziani colle ottomane scale di Durazzo ed Albania“, scritto da Giovanni Antonio Maria Morana e pubblicato a Venezia nel 1816, viene utilizzato come fonte primaria allo scopo di identificare cambiamenti significativi nel commercio regionale della cosiddetta Albania turca nel contesto generale dell’economia veneziana nel periodo successivo alla dissoluzione della Serenissima nel 1797. Il documento fornisce risposte concrete alla domanda se quest’area, con Durazzo come principale porto di esportazione, potesse essere un partner adatto all’economia veneta. Al momento della pubblicazione del saggio, i detti territori erano passati sotto il dominio austriaco.

This study is based on research that provided precise insights into changes in social relations in Venice during the last war with the Ottoman Empire, known as the Second Morean War 1714–1718. The focus is on very complex relations between Daniel IV Dolphin (1656–1729) and Andrea Pisani (1662–1718), as representatives of the two strongest factions in the patriciate. British sources, more precisely than Venetian contemporaries, related the general crisis of government with most important personalities on whom the war efforts were based. This study seeks to underline the credibility and precision of British sources while using achievements of contemporary Italian historiography, with respects to the visible progress over the past decades in research of the various phenomena of the Venetian patriciate, Il presente contributo è il risultato di una ricerca che ha fornito una visione accurata dei cambiamenti verificatisi nelle relazioni sociali a Venezia durante il periodo dell’ultima guerra della Serenissima contro l’Impero Ottomano, conosciuta come la Seconda guerra di Morea (1714-1718). L’attenzione si concentra sulla relazione complessa tra Daniele Dolfin, detto Daniele IV (1656-1729), e Andrea Pisani (1662-1718), rappresentanti di due correnti più potenti del patriziato veneziano del tempo. Le fonti britanniche, più esaurienti e scrupolose di quelle veneziane, associavano la crisi generale del potere ai rapporti tra le figure più importanti su cui poggiavano gli sforzi bellici della Repubblica di Venezia. La presente indagine si propone quindi di ribadire la credibilità e precisione delle fonti britanniche, utilizzando allo stesso tempo i risultati della storiografia italiana contemporanea, la quale negli ultimi decenni ha conseguito progressi tangibili nello studio dei vari fenomeni concernenti il patriziato

The research is based on documents from the National Archives in London, State Papers, Foreign, Venice (n° 99), folders n° 60 i 61. These documents contain precious information on political changes in Italy after 1714 in the light of British interests and from the perspective of British contemporaries as the Treaty of Rastatt has ordered a shift of authorities in the Naples and Sicily. The Austrian takeover of these Spanish possessions has produced important consequences for British interests in the Mediterranean. This research reconstructed the events from the perspective of these interests, Alla base della presente ricerca ci sono i documenti custoditi negli Archivi Nazionali di Londra, gli State Papers, Foreign, Venice n° 99, fasc. 60 e 61. Contengono preziose informazioni sui cambiamenti politici in Italia dopo il 1714 dal punto di vista degli interessi britannici e della prospettiva dei britannici contemporanei. Il trattato di Rastatt dal 1714 prevedeva il cambio di governo a Napoli e in Sicilia e l’acquisizione austriaca di questi possedimenti, precedentemente in mano spagnola, ha avuto conseguenze importanti per gli interessi britannici nel Mediterraneo. La ricerca ha ricostruito gli eventi tenendo conto del punto di vista di questi interessi

Without the need to consider the already familiar details of the dying and death of Charles V, the state of his consciousness has been analysed in a broad context of religious and ideological attitudes and practices, taking also into account of the complex relations of Hispanic Catholicism and its variations, Erasmianism and Protestantism. Charles V envisaged and conceptualized his dying, death, and afterlife in an individualizing process of change and reconsideration, influenced both by Erasmianism and Protestantism, as well as by the logic of contemporary tendencies, and in connection with struggles to do with the personalization of increasingly centralized absolutist political power and state authority. His attitude toward life and death emerged from various elements: traditional Christianity, Erasmian humanism, a Hispanic pride and sense of honour, civic responsibility, and tidiness — and even an almost Protestant modesty. Although he came to power by chance, after a series of deaths delivered sovereignty and a basis for future rule to him, Charles V remained obsessed by death just like any contemporary. Though a defender of Roman Catholicism, he understood life and death more in accordance with the Erasmian attitudes of his immediate intellectual environment, which was otherwise predominantly Protestant in character. Such were the preparations for his final departure, that the last act of his final moments allegedly took place in a carefully thought-out devotional ritual.

Konstantinopolj - Istanbul zauzima važno mesto u istoriji pandemija kuge. Njegova lokacija na istorijskoj mapi pandemija stoji u vezi sa njegovom geografskom pozicijom i složenim sanitarnim uslovima. Istanbul je jedan od najvećih evropskih gradova, koji delimično leži i na azijskoj obali, dok ga sa Afrikom vežu snažne ekonomske veze. Međutim, epidemije kuge koje su sredinom XVIII veka izbijale u Osmanskom carstvu nisu dovoljno istražene. Stav vlasti i društva prema epidemijama i bolesti je generalno bio takav da ih je smatrao Božijom kaznom, koju je potrebno mirno i trpeljivo izdržati. Shodno tome, lekari u Osmanskom carstvu nisu posmatrali kugu ko medicinski fenomen, tako da nisu ostavili dovoljno zapisa o njoj. U ovom radu se služimo izvorima evropske provenijencije, pre svega pismima doktora Mordaha Mekenzija (1712-1797), koji je u prepisci sa svojim kolegama u Londonu izneo zapažanja u vezi sa kugom u Istanbulu 1848-1762. U tim pismima se nalaze vredne informacije o njegovoj lekarskoj praksi, kao i uvid u manifestacije i lečenje kuge u Istanbulu sredinom XVIII veka., Constantinople - Istanbul has taken an important place in the history of the pandemic of the plague. The city's location on the historical map of the pandemic is linked to its geographical position and complex sanitary conditions. Istanbul is one of the largest European cities, also located on the Asian side, and related to Africa with strong economic ties. The city is an important destination for Mediterranean navigation and trade. However, the epidemics of plague affecting the Ottoman Empire, including the mid-18th century epidemics, have not yet been sufficiently explored. Sources are mainly testimonies of foreign origin. The attitude of the Ottoman government and the Ottoman society towards the plague and epidemics in general were under strong influence of religious beliefs. The epidemics were considered a divine punishment, supposed to remain suffered calmly and obediently. Therefore, the Ottoman doctors showed a lack of interest towards s the plague as a medical phenomenon, thus leaving insufficient testimonies. That is why researchers are referred to the sources of European provenance. In the letters from Istanbul to his English colleagues in London, doctor Mordach Mackenzie (1712-1797) communicated his observations about the plague in Istanbul 1748-1762. The letters contain valuable information from his medical practice, pointing to the medical peculiarities of the epidemic and contributing to a more complete insight into the manifestations and treatment of the plague in Istanbul in the mid-18th century. This study took into account as well the great epidemic that hit the city in 1788, using an anonymous treatise. The authorship of the treatise is also revealed in this study. Opinions and attitudes in the treatise from 1788 do not fully comply to those found in the reports of doctor Mackenzie.

Shakespeare’s Merchant is a peculiar interpretation of the Elizabethan era mentalities, particularly with regard to attitudes towards the Jews, almost exclusively defined by prejudices, stereotypes, palpable envy and malice. The Merchant of Venice is an introduction to the 17th century Western Christian treatment of minorities, including Venice and Dubrovnik. Despite their historic rivalry, Venice and Dubrovnik were linked by a unique doctrine of their republican, oligarchic constitutions, economic priorities and the rational use of historical experiences. In 1204, when Venice occupied Crete during the Western dismemberment of Byzantium, Serenissima acquired a sizable Jewish population, whose local history was rooted in antiquity. Such experience has probably generated their tolerance towards Jews that, later on, became a reflection of realistically unfavorable economic conditions in relation to trade development since the beginning of 16th century. The degradation of Venice into a second-rate naval and mercantile power justified the increasing tolerance, and the privileges to Jewish merchants were allowed in 1593 and 1594, similar to those afforded by Venice in 1589. In the Renaissance Dubrovnik, the rationalization of the attitude towards the Jews was mostly founded on the profits from the Jewish businesses. After 1583 the status of Jews in Dubrovnik was significantly improved. In that sense Dubrovnik was also influenced by changes in attitude toward the Jews in Venice. The Venice Jews became important intermediaries in the economic and political relations with the Muslim eastern Mediterranean. Jews in Turkey were considered as subjects, unlike the Ragusins who were treated as foreigners, although they enjoyed the vassal status. The Jews were first introduced into the literature of Dubrovnik by Shakespeare’s Renaissance predecessor Marin Držić (1508 – 1567). In the famous play Dundo Maroje, primarily played in 1551, he introduced the character of the Jew (“Žudio”)

Democracy comprises free elections and media, efficient government and civic society, prevailing private or corporate ownership, free trade and market economy, trans-border integration and cooperation. National and social utopism usually tend to relativize, or contest one of the above mentioned democratic braces. As modern democratic roots rest in former British Commonwealth and protestant states (maybe together with France), the future destination of liberal consensus still depends on interconnections between the democratic European states and the U.S. If the democratic core fails, the peripheries will surely rapidly deteriorate. Contemporary European Anti-Americanism mainly refers to inherent European issues: EU common market and capitalism, NATO and strategic defense from authoritarian or terrorist threats (Russia, China, Middle East and internal pockets of “multicultural” political Islam). Anti-Americanism is based on lies or halftruths on supposed political, financial and military global imperialism, moral disputability of capitalism, corporate greediness and debt bondage, American leadership in global pollution and climate change. Contemporary European Anti Americanism brings together political and intellectual extremism form both the left and the right challenging the concepts of individual, political and economic freedom, European concept of borders suspension and the development of individual freedom. The Russian hybrid war against the European Union is successfully using media propaganda and current social and national discontents. Challenging the Western liberal-democratic consensus, European social scientists have paved ideological paths for Russian and Chinese breakthroughs into Southeastern and Eastern Europe, etc. As Anti-Americanism is locally used, in political practices, as means of contesting European and regional integrations, deceptions in Anti-Americanism will be analyzed especially in the context of new future destinations of Montenegro direct, Demokratija podrazumeva slobodu izbora i medija, efikasnu vladu i građansko društvo, pretežno privatno ili korporativno vlasništvo, slobodnu trgovinu i tržišnu ekonomiju, prekograničnu integraciju i saradnju. Nacionalni i socijalni utopizmi obično nastoje da relativizuju, ili ospore neku od gore navedenih demokratskih potpora. Kako moderni demokratski koreni počivaju u Britanskom Komonveltu i protestantskim državama (možda zajedno s Francuskom), buduće odredište liberalnog koncenzusa i dalje je u zavisnosti od uzajamnih veza evropskih demokratskih država i SAD. Ukoliko demokratsko jezgro kao takvo bude propalo, periferije će se sigurno ubrzano obrušavati. Savremeni evropski antiamerikanizam pre svega se odnosi na inherentna evropska pitanja: zajedničko tržište i kapitalizam u EU, NATO i strateška odbrana od autoritarnih ili terorističkih pretnji (Rusija, Kina, Bliski istok i unutrašnji džepovi „multikulturnog“ političkog islama). Antiamerikanizam se zasniva na obmanama ili poluistinama o navodnom političkom, finansijskom i vojnom globalnom imperijalizmu, na etičkoj upitnosti kapitalizma, na korporativnoj pohlepi i dužničkom ropstvu, na američko liderstvo u globalnom zagađenju i klimatskim promenama. Savremeni evropski antiamerikanizam okuplja političke i intelektualne ekstremizme levice i desnice istovremeno, izazivajući koncepte individualne, političke i ekonomske slobode, evropski koncept brisanja granica i razvoja individualnih sloboda. Hibridni rat Rusije protiv Evropske unije uspešno koristi medijsku propagandu i tekuća socijalna i nacionalna nezadovoljstva. Izazivajući zapadni liberalno-demokratski koncenzus, evropski društveni naučnici utrli su ideološke putanje za ruski i kineski prodor u Jugoistočnu i Istočnu Evropu. Budući da se antiamerikanizam u lokalnim odnosima koristi kako bi se osporile evropske i regionalne integracije, obmane antiamerikanizma biće razmatrane pre svega u kontekstu novih budućih odredišta Crne Gore usmerenim prema atlantskim i evrops

The restitution process started in Eastern Europe only after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union (1989-1991). While the Holocaust was the official policy of Nazi Germany from 1941, denials of the Holocaust were associated both with the radical, neo-fascist political right, and certain intellectual circles or individuals belonging to the radical left, generally associated with support or cooperation with communist Cold War regimes or authoritarian regimes after the fall of communism. The ideological, and especially the revolutionary left was dividing the world into exploiters and exploited, questioning both the values and private property, and human suffering. Public debate on the draft law on the elimination of the consequences of seizing the assets of Holocaust victims and regulation of Jewish heirless property looted during the Holocaust began on December 18, 2015. It was anticipated that the Government of the Republic of Serbia should launch a legislative initiative by the end of 2015. Already announced restitution model should be related to the Jewish national and religious communities network. The model applied in the Slovak Republic foresaw monetary compensation paid to the Union of Jewish Religious Communities as a consequence of negotiations between the government and the representatives of the Jewish community., Proces restitucije počeo je u Istočnoj Evropi tek nakon pada Berlinskog zida i raspada Sovjetskog Saveza (1989-1991). Iako je Holokaust bio zvanična politika nacističke Nemačke od 1941. godine, poricanja Holokausta povezana su i sa radikalnom, neofašističkom političkom desnicom i sa određenim intelektualnim krugovima ili pojedincima koji pripadaju radikalnoj levici, uglavnom u vezi sa podrškom ili saradnjom sa komunističkim hladnoratovskim režimima ili autoritarnim režimima nakon pada komunizma. Ideološka, a posebno revolucionarna levica delila je svet na eksploatatore i iskorišćene, dovodeći u pitanje vrednosti i privatnu svojinu, kao i ljudsku patnju. Javna rasprava o Nacrtu zakona o otklanjanju posledica oduzimanja imovine žrtava i regulacije jevrejske imovine bez naslednika opljačkane tokom Holokausta počela je 18. decembra 2015. godine. Zaključeno je da Vlada Republike Srbije treba da da zakonodavnu inicijativu do kraja 2015. Već najavljeni model restitucije trebalo bi da bude povezan sa mrežom jevrejskih nacionalnih i verskih zajednica. U okviru nacrta zakona predviđena je i primena modela restitucije koji je primenila Slovačka i koji omogućava novčanu kompenzaciju koju bi država plaćala jevrejskim zajednicama.

Nothing is easy in thinking over offering a scientific explanation of how and why the jazz leaders were lacking in innovation and losing the audience since the end of the sixties. Already known arguments are in the assumptions that the rock invasion flooded the market that previously belonged to jazz, and that jazz was losing commercial attractiveness as the rock production far exceeded the jazz releases. However, the new jazz audience, emerged at the end of the sixties, ignored the criticisms aimed to discourage fusion and similar experiments by dismissing every flirt with popular music. Perhaps the answers should be sought in the production formatting changes, or digitalization as the easy access to contents might have discouraged both artists and the public. Perhaps the world music invasion delegitimized every elitist movement, as the death of jazz also preceded the death of rock. During the last several years, jazz is the least listened-to music in the U.S. after children's music, and jazz was the only genre to have its digital album sales fall between 2011 and 2012. Finally, while feeding competition and talent development, exposure to open market economy, has destroyed many careers and lives. However, it could be helpful to examine the influence of state protectionism and academism on decline of inspiration and the power of individual expression.

Konfiskacijom i nacionalizacijom korenito su izmenjeni struktura vlasništva i pravni odnosi. Obračun s prethodnim političkim sistemom podrazumevao je obračun s političkim, kulturnim i moralnim uticajem uspešnih urbanih i ruralnih društvenih krugova. Još u poslednjim ratnim danima istovremeno je počeo da se uzdiže nov upravljački sloj, koji je ulazio u tuđe vile, kuće, stanove i najdublju zatečenu intimu prethodnih vlasnika, i takva nova klasa je postepeno preuzimala društvenu funkciju i životni stil one poražene. Vremenom je štaviše uspostavljen delimičan konsenzus pobednika i poraženih, koji su sve očiglednije mirno koegzistirali, naročito od početaka otvaranja granica i prodora zapadnih uticaja, pošto se vladajuća struktura suočavala s katastrofalnim ishodima posleratne tranzicije i ekonomske politike. Međutim, od kraja šezdesetih intelektualci su sve otvorenije osporavali Titov poredak i sistem vrednosti, ali sa ekstremno levih ili s nacionalističkih pozicija, tražeći više komunizma i manje ekonomskih sloboda. Time je trajno uništen opšti jugoslovenski konsenzus o demokratiji, vladavini prava i tranziciji. Neuspeh u uspostavljanju takvog političkog, kulturnog i etičkog konsenzusa jedno je od mogućih tumačenja nasilne prirode jugoslovenske dezintegracije., Restitution is not just a return to a previous state. We cannot revive the past, and that is not really a point. Restitution is a new opportunity for our future, for everybody with the exception of corrupt pockets of society and the state. Memory and attention are priorities in the process, in relation to the pure material satisfaction of the damaged or descendants. Broadly socially based capitalism and transparent ownership structure should be the stronghold of our democratic future, the path that respects the wrongdoing victims in the past, assuming the wartime aggression and the Holocaust. I also suppose that descendants of the victims are not responsible for the actions of their ancestors. A very unique burden for Serbia and Yugoslavia is the Donauschwaben destiny. Such controversies may be oversimplified only with a presumption that a new totalitarian order performed the liberation from Nazism and Fascism, with complex and long-term consequences related to the whole of Eastern Europe, in which Yugoslavia was a special and particularly complicated case. Confiscation and nationalization have drastically altered the structure of ownership and general legal framework. Conflict with the previous political system involved a conflict with the wealthier urban and rural social circles. Already during the last months of enduring war, a new ruling class has emerged entering into other's villas, houses, flats, beds and slippers. New ruling class gradually assumed both social function and lifestyle of those defeated. Moreover, eventually was established a tacit consensus of winners and losers, as Yugoslavia was approaching Western influences and opening its borders, faced with the disastrous results of post-war transition and economic policy. From the late sixties, intellectuals were increasingly challenging Tito's regime and value system, but only from the extreme left or nationalist platforms. Already during the seventies was permanently prevented eventual general Yugosla

Belgrade is a European city, the capital of the Republic of Serbia and previously capital of Yugoslavia. The city lies on the confluence of two major European rivers, the Danube and the Sava. Throughout its long history, Belgrade has often been a border city between the East and West and as a result has often been attacked. This has not only influenced, but also shaped its urban structure, especially in the 19th century, when most of the structures related to its oriental Turkish character were demolished and reconstruction of the city began. Belgrade's need to develop itself as a European metropolis in accordance with European standards reveals the discrepancy between its political and cultural pretensions and the real economic opportunities. It also reveals the need of the political and intellectual elite to keep Belgrade, Serbia and Yugoslavia in a state of general development that leaves enough space for political and ideological manipulation, as well as social and national experiments, particularly in the communist and post-communist period. Based on its specific character, Belgrade is recognized as a useful case study that is not simply a "post-communist" city, but a palimpsest of every catastrophe that has been experienced in Europe over a century or more. The connection between the political and urban changes in Belgrade throughout the 20th century is more than evident. Accordingly, this paper will explore what has driven the urban change and the extent to which the balance between state, market and civil society is present in Belgrade, both during its history and today.

Mediation of Robert Sutton during the Passarowitz Peace Conference in 1718 has confirmed the Britain's new role in international relations. At the same time France approached Britain, confirming a new course of its foreign policy. However, such approaching threatened to spoil relations between Britain and Austria. From the last decades of the seventeenth century, British alliance with Austria was highly significant, and therefore as the mediator in peace talks between Austria and Turkey was elected Robert Sutton, already experienced as British Ambassador to the Ottoman Porte. Britain expected that both sides will take into account his diplomatic experience and political credibility. His role turned out to become additionally significant within highly complicated international circumstances. Particularly concerned with the Russian military involvement in the area of Mecklenburg and the strengthening of Russia in the Baltic, as well as with renewed ambitions of Spain in Italy, British government sought to simultaneously control and speed up the Passarowitz peace negotiations. Sutton's reports to the British government confirmed that during the 1718 negotiations in Passarowitz the same diplomatic protocol was applied as during the previous 1699 conference in Karlowitz (Sremski Karlovci). The Ottoman Porte, on the other hand, was ultimately forced to apply practices of modern European diplomacy with compliance to the general bilateral principle in peace process, including the protocol. British mediation also revealed its future interests in the eastern Mediterranean, which included the withdrawal of Venice from the important spheres of politics and business in the Ottoman Empire. The Passarowitz peace agreement from 1718 officially reduced Venice to a second-rate power ranking, and the British traders were enabled to take over important pieces of Venetian eastern markets.

Jazz originated and evolved in a free market economy and complex mutual relations with unregulated social conjuncture. Coping with social challenges during the Progressive era (1890-1920) contributed to the partial emancipation of marginalized groups; however jazz, in its first decades, remained directed to the general need for mass entertainment (the "jazz era" in the 1920s). The artistic development of jazz was therefore temporarily delayed during the economic crisis, Great Depression and the new recession of the late 1930s (1929-1938). The first movement in jazz that could be considered to be an art for art's sake, while renouncing any populist elements, appeared in 1939 Coleman Hawkins' Body and Soul recording. Market and social conditions for the emergence of the avant-garde began to mature only during the years after 1945, within a new business cycle in the US economy. The prosperous and conformist decade of the 1950s stabilized the middle class and directed general social preferences towards the benefits of higher education. European immigration from the inter-war period, and a new wave of immigration at the end of the Second World War enabled the growth of American universities in terms of quality and social influence. Universities recruited the jazz avant-garde audience, and supported other progressive art movements in the 1960s "decade of turbulence, protest, and disillusionment". Thanks to market support, the jazz avant-garde managed to survive free of the influences of state institutions, as John Coltrane's Love Supreme, often listed amongst the greatest jazz albums of all time, was sold in about 500,000 copies by 1970. A similar development, with the emergence of the baby-boom generation in the late 1960s, has contributed to the maturing of European avant-garde audiences and markets (ECM, 1969). The study will also examine avant-garde movements in relation to historical changes in economic and social disparities, from the thirties to the early 1970s.

Kraj XVII и почетак XVIII века представљају бурну епоху, испуњену непрекидним ратовима који су веома иѕменили поредак и односе међу европским државама и довели до опадања старих и уздизања нових сила..., The end of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th century represents a tumultuous era, filled with constant wars that have changed the very order and relations between the European countries and led to the decline of the old and the rise of new powers. Among the conflicts of this period are: The Nine Years War (1688-1697), The Polish-Ottoman War (1672-1676), Dutch War (1672-1678), the Great Turkish War (1683-1699), War of the Spanish Succession (1701-1714), Great Northern War (1700- 1721), Jacobite war in Ireland (1689-1691), Austro-Turkish War (1716-1718). Great Turkish War (1683-1699) was for its duration, intensity, number of involved countries and human resources one of the most important conflicts in contemporary Europe. One of its key battles was the Battle of Slankamen in 1691. According to its results and consequences, the battle was of crucial importance for South Eastern Europe and announced a fundamental redistribution of power in the region. Battle of Slankamen settled two important questions. Firstly, the Pannonian Plain was liberated from the Turkish rule, and the Ottoman Empire was finally suppressed from Central Europe. Secondly, the battle established the boundary line between the two empires on the Sava and the Danube, which was not disturbed until the end of the eighteenth century. After the Karlovac Treaty (1699) Turkey did not seriously try to reconquer the area to the north of this line, while every Austrian attempt to rule the areas south of the Sava and Danube rivers proved unsuccessful (1788-1791) or temporary (1718-1739). Austria did not have the capacity and strength, but nor the political will to master the areas between Belgrade and Skopje. Battle of Slankamen denotes one stage in the weakening of the Ottoman Empire. Although we can not say that the decline of Ottoman power and their power crisis in the Balkans followed as a result of a single battle, Slankamen marks an important segment of the distribution of power in southeastern Europ

U okviru rada detaljno su analizirana Jonska ostrva u periodu od mira u Kučuk- Kajnardžiju 1774. do Bečkog kongresa 1815. Obrađeni period predstavlja zaokruženu celinu koja počinje izlaskom Rusije na Mediteran, a završava se pobedom nad Napoleonom. Pomenutu celinu čine dve epohe: Prva počinje pojavljivanjem generala Orlova na Mediteranu 1770, a druga ratovima između Velike Britanije i Francuske 1793-1815. Ne može se utvrditi oštra granica između ove dve epohe, ali je za Jonska ostrva pad Venecije 1797. predstavljao najvažniju promenu.Nakon 1797. Jonska ostrva su postala jedinstven prostor na Mediteranu koji je promenio više administracija nego bilo koji drugi deo Mediterana u periodu 1797 - 1815. Jonska ostrva predstavljaju geografski, društveni, privredni i politički prostor kojem nije lako odrediti granice. One su se menjale u zavisnosti od situacije na Balkanskom i Apeninskom poluostrvu. Prostor Jonskih ostrva čine i gradovi na obali Epira, kao i ostrva koja se ne nalaze na Jonskom moru (Kitera i Antikitera). Arhipelag je nemoguće posmatrati odvojeno od Peloponeza, Epira, Albanije, Apulije, Sicilije, Malte i Dalmacije. On je u isto vreme deo Jadransko-jonskog prostora ali i nastavak Via Egnatia. Promene do kojih je dolazilo na arhipelagu vrlo često su bile posledice događaja koji prostorno nisu imali direktne veze sa Jonskim ostrvima, kao što su deoba Poljske i trgovina na Baltičkom moru. Ratovi koji su se vodili daleko van njegovih granica uticali su na promene administracija na arhipelagu. Jonska ostrva, a naročito Krf, u periodu posle Francuskog zauzimanja Malte postala su jedan od najznačajnijih poseda na Mediteranu za koji su se takmičile i najznačajnije evropske i mediteranske sile, ali i lokalni moćnici i manje države. Prethodna istraživanja Jonskih ostrva su bila podeljena na epohe, u zavisnosti od toga koja država je upravljala njima. Da bi se mogao razumeti značaj Jonskih ostrva, kao i same promene na ostrvima i prostoru sa kojim se ostrva graniče, neop, This paper thoroughly discusses Ionian Islands in the period between the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca in 1774 and Vienna congress in 1815. Investigated period starts with Russia entering Mediterranean and finishes with the victory over Napoleon. Investigated period forms an entity starting with Russia entering Mediterranean and finishing with victory over Napoleon. This period consists of two epochs: the first one starts with the appearance of Orlov in the Mediterranean Sea in 1770, the second one with wars between Great Britain and France 1793- 1815. There is no sharp division of these two epochs, but for Ionian Islands, the fall of Venice in 1797 made the most significant change. After 1797 Ionian Islands became unique space in the Mediterranean that was ruled by five different administrations between 1797 and 1815. Ionian Islands are geographic, social, economic and political region whose borders cannot be easily defined. They changed in time, depending on the situation in the Balkan and Apennine peninsula. The area of Ionian Islands included towns at Epirus coast, and the islands not situated in the Ionian Sea (Kythera and Antikythera). The archipelago cannot be considered separately of Peloponnese, Epirus, Albania, Apulia, Sicily, Malta and Dalmatia. It is a part of Adriatic-Ionian space, but at the same time a continuation of Via Egnatia. The changes that took place in the archipelago were more than often consequences of events not directly connected to Ionian Islands, like division of Poland and trade in the Baltic Sea. Also, wars waged far out of their borders affected change of administration in the archipelago. Ionian Islands, Corfu in particular, after France conquered Malta, became one of the most significant assets in the Mediterranean, something that major European and Mediterranean powers competed over, but also local dignitaries and smaller countries. In order to comprehend significance of Ionian Islands, and changes in the islands and neighbouring regio