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Recent elections in the United States have commanded national and international attention with voting rights becoming a leading concern for Americans. Though the American public and the judicial and political institutions that represent theAmerican people understand the importance of voting to the health of a democracy, the voting rate among eligible voters in the United States pales in comparison to those of other democracies around the world. This is even more striking when considering the large number of people residing in the country who are not even eligible to vote. Concerns over voter participation often focus on discussions of current issues and policy proposals, but the United States has a rich--and often painful--history of suffrage movements and attempts by marginalized groups to join the democratic process. Current suffrage movements can learn from historical suffrage movements in their pursuit for full participation in American democracy. This Comment uses the history from the Black and women's suffrage movements to inform current suffrage movements by uncovering lessons--from both the successes and failures of the Black and women's suffrage movements--that are relevant today. This Comment builds on the robust scholarship that has focused on these movements by comparing them and applying lessons to three modern oppressed groups who are still actively seeking their suffrage in the United States: people convicted of felonies, non-citizen lawful permanent residents, and people under the age of eighteen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the years preceding the First World War, the suffragist media paid important attention to the figure of the Persian poetess, Tahirih. This interest in her biography coincided with 'Abdu'l-Bahā's two visits to England when the leader of the Bahā'ī religion met with prominent members of the country's major suffrage organizations. This article describes references to Tahirih by various suffragist leaders and attempts to show how she was presented as a herald to their cause and a heroine to be emulated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1922 and 1925, Sofia Khatun, a Muslim woman writer, published over 25 essays in some of Calcutta's most widely circulated Bengali periodicals. Among these essays, her accounts of women's position in premodern Greece, Rome, India and Egypt and her speculation on the originary sites of women's movements are particularly interesting. Khatun here challenges the primacy of western actors and explicitly connects women's emancipation with the era of Islamization in West Asia and North Africa. While reconfiguring dominant narratives of women's social and political activism, she seeks foremothers in both obvious and obscure milieux. In doing so, Khatun traces a silsila or chain of predecessors, who are sources of inspiration to herself as well as her contemporary readers. A time-honoured tradition in Islamicate cultures, salasil (plural) usually foreground Sufi pirs (spiritual guides) and transmitters of Hadith (sayings attributed to the Prophet), more often men than women. Khatun reorients this practice to showcase women activists as key players in a male-dominated textual space. The conceptual metaphor of silsila captures her bringing together of Anglo-American suffragists, Arabian sultanas and African women warriors within a single genealogy. Khatun draws on two genres popular in medieval Arabia to enable her eclectic assemblage of foremothers to speak to the concerns of women readers in twentieth-century Bengal. The first, tabaqat, are biographical dictionaries that provide emulative paradigms. The second, a set of belletristic genres encompassed within the term adab, are short prose pieces and precedents to the 'modern' essay. Building on the former's didactic function and the latter's anecdotal quality, Khatun allows her foremothers to articulate multiple models of gender justice pursued at different times and across transregional spaces. By upholding such pluralistic and heterodox feminist pasts, she pays attention to the intersectional nature of gender inequity and addresses the 'woman question' in all its complexity in late colonial Bengal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is concerned with Vera Brittain's 1936 feminist historical novel, Honourable Estate, focusing on the novel's efforts to represent a feminist past as it contemplates its present moment of 'transition'. Brittain meets the difficult task of making sense of the present moment by juxtaposing two backward-looking literary forms—the feminist historical novel and the diary—which suggest two very different attitudes to temporality. The layering of these forms in Honorable Estate allows for a nuanced treatment of the new challenges and opportunities of the interwar period for modern women and creates a space for ambivalence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates how the interwar French suffragist organization la Femme nouvelle used the platform of the newsreel to make political claims through its collaboration with Pathé's newsreel magazine Actualités féminines or Women's News. Through the filming of their political actions and educational segments edited together in their newsreel compilation film, Le film de la Femme nouvelle (dir. la Femme nouvelle, France, 1935), the suffragists, led by Louise Weiss, frame themselves as essential workers, fearless political actors, and perfect housewives. These contradictions reveal a strategic manipulation of their gender identity to obtain the vote at all costs. Newsreel making provided the feminists an avenue for political claimsmaking beyond electoral politics. These filmed accounts of their actions give the spectator a sense of being present at the event, which is missing from written accounts of la Femme nouvelle's history. Through this aesthetic liveness, achieved through camera placement and staging in crowd scenes, the suffragists were able to portray themselves as vital political actors. One such filmed protest from 12 May 1935 provides a compelling account of their filmmaking practice, in which the activists march on la place de la Bastille in chains, then break their chains and put them in a bonfire. The French Revolution, referenced by this action, was a popular analogy for the Left, as seen in the film La marseillaise (dir. Jean Renoir, France, 1937). Le film de la Femme nouvelle is significant because it allows for an alternate, feminist history of political filmmaking in the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the image of the British suffragettes in the early Chinese press up to the 1910s. By widely surveying newspapers and magazines, it shows that the common adoption of the shrew trope in depicting the suffragettes went beyond a reductive translational interaction between the West and the East. People's Stand, The Eastern Miscellany and other periodical publications present different ways in which diction, images, literary legacy, gender tradition and cultural demands all came into play in reconfiguring the Chinese shrew and her connections to the Western suffragettes. The shrew–suffragette linkage debunks notions of selling strategies and editorial ambivalence underlying the gesture of the press. Yet it was precisely this ambiguity that rendered the shrew image so polysemic and fruitful, eventually allowing this traditional character type to be positively associated with the new woman models in Chinese progressive discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document is a special issue of the journal Hawwa dedicated to Tahirih Qurrat al-ʿAyn, a prominent figure in Iranian history. Tahirih was known for removing her veil in 1848, symbolizing the independence of the Bābī religion and advocating for women's rights. The issue includes articles that explore Tahirih's life, writings, and impact, as well as her distorted image throughout history. It also examines Tahirih's influence on the women's avant-garde in Europe and her exploitation by British suffragists. The articles are presented in chronological order and follow Hawwa's transliteration system. [Extracted from the article]

In Holloway Prison in March 1909, in an astonishing act of bodily harm, the suffragette Constance Lytton punctured the membrane of her skin with two needles and a hairpin in order to inscribe the words "Votes for Women" across her skin-body. She used her own skin as the ground cloth for the inscription, and needles, hairpin, skin, body, cloth and pain were all implicated in the act. Instead of using the needle to work cloth, Lytton used it to probe the boundary of her skin-body. Skin became a projected cloth where she materially wrought and discursively wrote the beginnings of a visceral and political suffrage message, demonstrating that her quasi-"cloth-skin-body" was a political site and the locus of trauma. Whilst Lytton did not leave any tangible evidence of hand-embroidering through cloth in Holloway, several suffragette embroideries worked there between 1911 and 1912 have survived. Hundreds of women were imprisoned at this time as the militant Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) turned to breaking windows and the destruction of property. They faced the threat of the hunger strike and forcible feeding. In this paper the relationship between trauma and embroidering through the "cloth-skin-body" is explored with reference to six suffragette embroideries. Leaning on the psychoanalytical writings of Didier Anzieu, Nicola Diamond and Stella North, as well as drawing on my own practice as research, I argue that for imprisoned suffragettes embroidering was autobiographic, situated and embodied. The paper proposes the concept of a "cloth-ego," which can be psychically projected from the body: hyphenated in its proximity to skin and the body but abstracted and expanded into the world as an embroidered handkerchief, tablecloth, bag or panel. For suffragettes such as the embroiderer Janie Terrero, who registered her own forcible feeding and that of nineteen others on a cloth panel, I argue that embroidering through the cloth-skin-body helped to psychically re-make and repair the self and filter and expel the toxic and invasive "spine in the flesh."1 Through the "procedural enactments"2 of embroidering, I claim that the women processed their somatic and affective experiences. The material practice of embroidering allowed their "absent present"3 bodies to "speak." It enabled the body to tell a material story above and beyond the discursive limits of language, beyond the words and images on the cloth. Thus, a story could be articulated before words were found or before feelings were put into consciousness, thought or speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The image of the historical campaign for votes for women is continually reinvigorated and reinvested with meaning by later feminists. An investigation into the ways in which the campaign is framed on the UK online parenting forum Mumsnet demonstrates clearly how women in the 21st century use their feminist foremothers to support their own political purposes. In particular, gender-critical feminists on Mumsnet are able to performatively invoke their suffragette heritage as militant, radical feminists, and imbue their cause with legitimacy. Use of suffragette pen names and WSPU colours allows gender-critical posters to identify each other both on and offline. Discussion of the campaign on Mumsnet demonstrates a good amount of knowledge, including distinctions between the contributions of militant and constitutional campaigners. Nonetheless, when the discussion turns to the necessity for women to vote, the dominance of the image of the suffering suffragette becomes clear. However, the suffragettes can also be used as justification for women not using their vote: as long as this is framed as a thoughtful decision, made out of anger at the political choices available, it can be presented as "what the suffragettes would have wanted". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior to its release, the film Suffragette (2015) generated significant media commentary when its marketing campaign emblazoned a controversial historical quotation on promotional t-shirts. The 1913 Emmeline Pankhurst quotation generated a variety of negative emotional responses across digital, print, and social media because it compared women's disenfranchisement to slavery. This article builds on recent historical analyses of national and transnational women's movements that are informed by the history of emotions. It considers the operation of discourses of slavery within the history, memory, and popular culture of the transatlantic women's suffrage movement. Using Jemima Repo's concept of feminist commodity activism to situate the t-shirts, this article examines the anger and frustration that dominated media commentary about the Suffragette marketing campaign across the United States, Britain, Australia, and Canada. Both the filmmakers and intersectional feminist activists embraced historical evidence—from primary and secondary sources—to mobilise different narratives about the Women's Social and Political Union. Yet many journalists and commentators envisioned the film's construction of historical memory as insufficiently attuned to racism within the history of feminism, and thus as a failure of intersectional feminism. Suffragette reveals significant anxieties about how the women's suffrage movement should be remembered in the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on the scrapbooks made by two suffrage activists: Jane Cobden-Unwin (1851-1947) and Alice Maud Mary Arncliffe Sennett (1862-1936). Both women collected a range of suffrage material, from pamphlets to newspaper clippings, letters, invitation cards, and material objects. Using these eclectic volumes, I argue that their scrapbooks are vital for illustrating the range of emotions women invested in their suffrage campaigning activities. Emotions formed a key part of how women recorded their activism, which they immortalised in the pages of their scrapbooks, showing the sustenance they received from family, friends, and servants. More broadly, this study offers a case-study of how historians can use collections to unpack the affective histories underpinning women's activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The measure promoted as England's first law against sex trafficking, the Criminal Law Amendment Bill, journeyed through Parliament in 1912. Amid mounting extra-parliamentary protest over votes for women, workers' rights, and Home Rule for Ireland, the country's suffrage and socialist groups chose to engage with the somewhat ancillary Bill and the issue of trafficking (or 'white slavery' as it was popularly known) through the powerful medium of their periodicals. They did so largely because they saw the value to their wider campaigns of using trafficking - a phenomenon often cast by reformers as involving the sexual exploitation of working-class women - to forge connections (or highlight disjunctures) between the suffragist and socialist movements. Ideas of race, national identity, and empire attached to configurations of 'slavery' were central to their rhetoric, and to the links the groups made between trafficking and the political emancipation they sought. These ideas give a valuable insight into influential representations of trafficking in 1912 and the campaign against 'white slavery' during what was a fundamental, transnational moment in the history of trafficking. They also illuminate suffragist and socialist rhetoric of the day, and the conflicting ideas of 'Englishness' therein. This article strives to unlock some of these insights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

WIZO's founders in 1920 included several Anglo-Jewish feminists and former suffragists. The organisation supported the female franchise in the Jewish institutions of Mandate Palestine, but incorporated many, sometimes conflicting, approaches to developing women's roles. Attempting mass membership in hopes of influencing the male-dominated world Zionist movement, WIZO represented women with widely differing views, both within and between national branches. Disagreements were particularly open between British and Czechoslovak WIZO leaders regarding the provision of welfare services as opposed to establishing training for economic independence, particularly in agriculture. Deep rifts and resignations by 1930 were healed as the rise of Nazism demanded a new focus. The embedding of a formal party-political system in the Mandate and State of Israel, together with the consolidation of an orthodox Rabbinate, left little space for these pioneers to speak on women's issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines poetry by the Glaswegian suffragette Helen Crawfurd. Despite her role as an important figure in the period now known as Red Clydeside, Crawfurd's political activism as a socialist and suffragette has been neglected by labour historians. While scholarship on Crawfurd has begun to gather momentum in recent years, extant studies of her life and work neglect to mention her small but important literary output. The research presented argues that Crawfurd's poetry offers an illuminating feminist perspective on a period of Scottish political history largely dominated by male voices. Crawfurd's poems explore familiar socialist issues through a feminist lens, addressing themes such as peace, suffrage, childcare, and employment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Like a Zen koan, contemplating the question "Who am I?" is a lifelong journey of self-discovery that moves us forward along the path of individuation. In this paper, I considered the nature of my identity and explore the characteristics and attitudes that manifested through my family legacy for generations. My great-great-grandmother, Matilda Joslyn Gage, was an early suffragist and dedicated freedom fighter, and her daughter married L. Frank Baum, the author of The Wonderful Wizard of Oz. My family ancestry includes several individuals who have separated from the collective to express their individuality and make unique contributions to society. With the given name Dorothy, I have felt blessed and burdened in the shadow of these noteworthy individuals. This paper explores the genetic, epigenetic, and psychological fabric of my family lineage, and identifies inherited traits that suggest a generational transmission of resiliency, wisdom, and individuality. This exploration has led me to consider the possibility of "generational individuation," a continuity of related individuals responding in unique ways to impersonal karma that manifests through family legacies and completes the unfinished business of previous generations. Considering the complexity of these ancestral relationships has enriched an understanding of who I am, exposed previously unexplored shadow material, and contributed to a deeper sense of meaning and purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last forty years of the United States' fight for woman suffrage, a handful of suffragists wrote cookbooks sponsored by suffrage organisations. These cookbooks created a rhetorical space and ethos within and through the kitchen. Because their activism was grounded in expected feminine actions, this home‐bound ethos allowed the primarily white, middle‐class suffragists to simultaneously advocate for women's suffrage in public and maintain their adherence to the Cult of True Womanhood. The arguments put forth in the cookbooks illustrate an ethos that is influenced by both personal agency and the rhetor's gendered, physical location in the kitchen. From this expected space, they made the more revolutionary argument for suffrage less discrediting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the transnational circulation of ideas about suffrage and education, this article explores the work of suffragist Muriel Matters (1877–1969), and teacher educator Lillian de Lissa (1885–1967). It begins with Matters' and de Lissa's childhoods and education in post-suffrage Australia, and their initial work as an actress and kindergarten teacher respectively. The second section focuses on the development of their politics when Matters migrated to England in 1905 and joined the Women's Freedom League, and de Lissa became the foundation principal of the Adelaide Kindergarten Training College in 1907. The third section discusses their engagement with Maria Montessori's educational approach, which Matters incorporated into her socialist feminist activism during the First World War, and which led to de Lissa's recruitment to England as a liberal feminist teacher educator in 1917. The final section highlights their advocacy for Montessori education in the United Kingdom during the interwar years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines feminist responses from the Southern Cone, Peru and Spain to the increasingly visible presence of the British suffragette at the beginning of the 20th C. National Councils of Women founded in the region on the principle of Republican motherhood produced discourses marked by ambivalent politics vis-à-vis the "foreign" paradigm of the New Woman. The fear to transgress traditional gender mandates, exacerbated by the scorn thrown at the suffragette by leading male intellectuals in the region transverses these discourses. Given that the feminist networks built by the first generation of women writers in nineteenth century Lima and Buenos Aires have been well explored, this article purports to explore the less studied area of the legacy of this first generation of activists on to the next generation of Latin American and Spanish feminists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tessier's argument combines her own analysis of online comments with existing analyses of women's historic and contemporary participation in public news and media platforms. Marie Tessier's I Digital Suffragists: Women, the Web, and the Future of Democ-racy i scrutinizes the history of platforms that limit women's voices and examines how the underrepresentation of women online impacts our digital democracy. Tessier situates her analysis of online news comments within the history of women's participation in and activism surrounding democracy. [Extracted from the article]

In the late 19th century, urban progressive women in Australia started looking to the land as a critical function of wider calls for independence, autonomy and equal access to labour and the profits derived from one's own hands. This thoroughly modern and middle-class movement emerged as a product of the progressive "New Woman", who was awakened to a sense of capacity and duty beyond the confines of traditional domesticity. This call was also supported by the bourgeois belief in "vitalism", which reinforced a passion for "Nature" and outdoor activities. This article draws on two case studies that span the late 19th century through to the end of World War I to consider suffragist Mary Sanger Evans, and later Ina Higgins, who saw the lighter branches of agriculture as a means of independence, autonomy and parity that could challenge prevailing notions of appropriate women's labour. Influenced by broader changes taking place around Federation, this article explores the varied experiences of ex-urban migration, bringing to light a small group of women who moved away from the cities, resulting in generations of smallholders and professional female gardeners benefiting from the New Women who went "home" in the early 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This viewpoint discusses the legacy that my grandmother, Norah Dacre Fox (aka Norah Elam), left to me as a result of her political campaigning during the period 1900-1945. Norah, together with Mary Richardson (infamous for slashing the Rokeby Venus) and Mary Allen (awarded an OBE in 1917 for services to women's policing) were three high-profile suffragettes who joined the British Union of Fascists (BUF) in the 1930s. After researching and uncovering the full extent of Norah's public career, it left me with a burning question. How could a woman who fought for the democratic right for women to vote take a decision twenty years later to fight in the ranks of a profoundly undemocratic political party? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the night of November 14, 1917, 31 suffragists and members of the National Woman's Party ("NWP") were taken to Occoquan Workhouse in Virginia and tortured and beaten. This so-called "Night of Terror" captured national headlines at the time and has been memorialized through digital sites today. This article examines versions of the Night of Terror from the NWP's official newspaper, The Suffragist, national newspapers of the day gathered from the Chronicling America database, and modern digital memorials of the event to understand the ways that the mediated telling of events create the fractured popular memories that are retold as the authoritative version of events. In the case of the Night of Terror, the NWP's media strategies appealed strongly to pathos and captured public imagination then and now, making these retellings the narrative embedded in history as the authoritative version. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers how national newspapers reported, portrayed, and narrated the militant suffragism of the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU). Using three popular newspapers, the Daily Mail , the Daily Express , and the Daily Mirror and the specific case study of hunger strikes and the government's response of forcible feeding, it evaluates the various tropes that characterized press coverage of the suffragettes. It investigates how militancy, an approach that prioritized spectacle, was covered in an emerging medium that sought to recast politics in a new and spectacular fashion, thereby extending understanding of how the style and content of popular newspapers evolved in the first decade of the twentieth century. In doing so, it expands existing research into the dynamics of the nascent popular press and its function as an 'arena' for fostering extra-parliamentary political debate. The WSPU attempted to take advantage of this opportunity to promote its own arguments on forcible feeding and female suffrage, using correspondence columns and prisoner testimony to elicit empathy, albeit with only sporadic success in receiving a sympathetic hearing from a hostile press, with enmity a consistent feature of editorial argument. Nevertheless, the article concludes that responses to hunger strikes and forcible feeding in the popular press were multifaceted, and whilst the WSPU was unable to reframe patriarchal narratives of political activism, it persisted with words as well as deeds in seeking to co-opt newspapers into its campaign and garner publicity for its cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay will re-evaluate several women writers of the 1910s as neo-Edwardian writers, by examining a range of fictional and autobiographical texts that are set in the recent past of the Edwardian period. It will focus in particular on three suffragette narratives that were published in the pre-World War One years - Constance Maud, No Surrender (1911), Gertrude Colmore, Suffragette Sally (1911) and Lady Constance Lytton, Prisons and Prisoners: some personal experiences (1914) - that seek to represent, and evaluate, the movement's activities during the Edwardian decade and which have not yet been the subject of sustained critical comparison. By identifying some distinctive formal and thematic tropes in these texts, I aim to explore their continuing interest to different scholarly communities and to develop a fresh reading of these works' literary, and wider cultural and social, provenance as neo-Edwardian texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reputation of the suffragettes and the Pankhurst family in France was often considered to be too militant for the French journal La Française. This feminist journal praised the suffragettes whilst keeping a distance from such 'trouble-makers'. This was a complex acceptance. In particular, from 1912, when some suffragettes engaged in violent tactics, the journal began calling for non-violent actions. After the Representation of the People Act was passed in 1918, La Francaise waited ten months to rejoice in this news. Now it began to suggest that British women were showing French women how to win their own enfranchisement, which was not granted until 1944. A few weeks before the 1928 Equal Franchise Act, the journal praised more and more Emmeline Pankhurst's radical spirit. This article suggests that the British suffragette movement had an influence on the women's suffrage campaign in France although often in complex and contradictory ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses Jessie Kenney's unpublished and fragmentary autobiography The Flame and the Flood to show how suffragettes reacted to, and tried to re-write, the emerging historical narratives on militant suffrage. As June Purvis and Sandra Stanley Holton have shown, Sylvia Pankhurst's The Suffragette Movement became the dominant frame through which the suffragette movement was understood. Yet Krista Cowman's revealing study of Mary Gawthorpe also demonstrates that many suffragettes were distressed at the way this narrative became cemented in popular and academic understandings of the movement. Developing this understanding by showing how suffragettes resisted Pankhurst's account to offer an alternative account of suffrage history, this article offers new insights into suffrage life-writing in the later twentieth century. It conceptualises The Flame and the Flood not as a monologue focused on Kenney's own experience, but as a dialogue with existing cultural narratives, and demonstrates the interaction between collective and individual identity in suffrage autobiography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In public archives there are a number of hand-embroidered cloths worked by suffragettes incarcerated in Holloway Prison between 1911 and 1912. Denied political status, some of the embroiderers used the hunger strike as a political tool and were forcibly fed. In this paper the embroideries are reframed as material and discursive evidence of suffragette prison experiences. The material narratives of the embroidered cloths are traced, drawing on a dialogue between critical theory, material object enquiry, practice as research and the work of contemporary textile practitioners. Embroidering by suffragettes is explored as an embodied and situated 'thread act' that materialised the making of networks, the need for protection of the body and mind, the powers and dangers of boundary crossing, and proto-political thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the prison letters of Dr Alice Ker and the relatively unknown Mary Ellen Taylor which are held in the Women's Library at LSE Library. These women were suffragettes and mothers who were both arrested on 4 March 1912, in separate incidents, but as part of the Women's Social and Political Union's window-smashing campaign. The letters allow us to consider what these women must have been feeling and reveal what factors they felt were important to write about at that time. Of even more significance is that they provide an insight into these women as people. The article also considers the effect that suffrage campaigning had on family life and family relationships and whether the letters convey any sense that campaigning caused tensions or concerns within families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the anti-immigrant rhetoric of the suffragettes and how their nativist approach helped to secure the passage of the 19th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Topics discussed include history of women's rights, nativist arguments following the Civil War, and U.S. President Woodrow Wilson's support for women's suffrage.

Women physicians have a long history of advocacy, dating to the 19th century women’s suffrage movement. As history recounts the work of the suffragists, many women physicians bear mention. Some were leaders on the national scene, and others led suffrage efforts in their own state. In this article, we provide a snapshot of 7 prominent suffragists who were also physicians: Mary Edwards Walker, Mary Putnam Jacobi, Esther Pohl Lovejoy, Marie Equi, Mattie E. Coleman, Cora Smith Eaton, and Caroline E. Spencer. In sharing their stories, we hope to better understand some of the challenges and struggles of the suffrage movement and how their advocacy paved the way not only for women’s voting rights but also the role of women physicians as advocates for change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work aims to analyze the political uses of misogyny, using as a thematic boundary the dispute for female suffrage, occurred from the end of the 19th century. More specifically, I will examine three tactics used at that time, in the United States, France and Brazil, to incite hatred towards women who were fighting for the vote: (i) the separation women between good ones and bad ones, and the categorization of suffragettes in the last class; (ii) the definition of this group as a threat; (iii) the use of symbolic repression towards the suffragettes' collective identity. The mobilization of this set of procedures proves that the discourse that ridiculed the suffragettes, more than sexist and disrespectful, can be characterized as misogynistic, since it contributed to a symbolic annihilation of that group of women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines progress gained after the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment and with an emphasis on unsung black suffragist. Topics discussed include Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments passed in a form that recognized the right to vote regardless of race but failed to mention sex; black women fought vigorously for voting rights and were enthusiastically engaged in the political process and racial discrimination would be ended by African Americans.

This article traces the ways in which the British suffragette Emily Wilding Davison was represented in national newspapers between 1913—the year she died—and 2013, the centenary of her death. We identify three key discourses through which Davison has been represented in four British newspapers throughout the twentieth century and into the twenty-first: delegitimisation, recuperation and trivialisation. In doing so, this paper provides original insights into the ways that the fight for women's rights has been figured in different historical moments. A key argument is that over time, Davison's militant actions—once cast as those of a hysterical lunatic—have slowly come to be recuperated and legitimised as part of the story of British democracy. However, this discursive shift cannot be straightforwardly celebrated as a progressive move in representations of women's movements, as Davison is frequently invoked to delegitimise contemporary feminism. Our analysis charts the extent to which Davison has been visible (or not) in newspapers through different historical periods; the specific ways in which Davison's image was transformed along with broader changes in women's status; and it considers the political implications of these (in)visibilities and representations for contemporary feminism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The City of London still provides us with a very visible, physical representation of policing's response to the IRA's mainland bombing campaign of the 1990s: the chicanes, police boxes and CCTV cameras at its entry points that collectively form its protective 'Ring of Steel'. Terrorism though had announced its arrival in the City some 20 years before the bombs at St Mary Axe and Bishopsgate, with the detonation of an IRA car bomb outside the Old Bailey in 1973 — or so living memory would have us believe. Two seemingly innocuous artefacts in the City of London Police Museum — a milk-can and a Keen's mustard tin — help give the lie to this perception and provide us with tangible evidence of an earlier, often overlooked bombing campaign. These two everyday household items once contained 'infernal machines' — or bombs — that were planted at iconic locations in the City in 1913, but which failed to explode. All the facts point to the would-be bombers being supporters of the Suffragette movement. This article examines the story and significance of the milk-can and mustard tin bombs and the way in which those fighting for women's suffrage made use of such explosive devices to further their cause. It will explore the similarities and differences between their actions and other terror campaigns that targeted the capital and the 'establishment'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on telephone as the first media age after literary studies and movie projectors. Topics discussed include local suffrage organization, and ends the book a merely ‘serviceable human being; illusion of intimacy renders mode of communication; and preference for civilization over the kind of barbarism.

This Viewpoint is one of three discussing the question of whether the 'militant' tactics of the suffragettes, as member of the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) were called in Edwardian Britain, helped or hindered the granting of women's suffrage. In this contribution, it is suggested that militancy embraced a broad range of behaviours, both legal and illegal, that were central to the WSPU campaign and to the granting of the parliamentary vote. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1930s, suffragist and women's rights activist Maud Wood Park "had the happy idea of dramatizing a series of episodes from Lucy Stone's life." This idea resulted in the publication, in 1938, of a 162-page nine-act play, Lucy Stone: A Chronicle Play, based on a biography of the abolitionist and suffragist by her daughter, Alice Stone Blackwell. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminist Security Studies focuses on expanding the referent object to individuals and non-state collectives, looking beyond the military sector to include questions of identity, and uncovering (in)security in unexpected places. An important part of this debate concerns silence, particularly how certain individuals are silenced and how this might be challenged through images. This article looks at the ways images can be used to make gender-specific security problems visible. It holds that text, images and practices interact to construct (in)security and outlines a tripartite text-image-practice model for analyzing these interactions. Through a case study of the British women's suffrage movement it illustrates the potential of the text-image-practice model. The suffrage movement leveraged visuals, militancy and practices like hunger-striking to resist attempted silencing by the government across textual, verbal and visual planes. Using this case, it shows how posters were used to try to silence Suffragettes and how Suffragettes resisted silencing. Thus, it demonstrates that images are important sites of feminist resistance and security politics that can communicate a politics of the body. The article also offers an illustration of how historical cases of gender insecurity and resistance as well as their visualization can be brought into Feminist Security Studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]