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In this comparative review, I first evaluate scholarly findings attempting to dis/prove a relationship between transitional justice and the consolidation of democracy. Second, I outline several criteria for ‘democratic’ transitional justice in order to be able to judge transitional justice policies. Third, I examine and judge transitional justice policies of the Czech Republic, Latvia and Slovakia by these criteria. Last, I argue that transitional justice is neither a prerequisite for the successful consolidation of democracy nor inherently democratic unless it is carried out in coordination with the ideals of liberal democracy, which might support the achievement of peace and societal stability in a transition period.

This study examined how comments about Kazakhstan's 2019 and 2022 presidential elections posted on Tengrinews, one of the most commonly used news websites in Kazakhstan, reflected public sentiment toward the elections after two political flashpoints: Nazarbayev's resignation and the January 2022 protests (known as Bloody January - Qandy Qantar). In particular, the study seeks an answer to the question, "How has public sentiment changed between 9 April 2019 and 25 June 2019, as well as between 20 September 2022 and 21 November 2022?" In this paper, we applied a content analysis of all user-generated comments (n = 3,147) to identify Kazakhstani people's mood through the lenses of cues given in comments. The method demonstrates that people were most concerned about presidential nominations and candidates, election costs, protests, and social problems, and showed some hope for change. The results also demonstrate that Kazakhstanis tend to use sarcastic language and indicate the performative nature of the country's elections. Based on comparative analysis, we confirm that political flashpoints significantly affect citizens' sentiments, even regarding topics such as protests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do new media contribute to political participation among young people? Several studies have dealt with this question; however, the question remains an understudied area in the former Soviet Union. Drawing on data collected during one year of fieldwork that included online surveys, interviews and focus groups with young people in both Russia and Kazakhstan, this study demonstrates that new media contribute to both on- and offline political participation in Russia and Kazakhstan among young people through: awareness as a prerequisite for political participation; communication; interaction; advocacy as political participation; mobilization; organizing; coordination; and hype-ization. In so doing, it offers a theoretical model that explains how new media contribute to young people's political participation in Russia and Kazakhstan, providing an in-depth account from two post-Communist cases which can contribute to cross-national comparative studies in non-competitive statist political systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this research note, I examine whether research conducted among young internet and social media users in Russia and Kazakhstan is representative of generalisable conclusions, particularly in relation to political participation studies. At present there is no reliable information on this topic in these societies. I commissioned four questions per country using omnibus surveys conducted in the 2020 autumn intake of the voting-age (18+) population using funding from the 'Bolashaq' programme. Based on the findings I procured through the omnibus surveys conducted by national public opinion poll companies (Levada Center and Central Asian Barometer) in Russia and Kazakhstan, my analysis shows that (1) more than 99% of all young people aged 18-29 use the internet and social media; and (2) nearly three out of four young people use social media for information about national and international news and politics. However, despite these high indicators, the frequency of the usage of social media for news and politics varies considerably in both countries. The paper with its up-todate data as of 2021 fills a gap in Russian and Kazakhstani research, providing scholars with data to conduct further research about internet, social media, and politics among new media users. In addition, it provides a comparative analysis of the frequency of internet and social media use by young people for information about (inter)national news and politics in Russia and Kazakhstan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]