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The youth population rate in Turkey is quite high compared to other European countries. According to official figures, there are 13 million people between the ages of 15 and 24 in Turkey. In the presidential election on 14 May 2023, 5 million young people will vote for the first time. This is a high number considering the total number of voters. In this article, we focus on political participation of high school students. This study has two main aims. First, it aims to determine the digital and traditional political participation of high school students ahead of the presidential elections in May 2023. Secondly, it aims to examine the relationship between digital and political participation. Exploratory sequential design, one of the mixed-method designs, was used in the study. Quantitative data were collected from 682 young people aged between 16 and 20 using the 'Digital and Traditional Political Participation (DTPP)' scale. In order to better understand the quantitative results, face-to-face interviews were conducted with fifteen young people. Multiple regression and correlation analysis techniques were used to analyse the quantitative data. Qualitative data were analysed using content analysis, according to Milbrath's (1965) classification of political participation theoretical framework. The results of the research show that young people's political participation is low and at the level of spectator activities. Students mostly prefer to follow politics in digital environments through social media and young people do not prefer to participate in political transitional and gladiatorial activities, either traditionally or digitally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

University students actively participated in the 2019 Hong Kong protests. In this context, the students expected that their universities would support their political stance. Drawing on data from interviews with student leaders, this article documents and examines students' expectations for their university heads, how they interacted and negotiated with university management and how university leaders variously responded to the students' expectations during the social movement. Noting the difficulties in reconciling conflicts over the positioning of the university amid strong political polarisation and social divisions in the society, this article argues that university leaders can only passively adapt to political unrest, and that such passive adaptation exemplifies university's vulnerability to political crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will discuss reflections by six youth activists in Khayelitsha, Cape Town, who were interviewed for an international collaborative research project which explored civic forms of youth-led activism which could lead to social change. The aim was to investigate different forms of civic engagement and youth activism in situations where the youth had been traumatised due to past or ongoing structural violence. This article reflects on the findings of the study and makes connections between activism, learning and knowledge production. The research methodology was initiated as a participatory action research project and six activists were interviewed by youth researchers from the NGO Equal Education. Critical findings were that the activists felt that the youth were the entry point to building powerful communities and improving the quality of life in the townships. Personal experiences shaped their choice of activism and social justice projects; this study demonstrates as Choudry (2014) argues that young people gain critical awareness through their own education and cultural practices and in this process new knowledge is produced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This longitudinal study examines the role that students' political reputation in class plays in their future political activities offline together with other people. When aged 16, students were asked to nominate the classmates they considered politically knowledgeable and verbal in class, that is, as having a political reputation. This measure of political reputation was used to predict the participants' political activities offline four years later at age 20 and their attempts to take a stand in public in the national election the same year. The study controlled for individual differences in political interest, self‐perceived political impact in class, the students' political activities at age 16, and also gender and immigrant status. About 300 Swedish students were followed up four years later. Political reputation in class positively predicted future political activities offline, membership of political organizations, and attempts to take a stand in public for a party in the forthcoming national election. At the same time, the role played by political reputation depended upon students' other characteristics, especially their levels of anger and popularity, as observed by classmates. Evidently, the group dynamics in class that give some students a political reputation have long‐term consequences for their future political activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose of the study: This study sought to determine if the existing systems aimed at detecting corruption are fully functional and operational in the previously disadvantaged universities (PDUs) in South Africa. It further seeks to ascertain the areas where corrupt practices are prevalent and the forms this takes. Design/methodology/approach: The study was based on a multi-case study approach, and both qualitative and inductive methods were used to obtain the data. Four previously disadvantaged universities (PDUs) were targeted, and 20 informants (located in the Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal provinces) were interviewed through face-to-face semi-structured interviews. A flexible thematic analysis was used to collect, codify, classify, and develop themes gleaned from the interviews, from which patterns and trends emerged. Findings: A culture of corruption is rampant in universities and occurs despite the procurement policies, systems and structures that are in place. The systems to detect and prevent corruption were non-existent, underdeveloped, or dysfunctional. The university systems that detect corruption have been deliberately weakened by university leaders to enable fraudsters to access funds through corrupt means. This reality has been evidenced by whistle-blowers being dismissed and favouritism shown to those participating in corrupt activities. The corrupt actions at these universities have been underpinned by similar internal and external factors: student politics, political interference, weakened procurement systems, service providers' interference, end users, management, and council members. Recommendations/value: The study also adds value to the lacuna in the existing sparse literature on corruption in universities across the globe. Managerial implications: The findings and recommendations for the study have the potential to influence university leaders in their effort to re-engineer the systems and processes to ensure that control measures in the identified departments are increased. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Justicia (0124-7441) is the property of Universidad Simon Bolivar and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Wearing face masks to prevent the spread of COVID‐19 has proved controversial in many countries; conducting new research on the use of masks would be colored by this controversy. In 2012 (pre‐COVID), we conducted an experiment on the effects of masks on social interaction. College students (N = 250) were assigned to find a previously unknown student in a lecture hall, converse, and evaluate the interaction. Half were assigned to wear a surgical mask, sunglasses, and a hat (all provided); half wore no extra gear. Mask wearing had no effect on the ease, authenticity, friendliness of the conversation, mood, discomfort, or interestingness of the interaction. There were no discernable consequences of political ideology on the partner selection process or the evaluation of the interaction. Mask‐wearing did not disable successful social interaction in this setting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, there has been an emerging theory of "student identity politics," which focuses on student activism based on race, gender, and sexual identity. Thus far, scholars have not yet systematically extended the analysis of student identity politics to those student activism relating to territorial identity. The student-led territorial identity movement that began in Hong Kong in 2015, which has transformed the center-autonomy relations between Beijing and Hong Kong, offers a case study that enriches the theory of student identity politics by bringing in the notion of territorial identity and opening the door for future comparative studies of territorial identity movements worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the late 1950s to the early 1970s nearly one thousand Nigerians attended universities and professional-technical schools in the Soviet Union. This article examines the recruitment, training and political activity of these students focusing on the years of the Nigerian Civil War. At the beginning, most students were recruited through pro-Soviet organizations and came from the Eastern Region. Initially united within a radical student union, over time Nigerian students were divided along ethnic lines. The article sheds light on the evolution of student politics, the mobilization of Biafrans in support of the secessionist cause, and their conflict with the rest of the students. In light of this conflict, the Soviet authorities acceded to the request of the Nigerian government to impose its strict control over the recruitment and political activity of students. The partnership between Lagos and Moscow provoked the disillusionment of the supporters of Biafra and had a great impact on student politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During Zimbabwe's struggle for national liberation, thousands of black African students fled Rhodesia to universities across the world on refugee scholarship schemes. To these young people, university student activism had historically provided a stable route into political relevance and nationalist leadership. But at foreign universities, many of which were vibrant centres for student mobilisations in the 1960s and 1970s and located far from Zimbabwean liberation movements' organising structures, student refugees were confronted with the dilemma of what their role and future in the liberation struggle was. Through the concept of the 'frontier', this article compares the experiences of student activists at universities in Uganda, West Africa, and the UK as they figured out who they were as political agents. For these refugees, I show how political geography mattered. Campus frontiers could lead young people both to the military fronts of Mozambique and Zambia as well as to the highest circles of government in independent Zimbabwe. As such, campus frontiers were central to the history of Zimbabwe's liberation movements and the development of the postcolonial state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Students of local elections have had a lasting interest in Dahl and Tufte's conjecture that jurisdictions with smaller populations should enjoy higher voter turnout rates than their larger counterparts. This hypothesis is typically tested at the aggregate level. While valuable, such aggregate-level studies are nonetheless prone to ecological fallacy; inhabitants of smaller municipalities may differ systematically from those of the larger ones as regards relevant individual-level traits. In order to overcome this difficulty, we analyse data from a large-scale survey of more than 18,000 respondents from over 1,000 municipalities located in 14 countries of Central and Eastern Europe. We thus simultaneously evaluate the effects of municipal population size and those of citizens' individual traits. We demonstrate that inhabitants of smaller municipalities indeed tend to vote more in local elections, but not necessarily in national ones. The effects of respondents' individual traits are similar for both election types. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

University student newspapers have a long history across Australian university campuses of engaging with contemporary social and political issues, often reflecting a sentiment not represented in mainstream media publications. Student newspapers have a demonstrated engagement with radical thinking, dissent and political activism and are an important published record of historical discourses, contributing to a critically informed understanding of the society that produced them. This paper reports on a pilot survey of Australian university holdings of their student newspapers. Findings inform current and future student newspaper collection practices by university libraries and archives, including building ongoing relationships with editorial teams, and recommended improvements for access to this primary source material for future researchers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Satirical news shows such as The Daily Show are popular with students, but are they appropriate for classroom use? In this two-group, pretest–posttest study, I examine differences in engagement, political knowledge, and political attitudes between two American Government classes: one assigned to watch The Daily Show and the other assigned to read The New York Times. The findings reveal no differences in engagement between the groups, but greater political knowledge in The Daily Show group, as well as more cynicism and less trust in government. I conclude that given the surprising lack of greater engagement in The Daily Show class, along with higher levels of cynicism and mistrust in government, The Daily Show may not be an appropriate substitute for The New York Times as a primary political information resource. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Informed by policy sociology and a Foucauldian theorisation, this article explores how a selection of sabbatical officers from English students' unions formed their political subjectivity during the policy consultation processes leading to the Higher Education and Research Act 2017. Discourse analysis demonstrated a strong influence of the unions' professional staff members and the National Union of Students on sabbatical officers' work. In particular, they guided the officers in writing a response to the Government consultation document and lobbying politicians. These actions indicated that the sabbatical officers' political subjectivity was highly dependent on professional actors and discourses. The shift towards professionalisation, however, received diverse responses from participants. Some perceived it as leading to necessary policy amendments; others were concerned about wider depoliticisation of their role and student movement. The article suggests that the sabbatical officers interviewed operated within a complex network of competing interests, raising questions about (1) whose political agency they enacted and (2) their future opportunities to successfully unite and challenge higher education policy in neoliberal times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Interamericana de Investigación, Educación y Pedagogía - RIIEP is the property of Universidad Santo Tomas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article illustrates some of the practices that turn young student men into political activists. It shows how everyday routine practices bring order and meaning to a social field of hierarchical competition and conflict amongst young men at Dhaka University. The focus is on those practices that make and shape the organisations everyday, involving and bringing people together in a collective of activism and exclude others. Routines continuously reconstruct relations of hierarchy, organisational order and operation, which on one hand, transform individuals from students into activists, on the other hand, it produces structured hierarchies and operational logics. It makes activism and shapes organisations. The article concludes that a focus on the internal dynamics of mobilising organisations, mundane intimate interactions and the display of public practices, can pay dividends when it comes to a deeper understanding of the formation of political activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the deployment of government spies and state security agents on a university campus in Zimbabwe and the implications this has on knowledge production at the university. The campus is presented as a socio-political space in which everyday political struggles are fought. I argue that surveillance is an intractable part of the rhythms of everyday life on campus, and a very specific form of 'bio-power', 'biopolitics' and violence meant to discipline students and lecturers, as well as the ways in which knowledge is produced and sedimented. Habitualisation of surveillance and fear of surveillance generate Foucauldian 'panopticon': producing 'self-censorship' on campus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1907 and 1911, Imperial Austria experienced two major controversies concerning entanglements of science and religion. In 1907, the Innsbruck specialist in church law, Ludwig Wahrmund, publicly criticized the new 'antimodernist' and antiscientific trends of Catholic science, causing semester-long protests, fights, university closures and heated parliamentary debates. Antagonized in Innsbruck, Wahrmund relocated to Prague. The controversy triggered by his work, however, united students from across the monarchy in Wahrmund's defence. In 1910, an analogous conflict arose in Cracow after Kazimierz Zimmermann was appointed professor of Catholic sociology. This time the protest against his teachings, although intensive, transgressed Galician boundaries only to a limited extent, failing to mobilize progressive student groups to go on the streets outside of the province. This article analyses the difference between protests against Wahrmund and Zimmermann from a spatial perspective. The author argues that the way both conflicts were received in politics and in local university cities indicates that there was an Imperial Austrian public sphere that transgressed national boundaries and linguistic divisions. Conflicts over contested topics, like the long-heated relationship between Church, science and higher education, were charged events that brought this public sphere to the fore. This translingual, imperial public sphere remained, however, hierarchically structured. A conflict in Innsbruck had more weight than one in Cracow, both within political discussions and in local presses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Informed by the third-person effect hypothesis, this study used a survey of 1,060 Chinese university students to analyze the impact of anti-corruption news on Chinese audiences' attitudes and political participation. This study found that university students tended to think the influence of anti-corruption news on others was greater than on themselves. In addition, issue involvement and new media attention to such news were found to reduce the self-other perceptual gap. Furthermore, the perceived effects of such news on self were positively associated with supportive attitude toward the anti-corruption policies. Meanwhile, perceived effects on others were negatively related to respondents' political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Analisi: Quaderns de Comunicacio i Cultura is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study compares the effect of different types of previous and current memberships on college students' online political participation in contemporary China using survey method and in‐depth interviews. We find that it is previous instrumental involvement, not expressive participation in high school that is significantly and positively associated with online political participation. Meanwhile, college instrumental involvement exerts no effect on online political participation, and college expressive involvement is negatively associated with youth online expressive participation. Previous instrumental involvement stimulates subsequent political engagement by exposing members to subsequent political mobilization. Instrumental associations do not act as schools of democracy in which members foster political interest or boost generalized trust, but significantly increase members' chances to be asked to take part in politics years later. The results from the in‐depth interviews regarding the differences in participatory environments between high school and college can be used to explain why instrumental involvement in high school but not college stimulates subsequent political engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On August 25, 2017, student members of Turning Point USA (TPUSA), a right-wing conservative organization who advocates for smaller government and free market enterprise, recruited on the University of Nebraska-Lincoln (UNL) campus. Members of the UNL community protested nearby. Part of the protest was recorded on video and released to social media leading to harsh public criticism that accused the university of restricting free speech and being an unsafe environment for conservative students. Drawing on cognitive linguistics (e.g. metonymy, framing) and multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA), this paper explores how the TPUSA incident at UNL was recontextualized in local and national media discourse, the ways in which the social actors and events were framed, and its consequences. The authors show how these representations reinforce dominant neoliberal discourses (which correlate with right-wing discourses) that negatively impact public education, providing a necessary counter to a populist political climate in which anti-intellectualism reigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interplay between explicit and implicit attitudes toward affirmative action (AA) policies is relevant to applied psychology. Its comprehension helps to improve our capacity to evaluate support for such policies. The purpose of this study was to determine the extent to which students' race, political opinion of affirmative action, and prejudice against minorities influence the relationship between implicit-explicit attitudes toward affirmative action policies. 492 student participants were recruited from a large Brazilian public university about racial quotas in admissions. Implicit and explicit measures of attitude about the admission process were applied, together with measures of political opinion of affirmative action, prejudice against minorities and race. The results show that race has little effect on the difference between implicit and explicit attitudes about the admission process, but that prejudice and political position exert strong effects. Our findings suggest that implicit measures of attitudes should be used when evaluating attitudes on AA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Higher education (HE) students have often been viewed as important political actors in wider society, stemming largely from their activities in the 1960s. Nevertheless, like much of the literature on youth political participation, research has rarely explored the extent to which student political participation varies across nation-states. This article begins to redress this gap by drawing upon data collected from focus groups with undergraduate students in England and Ireland, alongside an analysis of relevant policy documents from both countries. Overall, we argue that, whilst English and Irish students expressed similar desires to be politically active, they differed in the extent to which they felt empowered to take up such roles and the perceived scope of their influence. Similar differences were evident, to some extent, in the way in which students' political activity was seen by policymakers. These cross-national differences are explained with reference to contextual factors and, in particular, variation in the degree of HE marketisation in the two countries. There is also evidence to suggest that students are sensitive to the way in which they are constructed in policy, which affects their sense of themselves as political actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 26 and 27 September 2014, 43 students from the "Profesor Isidro Burgos" Rural Normal School in Ayotzinapa, Guerrero, Mexico, disappeared, and six people died. In this article, I analyse the event as the result of long-term historical processes, from the perspective of the social mobilisation that caused the students' disappearance on the one hand, and from the history of rural normal schools on the other. The starting point is to relocate political history within the history of education in order to understand the agency of political actors in the definition of educational processes, and the questioning of the reciprocal relations of school and state. The study is based on widely diverse sources: official documents from schools, statistics, news items from newspapers and social networks, and observations of the mobilisations of 2014. The disappearance of the 43 rural normal students is the result of a long process of abandonment in the countryside, of discrimination against young people of rural origin and Indians, all in the framework of a process of state dismantling which places teachers and normal students in positions of severe vulnerability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academic expectations are an important variable in the explanation of adaptation and academic success in higher education. This paper uses latent profile analysis as a person-centered statistical approach to classify students into groups of similar types of expectations for higher education, at the beginning of the first year in university. Participants were 2,478 first-year Portuguese students. Based on the scores of seven dimensions of expectations, we identified six classes of students. Most students (84%) presented moderate levels of expectations, while 8% and 4%, respectively, reported very high and low expectations. One class represented a group of students (4%) with high expectations for the quality of education and for political engagement and citizenship and lower expectations for social interaction and attending to social pressures. Male and older students showed more positive expectations. Students from privileged family backgrounds are more likely to present higher expectations for political engagement and citizenship experiences, and lower expectations for social interaction and leisure and attending to social pressures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social relations, institutional arrangements and cultures bequeathed by South Africa's system of apartheid continue be felt in the present despite the country's formal transition to democracy 25 years ago. Race, class and gender inequities continue to structure South African society in ways that have proven intransigent to change, leading to growing frustration and widespread public dissatisfaction expressed in multiple arenas including worker strikes, service delivery and university student protests. While it is clear that social structures inherited from the past are difficult to change, it is also the case that change does happen. In this paper, we discuss the findings of a hermeneutic phenomenological study with 10 academics at one historically White university in South Africa, who have been agents of change within their particular context. We show how participants engaged in struggles to counter resistance to their efforts. In doing so they demonstrate what we call 'strategic competence' - the ability to act in ways that not only draw on personal resources but recognise the resources, contradictions and opportunities offered within the existing limitations of the social structure. Strategic competence thus emerges as a central feature of agency, enabling individuals to stretch the boundaries of what is possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an in-depth qualitative content analysis of post-election discourse in three online creative communities (Scratch, Archive of Our Own, and hitRECord), we examine the significance of youth political expression in non-political online spaces, and its implications for civic education. We find that these spaces offer a valuable window into the main concerns experienced by youth around the election, which they voice through unique modes of expression. Online spaces facilitate connections between the personal and the political, while highlighting the social aspects of youth participation and learning in regard to civic issues. At the same time, participants exhibit uncertainty regarding the limits of online expression and the potential consequences of speaking out. We argue that online spaces should be acknowledged as a significant channel for youth political expression and socialization, and consider how the practices encountered there could shape our approach to civic education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1940s is not typically the decade scholars associate with student protest. Yet throughout Central America, young people took to the streets en masse to protest authoritarian regimes. In Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua, students were key members of coalitions that sought to overthrow dictators and enact democratic reform. Focusing on Nicaragua, this article uncovers the global and regional currents that turned youth into a salient political category, albeit one with significant limitations. A generalized association of youth with political change, as well as the prominence of student leaders in democratic upheavals in neighboring countries, inspired and legitimized the political activism of young Nicaraguans. Their aggressive protests encouraged the wider society to join the growing opposition movement, destabilized the Somoza regime, and turned students into icons of the opposition. In the end, though, neither their record of risky activism nor their symbolic status was enough to earn them real political power. For student activists in Nicaragua, youthfulness both helped and hindered their political aspirations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cette étude propose une lecture panoramique des discours associés aux représentations sociales de l'adhésion syndicale étudiante dans le champ universitaire ivoirien. Il s'agit ici de faire le procès « des étudiants syndicalistes » par eux-mêmes et par les autres étudiants. À l'aide de la théorie du noyau central des représentations sociales, les résultats montrent que les mots cités en commun par les deux sous-populations sont : très violents, hors-la-loi et politiciens. Le questionnaire de caractérisation adressé aux étudiants syndicalistes et aux étudiants non syndicalistes s'impose comme un puissant outil pour dégager une fois encore le rapport indubitable existant entre les notions de représentations sociales et de discours. Par les discours des agents et les rapports de communication qu'ils entretiennent, le champ universitaire devient alors un espace communicationnel et symbolique d'où se dessinent de véritables enjeux de pouvoir. L'étude montre que le statut d'étudiant a une incidence sur les représentations sociales qui structurent et organisent le discours des étudiants syndicalistes et des étudiants non syndicaliste à l'égard des étudiants syndicalistes de Côte d'Ivoire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including the role of intermediaries in the reestablishment of colonial authority in German East Africa, decolonization and engagement of students in politics.