Search

Over the past 25 years, a hermeneutic struggle has unfolded in English football between those spectators who wish to stand at matches and the risks associated with this practice in all-seated stadia. Amid this tension, fans have had to negotiate a neoliberal and authoritarian regime. However, the struggles of supporters against social control in football are characterized by the building of a long-term social movement against all-seating. In seeking to break down the state's disciplinary power and its marketization of football, this movement, "Safe Standing," has achieved several recent policy-based victories in the United Kingdom and Europe and is now firmly embedded within sports stadia developments and the demands of fans in North America and Australasia. Although these different contexts are temporally and culturally sensitive, they are interdependently linked through relational time frames and discursive practices that make up the modern consumption of football. This research applies relational sociology to analyze the fan networks that successfully built this movement across the U.K. fan activist scene, characterized by relational collective action, which complicates the individual and collective dimensions of activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article responds to a comment on a previous article that argued critics of capitalism often confuse it with cronyism. The response addresses the assumptions made in the comment and highlights the complexities of government policy reflecting society's will. It also discusses the relationship between cronyism and capitalism, emphasizing that cronyism depends on the state's level of involvement in the economy. The article concludes by acknowledging the different perspectives on capitalism and cronyism and the need for further research on these topics. The text also discusses the potential for cronyism in government institutions and the relationship between cronyism and capitalism. It argues that firms' dependence on government increases the potential for cronyism, and that special interests often shape public policy to their own preferences. The text also addresses the assumption that government policy reflects society's will and explores the distinctions between cronyism and capitalism. It concludes by discussing the size and scope of the state and the challenges of government intervention in the private sector. Overall, the text highlights the need for further research on the antecedents of government policy and the potential consequences of government intervention. The text also discusses the topic of cronyism and its impact on government policy and effectiveness. It suggests methods such as citizen assemblies and shareholder resolutions to address cronyism and emphasizes the importance of understanding managers' value systems and their influence on decision-making. The text calls for more research on government effectiveness and the role of institutions in shaping public policy. It concludes by stating that management research on cr [Extracted from the article]

The article is devoted to the study of the issue of the constitutional and legal foundations of the development of the institutional capacity of the National Bank of Ukraine. The Constitution of Ukraine, the Law of Ukraine «On the National Bank of Ukraine», the Regulations «On the Audit Committee of the Council of the National Bank of Ukraine» and other legal acts in the context of strengthening the institutional independence of the NBU, as well as draft laws, were analyzed. Attention is focused on the evolution of the development of the institutional capacity of the National Bank of Ukraine. Attention is drawn to the Board of the National Bank of Ukraine, the Audit Committee of the NBU and their role in the institutional independence of the National Bank of Ukraine. Their powers and formation procedure are described. It is emphasized that the advisory working body of the Council of the National Bank of Ukraine - the Audit Committee of the NBU was created in accordance with the legislation and the principles of collegiality in making management decisions in the central bank. He started his work in November 2016. The shortcomings of the Law of Ukraine «On the National Bank of Ukraine» regarding the development of the institutional independence of the National Bank of Ukraine have been identified, and proposals have been developed regarding directions for its improvement with the aim of bringing it into line with the Constitution of Ukraine, as well as strengthening the functional independence of the National Bank of Ukraine: set out Art. 74 of the Law of Ukraine «On the National Bank of Ukraine» in the new version, which would provide that the claim is secured by stopping the decisions and acts of the National Bank of Ukraine, and also contained provisions regarding the establishment by the court of a ban or obligation to perform certain actions for the National Bank of Ukraine; to be fixed in Part 1 of Art. 9 of the Law of Ukraine «On the National Bank of Ukraine» list of «other working bodies»; exclude from the Law of Ukraine «On the National Bank of Ukraine» restrictions on the audit examination of the financial activities of the National Bank of Ukraine by independent auditors; to enshrine in the text of the Law of Ukraine «On the National Bank of Ukraine» the powers of the Audit Committee, the procedure for their implementation; exclude in the Law of Ukraine «On the National Bank of Ukraine» the duplication of its norms with the provisions of Part 2 of Art. 78 and Article 120 of the Constitution of Ukraine regarding the restriction, according to which a person cannot be a member of the Council of the National Bank, if he has a representative mandate or is a member of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, or holds or has held the position of head of a state authority (deputy head) and other state body (if one year has not passed since the date of her dismissal from such a position), or is a person authorized to perform the functions of the state or local self-government; clarification of duties of members of the Council of the National Bank of Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discloses the content of social standards that state authorities are obliged to observe in the process of exercising their competence after the Association Agreement enters into force. Attention is focused on the fact that EU requirements regarding the activities of all branches of the state apparatus of Ukraine in terms of ensuring social standards are of primary importance in the context of the introduction of European approaches to good governance. It is substantiated that the timely and optimal implementation of EU social standards in Ukraine is possible only if a special legal mechanism is developed and applied. The heart of such a mechanism is the Association Agreement. Based on the analysis of the provisions of the specified document, the essence of the most significant social standards, which Ukraine undertakes to implement in practice, has been identified and disclosed. In particular, it is ensuring justice and improving the quality of life of citizens on the basis of equality and non-discrimination, increasing the level of social orientation of state policy towards migrants, introducing innovative approaches in the sphere of activity of authorities to combat the illegal circulation of narcotic drugs, precursors and psychotropic substances in order to overcome negative consequences for health and the negative social consequences of drug addiction, taking into account the social interests of the modern population while simultaneously caring for future generations, developing measures aimed at minimizing the risks to the population’s health from the nuclear industry, the social orientation of the organization of the fiscal and economic policy of the state. It has been proven that against the background of the deepening of the European integration processes of Ukraine, the modernization of the domestic social policy of the state is inevitable. First of all, this process requires the creation of an innovative legal basis for diversifying the mechanisms of its implementation, leveling the level of socio-economic development of Ukraine in order to avoid regional socio-economic asymmetry. In practice, this takes the form of changes in the legal regulation of a significant number of institutions of social security law of Ukraine, revision of organizational and legal approaches of state administration in the direction of implementing social standards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A historical and legal study of the legal status and activities of the authorities of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (hereinafter - the UPR) in exile (late 1920-August 22, 1992). It is concluded that, since at the end of 1920 the authorities of the UPR lost influence on the population as a result of the establishment of Soviet power in most of the Ukrainian territories and the UPR actually ceased to exist, which was formally fixed by a peace treaty between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and Soviet Russia on March 18, 1921. in Riga, the UNR authorities lost their state status and acquired public status. The content adopted by the Council of People’s Ministers and approved by the Chairman of the Directory on January 9, 1921 was analyzed. a normative act entitled “Law on the Council of the Republic,” in which the Council of the Republic was defined as “a temporary supreme authority of the people, which has full power.” The authorities of the UPR imitated state activity: the Council of the Republic-as legislative, the Council of People’s Ministers - as executive authority, the Head of the Directory-as the head of the UPR. After the termination of the existence of the Council of the Republic in August 1921 the functions of the UNR authorities in exile were carried out by the Head of the Directory and the Council of People’s Ministers. The content of the “Temporary Law on the Reorganization of the State Center of the UNR in Exile” of June 10, 1948, which established the competence of the constituent parts of the State Center of the UNR: President, Vice-President, Government, Ukrainian National Council, was studied. Based on the analysis of the content of this normative act, it was concluded that the State Center of the UPR in exile formally had the status of a public organization, but pretended to be a state authority and imitated state functions. According to this document, the Ukrainian National Council performs “the functions of a temporary legislative representation.” The relationship between the constituent parts of the State Center of the UPR in exile had to be revealed in the rule-making process and in the formation of the Government. The political responsibility of the Government to the Ukrainian National Council and the President of the UPR was envisaged. The Government’s accountability to the Ukrainian National Council and control over the UNR President were established. The UNR President was vested with the right to dissolve the Ukrainian National Council at the suggestion of the Government. The authorities formed on the basis of this normative act had the status of public and performed functions in international, normative, political, scientific and other spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the role of national and international norm-project activities in the process of post-war reconstruction of Ukraine. It is proved that in the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war, which is of an aggressive nature on the part of the aggressor, great troubles and destruction have been caused to our people and their state, which have manifested themselves in numerous human casualties, disintegration and destruction of the basic everyday and critical infrastructure of territorial communities, destruction and the actual devastation of large territories, which makes it virtually impossible for a person to exist and function in the relevant territory, limits his opportunities to organize his stable and predictable life cycle, as well as to satisfy existential needs, efforts, and interests. However, the war itself objectifies and actualizes the issue of the post-war restoration of the state and its TG, and this, in turn, puts on the agenda the issues of rule-making by the public authorities of the state and subjects of international relations, including member states of the international community and their associative and structural units - international intergovernmental and intergovernmental organizations, including, first of all, the important stage of norm-making - norm-project activity. It is argued that norm-projecting activity at the national and international levels in the process of postwar recovery of Ukraine plays an important methodological and praxeological significance, because the principles of post-war recovery of Ukraine and its TG: a) quite clearly, clearly, unambiguously reflect and determine the fundamental directions, forms and guidelines of norm-projecting activity public authorities of the state; b) even more, they are aimed at the unambiguous formation and formulation of the rights and obligations of the subjects of social relations that will arise in the process of post-war recovery; c) must be adequately taken into account and reflected in the relevant standard-setting activity of public state authorities, as well as, and this is especially important, in the standard-setting of local self-government bodies; d) they form the foundations of state legal and municipal legal policy in the field of post-war reconstruction. At the same time, the lion's share of the above principles of the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine and its TG has a significant impact on the international level - their practical implementation cannot be implemented without significant financial assistance from foreign partners. And this, in turn, actualizes and contextualizes the normative-drafting activity of public authorities of Ukraine (including local self-government bodies) in the field of international contract law, including normative-drafting work in the field of international inter-municipal cooperation, as well as general international cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the analysis of the main aspects of the impact of globalization on sovereignty, its political, economic, informational and other components, the persistent tendency towards the gradual loss of national sovereignty by states, which puts on the agenda the question of the ability of liberal democracy to adapt to new circumstances. A new trend in international politics and global political transformations, which creates the possibility of transferring the real centers of power from the level of the national state to the supranational and regional levels, is considered. The purpose of the research was to determine the essence of sovereignty as the supremacy of state power, its independence both within the state and in the foreign policy sphere. Issues of limiting sovereignty are analyzed from the point of view of real and recent examples in international practice, as well as attempts are made to trace the evolution of ideas about state sovereignty and the analysis of various theoretical and legal approaches to the signs of sovereignty. An analysis of the interrelationship and interdependence of the concepts of "people's sovereignty", "national sovereignty" and "state sovereignty" was carried out, the opinion was supported that in the first place is people's sovereignty, which expresses the supreme, inalienable right of the people to determine their destiny in the state and society, and that the concepts of national and national, as well as national and state sovereignty should not be equated. The article examines the problems of issues related to globalization, which is manifested in ascertaining both positive and negative trends of this process, in particular, the limitation of the spheres of influence of the governments of countries by economic globalization, the weakening of state sovereignty, the spread of the laws of the free market in opposition to national parliaments, the increase the impact of capital on the economy, a significant reduction in the role of the state in the economy, the transfer of its functions to private individuals, regional or international or ganizations. Conclusions were made that sovereignty is a complex political and legal property of state power, which means its supremacy, independence both within the state and in the foreign policy sphere, which does not allow the interference of other countries in their internal affairs. The existence of certain problems of sovereignty in individual states and the multifaceted nature of state sovereignty emphasize the need for a clear distinction between real and relative sovereignty, where the understanding of real (absolute) state sovereignty needs to be clarified in view of th e specification of its components: foreign policy, domestic policy, legitimate, legal, territorial, resource, financial, economic and informational. The opinion is supported that the state policy regarding national security is being transformed all the time, various spheres of its influence are expanding, fundamentally new threats are being added to the traditional threats, the emergence of which is due to the development of international relations, globalization processes and other factors. We agree with the position that in the conditions of economic globalization it is impossible to be an absolutely independent state, but the qualitative characteristic of sovereignty in relation to other states is sovereign equality, a relatively independent and equal position, equal legal stat us with them. The position that the emergence and development of supranational bodies affects the transformation of state sovereignty and the reduction of its components through the delegation of state powers to supranational entities is substantiated. However, in international organizations, participating states act as sovereign and equal, not subject to any authority of another group, forming an organization based on an international agreement. At all stages of this process, the interaction of states among themselves has a coordinating horizontal nature at the same level as international organizations, based on the principle of sovereign equality of participating states, as evidenced by the principle "one state - one vote", as well as the right to withdraw from the or ganization. The argument is supported that the most weakening of state sovereignty is economic globalization - the laws of the free market, not national parliaments, begin to operate, there is an increase in the influence of capital on the economy, the role of the state in the economy is significantly reduced, its functions are transferred to private individuals, regional or international organizations, which significantly limiting the sphere of influence of countries' governments. It is emphasized that criminal law protection of state sovereignty belongs to one of the most priority areas of state policy in the field of combating crime in modern conditions. It is noted that the observed erosion of the concept of state sovereignty threatens the destruction of the modern system of international relations and the erosion of the concept of the state itself. But, nevertheless, in the conditions of globalization, the modern state continues to play a key role in public life, and will continue to be the guarantor of external and internal security, justice, democracy and human rights, the provision of fundamental social values, the source of accumulation of the national welfare system, an important mechanism of organization and management of many spheres of modern society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article delves into the mysterious mention of the 'Nicolaitans' in Louis the German's dream, as recorded in the Annals of Fulda from 874. Historically associated with heresy, particularly related to sexual misconduct, the term has sparked various interpretations, such as links to married clerics, imperial foes, or heretical beliefs. By examining the historical context and proposing different hypotheses, the text aims to uncover the identity and significance of the Nicolaitans during the Carolingian period. It also discusses the presence of Nicolaitan heresy in a Carolingian manuscript and its potential political ramifications, including its connection to accusations of adultery against Empress Judith. The article sheds light on how accusations of heresy were wielded as political tools in the Carolingian era's power struggles, illustrating the intricate relationship between religious dissent, political maneuvering, and the establishment of Carolingian authority. [Extracted from the article]

This special section of Contemporary South Asia brings together a curated selection of papers presented at the 2023 British Association for South Asian Studies (BASAS) Annual Conference, held at the University of Leeds. These papers explore enduring themes of memory politics, state power, and socio-spatial exclusion in South Asia, examining how colonial legacies shape contemporary dynamics. Collectively, the studies underscore the persistence of colonial pasts in modern India’s socio-political landscape and illuminate the creative strategies of resistance employed by marginalized groups. This section contributes to critical discussions on South Asia's politics of memory, space, and resistance, offering fresh insights into the ways power is exercised and contested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the provisions of the Law of Ukraine “On the Prevention of Corruption”, the Model Regulation “On the Authorized Unit (Person) on Prevention and Detection of Corruption” and other specialized legislation from the point of view of regulating the activities of the anticorruption officer of state authorities and local self-government bodies. The complex of measures to prevent and detect corruption, which are entrusted to the authorized persons in the implementation of their activities in state bodies, local self-government bodies, state enterprises, institutions, and organizations, has been studied. It was established that the anti-corruption commissioner exercises control over compliance with anti-corruption legislation in the relevant body, its territorial (interregional) bodies and legal entities belonging to the sphere of management of the relevant body through cooperation with the management, employees and other authorized bodies (persons) in accordance with the current legislation. It was found that in the current legislation of Ukraine there are two institutions of anti-corruption commissioners, different in terms of legal regulation, but unified in terms of the purpose of their activity. Namely, the first institute provides for the formation (definition) of authorized divisions (authorized persons) on issues of prevention and detection of corruption, in particular, at enterprises, institutions and organizations belonging to the sphere of management of a state body and regulates its activities, and the second institute of anti-corruption officers, specifically for legal entities whose anti-corruption programs are approved in accordance with the Law. It is emphasized that the fulfillment of a number of tasks by the authorized person is related to direct interaction with the management of the state authority or local self-government body, including on the issues of conflict of interest settlement, whistleblower protection, bringing guilty persons to disciplinary responsibility for violating the requirements of anti-corruption legislation, informing about the facts of committing such violations, managing corruption risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scientific article identifies the peculiarities of improving the service activity of administrative courts in Ukraine. Special guarantees include legal (legal) guarantees of legality of service activities of administrative courts in Ukraine, which represent specific legal means and internal legal mechanisms, which are a real embodiment of legality in the legal sphere. Legal guarantees of the legality of service activities of administrative courts in Ukraine include: completeness and effectiveness of legal norms; a high level of control and supervision over the implementation of legality; quality activity of competent authorities to ensure legality; improvement and improvement of legal practice; effectiveness of measures of legal responsibility. The author has highlighted the areas of effectiveness of the implementation of legal guarantees of the service activity of administrative courts in Ukraine, namely: to improve the administrative and legal regulation and the mechanism of control on the part of public administration subjects through the delimitation of their competence; the procedure for exercising the powers of state authorities and local self-government bodies regarding control in service activities; to develop and adopt the Law of Ukraine «On Judicial Services», in which to define an exhaustive list of government entities that would carry out control in this area, their powers, forms and procedures of such activity, methods, methods of implementation and responsibility in case of abuse of control, etc. ; strengthening public control and creating effective feedback with civil society organizations through the development and implementation of the project «Proliferation of non-state monitoring of service activities of administrative courts in Ukraine», which will improve the quality of the provision of court services by relevant entities of public administration, etc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Currently, Ukraine is under martial law. Historically, it is known that military conflicts of various nature and scale have become an integral feature of the evolution of mankind since ancient times. And therefore, in ancient times, war was a normal, natural state of nations, while peace was an accidental state. Humanity has become more aware of the value of life. However, in the 21st century, Ukraine faced events that, in our time, seemed to be unacceptable, and many citizens have the question of what the martial law regime is, what are its main aspects, taking into account their significant consequences for the normal life of the population. Martial law is a special legal regime introduced on the territory of Ukraine or in some of its localities, which gives the military command, state authorities, military administrations and local self-government bodies certain powers necessary to avert a potential threat, repel armed aggression and ensure national security within countries. The introduction of martial law is associated with the implementation of certain legal procedures provided for by national legislation. The introduction of martial law is carried out by the highest authorities of the state. Law of Ukraine No. 389-VIII «On the Legal Regime of Martial Law» establishes the procedure for introducing martial law in Ukraine. The National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine submits proposals for the introduction of martial law in Ukraine or in some of its localities for consideration by the President of Ukraine. In connection with the introduction of martial law in Ukraine, the constitutional rights and freedoms of a person and a citizen, provided for in Articles 30-34, 38, 39, 41-44, 53 of the Constitution of Ukraine, may be temporarily limited for the period of the legal regime of martial law, as well as to introduce temporary restrictions on the rights and legal interests of legal entities within the limits and to the extent necessary to ensure the possibility of introducing and carrying out measures of the legal regime of martial law, which are provided for by the first part of Article 8 of the Law of Ukraine «On the Legal Regime of Martial Law». Thus, in the event of the introduction of a legal regime of martial law, significant restrictions on the rights of both individuals and legal entities may be applied. However, such restrictions may occur except within the limits of temporary restrictions on the constitutional rights and freedoms of a person and a citizen, as well as the rights and legal interests of legal entities, provided for by the decree of the President of Ukraine on the introduction of martial law. Therefore, in the case of the initiation of the procedure for the introduction of the legal regime of martial law, as it happened in Ukraine, information on the features and main aspects of this regime is relevant and important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

States often fortify their borders against militant threats. How do these efforts shape civilian welfare and perceptions in borderland communities? I conceptualize border fortification as a legibility‐building endeavor. By bolstering state reach in areas of weak historical penetration, fortification enhances the government's capacity for monitoring, administration, and control. Yet, expanding state authority also disrupts traditional cross‐border markets. A trade‐off between security and corruption emerges in consequence. I provide evidence for this theory in a difference‐in‐differences framework, combining administrative records on violence and representative data from a NATO‐commissioned survey fielded across Afghanistan. Fortification facilitates government information‐collection, improving security provision and fostering civilian reliance on state forces. Enhanced state capacity is countervailed by negative economic impacts. By disturbing the informal borderland economy, fortification fuels criminalization and local opposition. Civilians rely on illicit economic entrepreneurs to sustain traditional market access. Higher smuggling rents fuel official corruption and bribe‐taking. The findings point to a key dilemma inherent in border fortification strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the formal and substantive interrelationship between the principle of proportionality and modern constitutionalism, elucidating the essence of the phenomenon of constitutionalism through its characteristics and the role of the principle of proportionality in its establishment and development. Based on the works of domestic and foreign researchers on constitutionalism, it has been assumed that the key value and feature of modern constitutionalism is the limitation of state arbitrariness, the inadmissibility of unjustified interference (restriction) of human rights and freedoms, and the partnership relations between the individual and the state. This, in turn, must be guaranteed, ensured, measured, and evaluated by specific legal instruments, one of the most important and applicable of which is the principle of proportionality. The impact of the principle of proportionality on the development of constitutionalism is analyzed through its function and purpose, demonstrating the direct dependence of the exercise of state power based on the constitution and in accordance with the principle of the rule of law on the adherence to the principle of proportionality by public administration. The provision that real constitutionalism can only be discussed when all its values are considered and protected in the process of law-making and law enforcement, not at an abstract-formal level, but in each specific case of interference (restriction) of human rights, subjected to a consistent and structured proportionality test, has received further development. It is concluded that the principle of proportionality plays a key role in the development of modern constitutionalism. Considering the contemporary challenges faced by human rights and freedoms, it has been concluded that the principle of proportionality is the safeguard intended to protect human rights and freedoms by addressing questions regarding the legitimate aim of certain state actions, the necessity of such actions, the adequacy and relevance of the means chosen by the state to achieve such an aim, the balance between the potential benefit for public interests and the extent of the restriction of rights, etc., which is a crucial factor not only in ensuring but also in developing modern constitutionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is indicated that the key problem in the activity of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine is ensuring the implementation of its decisions. Without solving this issue, it is impossible to guarantee the supremacy of the Constitution, the principle of separation of powers and the existence of an independent judicial branch of government as a separate institution. Ignoring the decisions of the constitutional control body undermines the very system of checks and balances, the authority of the Basic Law and the constitutional order in the country in general. These principles underlie the implementation of decisions of constitutional courts, the purpose of which is to ensure constitutional legality. In Ukraine, the mechanism for the implementation of the decisions of the Central Committee of Ukraine has already been developed in general, but there are problems related to the non-implementation of some of its decisions for a long time. Therefore, the task of further improvement of this mechanism and its proper legislative regulation remains relevant. The authors claim that Ukraine has already developed a mechanism for implementing decisions of the Constitutional Court. However, this system is not perfect, which is evidenced by the fact of non-execution of individual court decisions. Therefore, the issue of continuing the work on improving the existing mechanism for implementing decisions of the body of constitutional jurisdiction, securing it properly at the legislative level, remains urgent. At the same time, the problem of the quality of such execution comes to the fore, for the solution of which it is necessary to develop criteria for the effectiveness of the execution of court decisions, which will allow to assess the quality of the legal acts that are introduced and the work of the responsible entities. Both outlined problems definitely need further thorough scientific research. In addition, according to the authors, it should be noted that the issues of the legal nature of the legal positions of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine and the criteria for the effective implementation of its decisions remain interacting categories and, therefore, require thorough scientific study. At the same time, clarifying the legal force of the Court’s legal positions is complicated by the lack of their legislative definition, by a certain difficulty in understanding the role and place of the body of constitutional jurisdiction in the system of state power. At the same time, the legal positions have a normative and mandatory character, reflected in the acts of the KSU. The need to ensure their immutability follows from the principles of legal certainty and stability of the Constitution. However, the possibility of revising some legal positions in connection with the change in the socio-political structure of the state is gaining relevance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In March 2020, the 'contact line' between the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics and the rest of Ukraine was sealed off. Crossing this de facto border was a precondition and an obstacle for residents of the non-government-controlled territories to access their citizenship entitlements. This article explores how movement across the 'contact line' was restricted and reconfigured during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic and how this affected state–citizen relations in the region. The study reveals how the policy to contain and mitigate the spread of the virus became a tool in establishing and maintaining authority along the state margins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ecological resilience of resource-based cities reflects the resilience of the ecological environment in resource-based areas to recover after resource development activities, and good ecological resilience holds great significance for the sustainability of the development of resource-based cities. Government innovation preferences are a solid foundation for implementing an innovation-driven strategy and an important guarantee for realizing an efficient production mode. (the purpose of the study) Therefore, to investigate whether government innovation preferences can promote the level of ecological resilience in resource-based cities. (sample information and empirical methods) This paper establishes a mediating effect model and a threshold effect model and empirically analyzes 2009–2020 panel data covering 113 resource-based cities in China as an example. (main findings) The results show the following: (1) the primary term of government innovation preferences has a positive effect on the ecological resilience of resource-based cities, and the secondary term has a negative effect, with a decreasing marginal effect. Additionally, the educational level has a mediating effect on the mechanism of the impact of government innovation preferences on the ecological resilience of resource-based cities. (2) The role of government innovation preferences in the ecological resilience of resource-based cities is heterogeneous: The impact of government innovation preferences on the ecological resilience of resource-based cities in the western region is stronger than that in the central region, and the impact of government innovation preferences on the ecological resilience of medium-sized resource-based cities is stronger than that of large resource-based cities. (3) The role of environmental decentralization produces a single threshold effect with a threshold value of 2.3993 in the impact of the mechanism of government innovation preferences on the ecological resilience of resource-based cities. (contributions and policy implications) The results of this paper can provide theoretical support for the government to set a reasonable innovation preference intensity, and they provide a practical guarantee for the central government to give more environmental governance power to local governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social movements literature identifies a dilemma that activists face between principles of affirming and deconstructing identity. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 85 activists from diverse political perspectives, this article shows that, in discussing identity documents (IDs), progressive activists took a practical approach that recognized both the advantages and drawbacks of recognition. They expressed support both for initiatives that would provide additional sex/gender marker options—beyond M or F—on IDs and those that would remove sex/gender markers from IDs altogether. This article argues that progressives readily perceived the drawbacks of recognition in the case of IDs because this context—more than others—cues concerns about state regulation and surveillance. Conservatives, who advocate for limiting government power in other contexts, were less likely than progressives to support the idea of removing sex/gender markers from government IDs, appealing to other priorities to justify this stance. Together, these findings underscore the extent to which expediency motivates social activists. They also show how both political orientation and social context shape preferences for emphasizing versus de-emphasizing sex/gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have long demonstrated that the state monopolizes time and imposes waiting, with disproportional impacts for marginalized groups relative to other political subjects. Extending this literature with a life course framework, we analyze how receipt of legal relief in different periods of life shapes the impacts of policy provisions. We draw on the case of undocumented Latin American immigrants targeted by executive immigration actions (DACA and DAPA), designed to extend temporary access to employment, protection from deportation, and the ability to exit and legally re-enter the United States. Through a comparative analysis of interviews (N = 82) across three age cohorts—coming of age, young adult, and middle age—we find the impact of these state-extended benefits differentially concentrates in the domains of schooling, employment, and family. The paper contributes an analysis of state power through a life course framework, deepening understanding of undocumented immigrants' experiences of state-controlled time, waiting, and "illegality." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The deconstruction of celebrity persona reflects public concerns within rapidly changing societies. Bringing perspectives from de-legitimation and anti-fandom, this paper investigates how Wanwan, a controversial Chinese Internet celebrity (wanghong), was de-celebrified as a bragger, sugar baby, and two-faced traitor by her anti-fans. Anti-fans condemned Wanwan for her self-glorification, sex trading for material goods, and immorality as an elite. Despite demonstrating anti-fan efforts to seek representative justice online, their discourses are problematic for bolstering classist, neoliberal feminist, populist, and moral perfectionist ideologies. A more serious concern pertains to the politicization of personal animosity through de-celebrification, wherein anti-fans try to exploit state power to cancel the celebrities they dislike. In addition to validating a discursive approach that fleshes out (de-)celebrification studies, this paper refines our understanding of the politics of dislike by unraveling the complex socio-political dynamics behind anti-fandom and de-celebrification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article delves into the complexities of U.S. military advisors' role in Korea during the Korean War, focusing on cultural differences, power dynamics, and the challenges of implementing U.S. military standards in a different cultural context. It highlights instances of corporal punishment and physical abuse within the ROK Army, shedding light on the legacy of imperialism in shaping military practices. The investigation into Captain Paul Thornton's involvement in an assault on Korean National Railroad employees underscores the cultural clashes and concerns about discipline in the ROK Army, revealing the limits of American influence and the selective application of cultural norms in postcolonial contexts. [Extracted from the article]

Studies have repeatedly documented the cost of ruling: governing parties generally suffer electoral defeats. We approach this empirical law of political science from the perspective of another empirical law: the incumbency bonus, the fact that incumbents get more media attention than the opposition. Our claim is that the bonus constitutes an electoral liability because it reflects the critical approach of media to government power. News featuring incumbents is therefore associated with a more negative tone than news featuring the opposition. This incumbency burden in turn affects government support negatively. Empirically, we draw on an extensive news corpus covering four European countries over two decades, combined with monthly poll data. Analyses show that the incumbency burden in political news is an empirical reality, and that variations in the burden contribute substantially to predictions of government support. Finally, the negative burden effect is stronger for single‐party cabinets, but stable throughout government tenure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Population movements were a regular feature in Iberia across the medieval period, especially due to the conflicts for land control between the northern Christian states and Islamic powers in the south. Movements of Muslim populations caused by the Christian expansion rose sharply from the eleventh century and peaked over the following two centuries. Drawing on the Arabic sources, this article explores how, when, and where the Muslims had to leave their homelands following the arrival of Christian conquerors. While documentary information is scarce and lacking in detail, these sources are key to understanding the real demographic impact caused by the expansion of Christian kingdoms into Islamic territory in Iberia across the eleventh through thirteenth centuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trans/Form/Ação is the property of Trans/Form/Acao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Developing countries have increasingly decentralized power to local governments. This paper studies the implications of a central element of decentralization (polity size) using population-based discontinuities that determine local government boundaries for over 100,000 Indian villages. Over the short and long run, individuals allocated into local governments with smaller populations have better access to public goods. We provide suggestive evidence that these results are related to heightened civic engagement and stronger political incentives, but not to other mechanisms such as elite capture. (JEL D72, H41, H75, H76, O17, O18, R50) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2023, Australian voters defeated a constitutional amendment to establish a First Nations' Voice to Parliament. This representative body would have been empowered to make representations to parliament and executive government. It was proposed by First Nations people as the first stage in a Voice, Treaty, Truth process of political and constitutional reform. As the implications of this defeat are considered, it is instructive to examine what lessons New Zealand's politics and policies of Māori self‐determination may contribute to local deliberations, including on the principles that could inform treaties such as those under consideration in the state of Victoria. The ongoing point of contention in both countries has profound implications for how and why policy is made, for whom and by whom. The point of contest is over who, in practical political terms, “owns” the state and, therefore, its policymaking systems? Are First Nations people shareholders in state authority, or should they reside always on its periphery? If not, what are the terms of their inclusion? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, many nation-states adopted militarized measures for rapid containment. China notably implemented extreme and enduring war-like procedures. This study aims to explore the implications of securitizing the pandemic through a feminist lens and suggest ethical and equitable strategies for understanding emergencies and coping with future crises. Employing discourse-based online ethnography, it analyzes social dynamics in China’s “pandemic war,” examining how gender and (in)security are co-constructed and the role of feminist activism within an authoritarian context. This article argues that framing the pandemic as war reinforces a masculinist stance of dominance, prioritizing state stability over human rights and security. State-centric securitization perpetuates state authority, gendered social hierarchies, and structural violence. The exclusionary nature of this approach created new avenues for feminist activism, both online and offline, advocating for marginalized groups, raising social and gender awareness, challenging state narratives, and fostering collective resistance. Drawing lessons from Chinese feminist initiatives during COVID-19, this study calls for alternative crisis responses focused on care, equity, ethics, and collaboration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The forthcoming general election will be the most consequential electoral contest for the Republic of Ireland in a century. The polity is situated in truly novel territory with the potential for an historic first: the incoming of a Sinn Féin‐led, left‐wing government. Any such government would portend change in the North of Ireland, symbolising a critical juncture on the path towards the ending of partition. Analysing electoral and ideological shifts across the post‐2008 period, this article examines the immediate prospects for the coming to power of a left‐wing government and an historic first in Irish politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the representation of Germany and the Germans in the pages of the Melbourne Punch (1855–1925). Grounding its imagery in contemporary racial stereotyping of Germans, Melbourne Punch commented in muted terms on German immigration and the events of 1870–71 but reacted with alarm at the sudden arrival of the Kaiserreich as an expanding imperial power in the Asia-Pacific in 1884–85. The consolidation of this presence in the 1890s, combined with the simultaneous threat posed to Australia’s security via Germany’s challenge to the Royal Navy, raised antagonism to extremes (more so than in comparable British publications like the London Punch). The fear of Prussian military culture threatening Australia’s liberal-British society was expressed palpably in ordinary weekly numbers, as well as in dedicated special issues of 1898 and 1909, which featured Germanophobic invasion stories, anticipating – but never approaching – the hatred towards the ‘Hun’ during the Great War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the censorship of literary works such as "Paradise Lost" and "The Divine Comedy" in the Ottoman Empire during the late 19th century. The archival document from 1898 reveals the prohibition of these works due to their potential subversive influence on Ottoman society. The ban on translations of these works, particularly in Bulgarian and Italian, was aimed at preventing the spread of Western ideas and maintaining political control. The prohibition of "The Divine Comedy" was rooted in its negative portrayal of Islam, which was deemed offensive to Ottoman sensibilities. [Extracted from the article]

\nSUMMARYThis article examines the intricate interplay between covert action, organized crime and irregular warfare, emphasizing their collective impact on international security. Through an examination of two case studies – Serbia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia under Slobodan Milosevic and Russia’s invasions of Ukraine in 2014 and 2022 – the article reveals a recurring pattern of states deploying organized crime networks integrated within their governance structures to covertly influence populations and erode the legitimacy of target states for strategic advantage. It challenges the notion that these tactics represent a ‘new hybrid playbook’, arguing instead that they are an extension of strategies pioneered in the 1990s by regimes like Belgrade’s. The fusion of state power and organized crime obscures the distinctions between legitimate governance and criminality, creating a potent force in hybrid warfare broadly that is both deniable and highly effective. The case studies also underscore the importance of reassessing the role of organized crime in state-sponsored covert actions, offering new insights for policymakers and scholars grappling with contemporary security challenges. The article contributes to the broader field of security and intelligence by highlighting the enduring and evolving nature of these alliances in covert activities and their implications for regional and global stability.In recent years, there has been a significant escalation in states using transnational criminal networks in covert actions – typically conducted by state intelligence agencies and, in some instances, security services – for both strategic and financial gains. States like Russia and North Korea exemplify regimes where criminal networks are deeply intertwined with governance and used as exploitative mechanisms, but they are not alone in leveraging these networks to covertly shape political and security landscapes. China, Iran and even India are increasingly employing organized crime networks for covert actions and intelligence operations. Although the article offers a historical insight of such alliances in the 1990s Serbia, organized crime networks, in tandem with the security services, continue to thrive there and have aligned with their Russian counterparts despite the regime’s public rhetoric to the contrary. In essence, states are surreptitiously turning to criminal enterprises to influence populations and undermine the legitimacy of other states, seeking strategic (and at times economic) advantages while maintaining a façade of plausible deniability and keeping the interference below the threshold of conventional war. This fusion of state power with organized crime networks in international relations represents a potent force that operates with a degree of deniability, often eluding the confines of international law and conventional warfare doctrines. As enhanced security measures and technological advancements increasingly hamper the physical movements of intelligence officers, criminal networks have become a force multiplier for states. The relative anonymity of criminal actors, combined with their ability to traverse state boundaries and blend into societies, makes them attractive to states wishing to hide their coercive interferences, autocracies and democracies alike. The article highlights several commonalities such alliances share, including their vulnerabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Mapping the colonial modernity of preventing/countering violent extremism (P/CVE)" published in the Cambridge Review of International Affairs explores the colonial roots and modern subjectivities in P/CVE policies. It delves into the historical and spatial trajectories of local practices in Tunisia, the exclusion of African women in Kenya, and the neocolonial influence on Kosovo's security policy. The authors critically analyze how P/CVE policies reproduce colonial hierarchies and power structures, emphasizing the intersectionality of gender, race, and class in Western articulations of security and threats. The article aims to contribute to ongoing debates on colonial security practices and encourages further reflection and resistance to these practices. [Extracted from the article]

Great powers’ military power diffusion (MPD) is superior to Middle Powers (M.P.) in technology acquisition, military innovation, and state & financial capacity. However, M.P.s have started to enhance their MPD thanks to their growing impact on international politics. In this vein, this paper aims to offer an alternative explanation of MPD by introducing a novel theoretical framework, Military Power Diffusion Capacity (hereafter MPDC), to assess how M.P.s’ MPD influences the balance of power and warfare at both regional and international levels. In doing so, this article is structured into three sections. First, we investigate the existing theoretical frameworks on military power diffusion and the spread of military power by middle-ranking states. Second, we examine the historical evolution of Turkey’s defence industry. Third, we introduce our MPDC framework and test it to the Turkey’s case. Here, we propose a five-layered MPDC framework based on the following determining factors: 1) Sustainable Financial & State Capacity, 2) Geopolitical and strategic rivalries, 3) Domestic conditions, 4) Civil-Military bargaining levels, and 5) regional and global power status-driven aspirations. Then, we scrutinize Turkey’s MPDC since the 1990s within our five-layered framework to assess the implications of its MPD on the changing international security environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores policy processes in authoritarian settings, underscoring the lack of research on how policy actors and institutions influence policies in autocracies. It stresses the significance of comprehending these processes in upholding political regimes, providing public services, and managing crises. Through case studies from various countries, the special issue offers fresh perspectives on policy processes in autocracies, enriching the global understanding of policy processes. The findings reveal that while autocratic regimes function differently from democracies, policy processes in autocracies are shaped by factors such as elite competition, institutional structure, and international influences. The text also delves into policy process theories in autocracies and the role of local lobbying in single-party authoritarian systems, with authors Caroline Schlaufer and Annemieke van den Dool focusing on policymaking in nondemocratic contexts and crisis management in China. Their research examines how scientific evidence and narratives impact policymaking in these environments. [Extracted from the article]

The stability, reliability, and lifespan of proton exchange membrane fuel cells (PEMFCs) are closely related to power dynamic response. Therefore, it is necessary to study in depth the relationship between the power operation state and typical characteristics. In this paper, the fuel cell system (FCS) power dynamic response based on constant power change amplitude and various power change amplitude is analyzed. Then, three typical power characteristics of the FCS, namely, low single-cell voltage, drastic voltage uniformity change, voltage undershoot and voltage overshoot, are investigated. Furthermore, to solve the high-dimensional datasets problem, a quick evaluation method based on data dimensionality reduction (DDR) is proposed. The innovation of this method is based on principal component analysis to extract typical characteristic relationships of power operation levels. The results demonstrate that the extracted new one-dimensional (1-D) eigenvectors index exhibits a positive correlation with power levels. Meanwhile, the power operation state empirical model is established through data regression. The Pearson coefficients of the empirical model are all greater than 0.9981. Thus, the new index and proposed method offer novel insights for improving the power adaptive control of fuel cells and quickly assessing their health state. • The effects of different loading amplitudes on power output are investigated. • Typical characteristics of power operation state are analyzed. • A quick evaluation method for power operation state is proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of ideational elements on state efforts to achieve regional integration, with a specific focus on Morocco's pursuit of membership in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). This study investigates how shared cultural heritage, historical narratives, and common views on principles such as free trade and security partnerships foster a sense of collective identity among states, thereby promoting deeper cooperation and integration within regions. However, conflicting ideologies can create obstacles to meaningful integration by breeding distrust and friction among participating states. This study argues that constructivism provides valuable insights into regional integration processes by emphasizing the importance of shared norms, identities, and social interactions among states. The analysis reveals thatMorocco's aspiration to align with the interests of other African states in ECOWAS and promote economic integration serves as the ideological basis for its pursuit of ECOWAS membership, viewing it as a symbol of African resurgence and a means to strengthen its regional position. Although Morocco's history, laws, society, and politics align with ECOWAS norms, the absence of provisions for new members in the ECOWAS Treaty presents a hurdle for Moroccan accession. Nevertheless, this article suggests that the ECOWAS Authority of the Heads of State and Government could potentially address this issue by establishing a supplementary protocol to admit Morocco, underscoring the significance of ideological factors in shaping regional integration processes and institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Fragile sovereignty?" by Christopher Adair-Toteff discusses Georg Essen's book "Fragile Souveränität," which explores the relationship between sovereignty, theology, and freedom. Essen argues that freedom is tied to theology rather than politics, challenging the idea that the secular state can ensure liberty. The book delves into the works of Kant, Kelsen, and Schmitt, examining their perspectives on sovereignty, democracy, and the role of religion in governance. While provocative, the article suggests that Essen's book may be more of a religious sermon than a scholarly investigation, ultimately leaving the reader with more questions than answers. [Extracted from the article]

The paper examines the interconnections between crisis, war and undocumented migration focusing on the crisis at Evros borderzone, Northeastern Greece, in February/March 2020. It puts forward an analysis of public discourse that posits Greece as “a nation under threat” and reflects on the notion of crisis both as a dimension of the present historical moment and a governmental device for strengthening state power. The paper suggests that crisis and war be understood as parts of a security continuum and that the Evros crisis of 2020 rendered visible the mutual constitution of the processes of illegalization and securitization of migration. Formulated as an open threat for Greece and Europe, undocumented mobility feeds into the (in)security spiral promoting more surveillance, tighter border control and deepening the social hierarchy that positions illegal(ized) migrants at the lowest social strata. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bride price in China, the groom-to-bride monetary transfer, generally falls into realms of sociology and cultural studies, with the media perspective less explored, particularly when it concerns the state media which steers China's media system. In light of this, this study collected state media Weibo posts and made a content analysis of the representation of bride price with Wodak's discourse-historical approach. The social underpinnings and implications of such representation are also examined. Results reveal a general negation of the practice. It is linked to crimes and categorized as an outmoded custom that burdens men, and low/no bride price is advocated. These representations, although in alignment with Beijing's anti-high-bride-price agenda, remain androcentric. The study helps unravel the interplay among state power, gender ideology, and media representation in contemporary China, and offers insights on how patriarchy is perpetuated in official discourse. It also illuminates how government agendas are legitimized and strengthened in everyday texts on social media in the Chinese sociopolitical matrix. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022, a growing literature promoting the Ukrainian national cause, framed in decolonial terms, has influenced public discourse about the Russia-Ukraine War in the West. Filtered through the activist interpretation of cultural epistemologies, with their emphasis on the centring and decentring of knowledges, the war has been imagined primarily as a colonial emanation of a Russian narrative. We argue that the heavily moralized notion of epistemological and mental decolonization has impeded critical investigation into the degree of responsibility for, and the NATO powers’ involvement in, the Russia-Ukraine War. In order to attain a rigorous analysis of all actors’ motives and rationalities, we argue for the need to understand the conflict's structural and historical dimensions, and thus to draw from the classical, structural approaches to analysing imperial power that predate the cultural turn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]