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The Cantar de Mio Cid is rightly considered to be one of the most noteworthy literary texts of medieval Spain. Despite the vast number of studies published on a myriad of subjects relating to the Cantar, the topic of military deception and ruses, as it appears in the text, has not received enough attention, especially considering its peculiarity when compared to other contemporary chivalric texts. This article attempts to address this issue by comparing the Cantar's depictions of El Cid's employment of deception and ruses to vanquish his enemies with similar incidents from twelfth and thirteenth century chansons de geste while considering their potential influence on the production and characteristics of the Cantar. The similarities and discrepancies are addressed through the prism of medieval chivalric literature and the social and cultural influence of a frontier society in medieval Iberia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Las crónicas de Francisco Franco sobre la guerra hispano-marroquí siguen una serie de narrativas coloniales tradicionales predeterminadas con el objetivo de inclinar a la opinión pública a favor de la militarización del conflicto. Al vincular algunos de los temas literarios que se repiten en los Papeles de la guerra de Marruecos de Franco y las crónicas de la publicación Revista de Tropas Coloniales con discursos coloniales pasados como los empleados por cronistas como Cortés o Bernal Díaz del Castillo en la colonización de América, este artículo evidencia la función legitimadora que crea la recurrencia y adaptación de imágenes y argumentos. Desde una mirada historiográfica, que cuestiona el aspecto axiomático de las crónicas históricas, este artículo aborda dichos textos como narraciones que reutilizan ciertas miradas del pasado para articular el presente con el objetivo de encajar en una historia que, en este caso particular, trató de construir un significante sector del ejército español. Además, esta secuencia textual, que oscila entre lo histórico y lo simbólico, teje una narrativa que tuvo un carácter fundacional sobre la articulación del nacionalismo español ultraconservador que construyó y practicó el franquismo a partir de la década de 1930. Francisco Franco's chronicles from the Moroccan-Spanish War follow a series of predetermined traditional colonial narratives that had the goal of tipping public opinion in favor of the militarization of the conflict. By linking some of the literary topics that recur in Franco's Papeles de la guerra de Marruecos and articles from the publication Revista de Tropas Coloniales to past colonial discourses, such as the ones employed by chroniclers Cortés or Bernal Díaz del Castillo in the colonization of America, this paper presents evidence for the legitimizing function that the recurrence and adaptation of images and arguments creates. From a historiographical standpoint, which questions the axiomatic aspect of historic chronicles, this article approaches these texts as storytelling that repurposes certain perspectives of the past in order to articulate the present in a manner that fits the history that, in this particular case, a sector of the Spanish military tried to construct. This textual sequence, which oscillates between what is historic and what is symbolic, weaves a narrative that also had a foundational nature for the articulation of the ultraconservative Spanish nationalism that the Francoist movement constructed and practiced during the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to reconsider the combat efficiency and motivation of the Spanish infantry during the Italian Wars in light of the unfounded and misguided conclusions of both sixteenth-century and present-day perceptions of professional and mercenary soldiers. The humanistic admiration of the citizen-soldier embedded a fundamental fear and suspicion of the supposedly untrustworthy and greedy professional soldier that only began to dissipate during the last few decades. Yet, combat efficiency and initial motivation to serve in early modern armies seem to be mangled together. The Spanish infantry soldiers of the Italian Wars are the most conspicuous example of the fact that early modern soldiers often joined the army for the prospect of financial remuneration and rewards, but their high level of combat efficiency was maintained by a highly cohesive warrior society, infused with a strong sense of esprit de corps, making them fierce, efficient, and dependable soldiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although he was the military leader of the winning Nationalist side during the Spanish Civil War, Francisco Franco’s place in history has been largely defined by his subsequent long-term political role as head of the Spanish fascist state. Up to now, those historians who have assessed his military acumen have tended to give him low marks, particularly on the grounds that his poor grasp of strategy and tactics unnecessarily prolonged the Civil War and led to an inordinately high number of casualties. Recently, however, some historians have begun to reconsider Franco’s skills as a military leader, by viewing his performance within the context of his own cultural and political environment, rather than that of a later era or of other national military traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conventional wisdom holds that Spain took only a limited interest in armored warfare until the European powers that intervened in the Spanish Civil War of 1936-39, Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and the USSR, demonstrated its importance on the battlefield. The author, tapping into the previously ignored professional military literature in Spain, reveals that, to the contrary, officers in the Spanish army early on took a lively interest in armor, an interest fed not only by what they knew of developments elsewhere in Europe but by the possibility of using tanks and other armored vehicles to advantage in Spain's colonial wars in Morocco. It was not so much lack of interest that retarded Spanish development of armored units as lack of funds. Over the interwar years, upwards of 50 percent of the Spanish military budget was spent on personnel, particularly the army's bloated officer corps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the renegades in the War of Chile or of Arauco between the end of the sixteenth century and the first decades of the seventeenth century. These were the men who deserted the Spanish military forces to join the Mapuche rebels, to whom they provided tactical information, as well as making their knowledge and war experience available to them. The reasons for their flight, their reception in Mapuche society and their roles as soldiers as well as cultural mediators are discussed. Along with analyzing the scarce information that exists about them, written from the Spanish side that considered them traitors and apostates, it is suggested that their full incorporation into Mapuche society depended on becoming a part of an indigenous lineage, which granted them all the rights and obligations that the admapu contemplated, which greatly weakened their presence within the rebel lands, since it relied on the protection a war chief could give them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Early modern military manuals were one of the main intellectual media through which theorists and soldiers envisioned and articulated the interrelations of war, society, and culture. Although art of war literature has often been approached from the perspective of military history, the present study investigates the relationship of martial literature with Renaissance culture. Focusing on four Spanish military manuals published in the last quarter of the sixteenth century, this study examines how soldier-authors deployed the classical tradition. It argues that soldier-authors' references to the classical tradition had two related functions; first, diagnosing the causes of the decadence of the Spanish army, and second, offering solutions for that decadence. In so doing, the soldier-authors gave voice to broader social tensions in early modern Spanish society. The Spanish soldier-authors utilized the Roman model to target a social economy that privileged lineage and was disposed toward favoritism and bribery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the main characteristics of mutinies in the Spanish tercios at the height of the Italian Wars (1494-1559), a surprisingly underresearched subject considering the high frequency of such upheavals in these core infantry units. Contrary to the severe legal and moral implications of modern military mutinies the dynamics of the mutinies in the tercios resembled more closely those of a modern workers' strike, in that the soldiers were allowed room to organize, make representations, negotiate and reach relatively amicable conclusions. Generals and soldiers alike accepted the recurring mutinies as a way of maintaining the organizational status quo in a context of infrequent paydays and persistent supply problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Provides information on the Spanish-Moroccan military conflict in 1893. Details on the conflict; Treaty signed between France and Spain for the colonialization of Morocco; Discussion on the military strategy of Spain in bringing an end to the war with Morocco.

Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia Moderna is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Examines tank warfare during the Spanish Civil War 1936-39, focusing on military intelligence and the search by the United States Army for proper doctrinal decisions. What doctrinal decisions during this time were made as a result of; Who were responsible for decisions regarding tactics, technique and organization of tanks during the civil war; What the U.S. Army's tank program was hampered by upon its entry into the Second World War; Outline of tank combat during the civil war.

Labor mobility is common in certain professions, including the Armed Forces. Military people have to assume several changes of assignment along their carriers and, sometimes, these changes implies geographical mobility. In these situations, when the military has a partner and /or children can take two alternatives. The first is to move just the military to the new location, creating a living apart together model (LAT) and, the second, is when the couple or the whole family move together, creating a cohabiting model. This article has the objective of studying the presence and features of the LAT Model and the Cohabiting Model in the Spanish Armed Forces. To this end, a methodology was designed based on the survey technique with a self-administered questionnaire structured from three thematic areas (sociodemographic, military and opinion) and which was spread by different associations of military and families of Spanish military. The results show which are the main variables that affect the decision to choose one or other of two models (labor, economic and family) and how each model of living affect the couple and the children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1941 and 1944, the Spanish Division of Volunteers took part in the Russian campaign as a unit integrated in the German Wehrmacht. Post-1945 war memoirs and even some historians have suggested that the 'Blue' Division was exceptional for their benign treatment of civilians and prisoners, distanced from the German War of Extermination. This image has not been subjected to critical enquiry. To what degree were the Spanish troops different from other Wehrmacht troops? Was the collective behaviour of the Spanish soldiers determined by the circumstances they encountered at the front, or was it related to their prior political socialization? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article question the alleged historical characterization of the 1701-1714 war of Spanish succession as "inevitable". Political and economic factors of the war are identified including the death of Bavarian crown prince Wilhelm III, French king Louis XIV's proposed compromise treaty, and diplomatic negotiations by the barons of Auersperg. Social and nation-building aspects of the war are described.

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This article presents information on an conference regarding Spanish military history during the 17th and 18th centuries, which took place in Madrid, Spain, from November 28-30, 2016. The main topics discussed included military mobilization, military resources, and the development of the Spanish navy.

This article presents information on an international conference regarding Spanish naval history during the 17th and 18th centuries, which was held in Madrid, Spain, from September 27-29, 2017. The main topics discussed included military mobilization, recruitment, and the infantry troops of the region of Cantabria.

Copyright of Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian & Latin American Economic History is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An introduction is presented in which the author comments on the articles in this issue, including one on Spanish military history, one on military reforms under Carlos III of Spain, and one on military armaments in the 17th century.

Copyright of Manuscrits: Revista d'Historia Moderna is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the impact of military unit composition on desertion in civil wars. I argue that military units face an increased risk of desertion if they cannot develop norms of cooperation. This is a challenging task in the context of divided and ambiguous individual loyalties found in civil wars. Norms of cooperation emerge, above all, from soldiers sending each other costly signals of their commitment. Social and factional ties also shape these norms, albeit in a more limited fashion. Hence, unit composition can serve as an intervening variable explaining how collective aims can sometimes induce individual soldiers to keep fighting. Analyzing original data from the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), I demonstrate that three characteristics of a military unit's composition--the presence of conscripts rather than volunteers, social heterogeneity (whose effect is found to be limited to volunteer units), and polarization among factions--increase the individual soldier's propensity to desert. Unit composition proves at least as important as individual characteristics when explaining desertion. This analysis indicates the usefulness of moving beyond commonly used atomistic understandings of combatant behavior. Instead, it suggests the importance of theoretical microfoundations that emphasize norms of cooperation among groups of combatants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper offers new explanations on the causes of the Mapuches’ success in resisting the invasion of their land in the time of Pedro de Valdivia. It is has been accepted the Spaniards were unable to subdue the Mapuches on account of their low level of social organization. Because of such a widespread view, other factors have been neglected. The Spaniards undertook the conquest while knowing almost nothing about the natives and their country. Far from being inexperienced in warfare, the Mapuches were well organized in wartime. Their success was heavily based on their prowess in using the forest environment to fight against the Spaniards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Spanish government maintained official neutrality during the Great War because deviating from neutrality would supposedly endanger the nation’s already limited political and social stability and even threaten the survival of the monarchic regime. In August 1914 there were no direct Spanish interests in the conflict and no benefit to be obtained from any intervention by Spain, which was very weak in military terms and in the international arena. Nevertheless, Spain’s geographic location and its commercial dependence on the Entente made it especially vulnerable to the pressures of France and Great Britain, both of which attempted to take advantage of the services that Spain could offer in the economic war; Spain’s importance increased with the prolongation of the fight. Germany, in contrast, could not hope for more from Spain than its strict neutrality because of its highly important political and economic ties with the Entente and its defencelessness before England and France, from which Germany could not protect it. Because Germany could not wait for Spain’s participation next to her, the primary target of German diplomacy had to be to resist the influence of the Entente and maintain Spanish neutrality while preventing Spain from inclining towards favouring the Allies. To achieve this objective, Berlin fed, with vague promises, the idea that a Spanish collaboration would be rewarded with the annexation of some territories. On this basis, we can begin to study German–Spanish relations during the Great War, which came to be determined by incidents that were caused by the submarine war. The dependence on the Entente also helps to explain the last evolution of the relations between Germany and Spain, which could follow no other policy than that imposed by the final development of the war: taking up a position near the winners and distancing from, and nearly rupturing ties with, Germany. Using both Spanish and German documentation allows us to reach different conclusions that aim to contribute substantially to understanding the relationship between Spain and Germany during the Great War. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the historical aspects of English prize law and the law of nations (international law) during the seventeenth century, and it mentions the Spanish Wars of 1585 and 1603, the Anglo-Dutch Wars, and the Spanish and French Wars of 1625 and 1630. It states that prize law deals war-related captures of maritime items. English commercial practices and maritime power are examined, as well as the British Navigation Act and prize law jurisdiction in the English Admiralty Court.

Copyright of Revista de Derecho UNED is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the social status and conditions of the provincial nobility in Ciudad Rodrigo in Spain during the mid-18th century. The author comments on the domestic lives of the nobility in this city, including a description of the architecture of their homes. She also examines the relationship between the homes and the environment in which they were built. The military history and importance of Ciudad Rodrigo and its reflection in the domestic architecture of the nobility there is also explored.

The article discusses the Spanish infantry officer Modesto de la Torre's diary titled "Apuntaciones que en su viaje a ultramar ha tomado el oficial de infantería Modesto de la Torre/Notes Written by Infantry Officer Modesto de la Torre During His Voyage Overseas" so as to examine a Spanish military officer's perspective on Mexican nationalism from 1821 through 1822. Mexicans' perspective on their Indian ancestry, including the relationship between Mexicans' alleged desire for national sovereignty and of their Aztecs and mixed Indian and Spanish heritage (who are referred to as creoles, or mestizos), are discussed.

Lucas, bishop of Tuy, and Rodrigo, archbishop of Toledo, are the authors of the two principal Latin histories of Spain written in the thirteenth century. They were also contemporaries and witnessed many of the same events related to the epic battle of Las Navas de Tolosa. Their individual narrations of the battle are not contradictory, but they do reveal vastly different conceptions of the factors that led to the battle, the nature of the enemies they confronted, and the meaning of the victory. An examination of these two descriptions of Las Navas reveals a surprisingly complex portrayal of this singular event and of the men responsible for its legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Chronica Mundi is the property of Chronica Mundi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Chronica Mundi is the property of Chronica Mundi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses Spanish military history, with a particular focus on the Early Modern Era of the 16th through the 18th centuries. The author comments on the importance of the Archivo General Militar (General Military Archives) located in Sevogia, Spain, and which represent the oldest military archives in the country. She considers the use of such archives and documentary resources, including personnel records, service information, and marriage registers, in historical research and military historiography.

A series of English- and Spanish-language abstracts is presented for the articles in this issue, including one on military contracts in 17th century Spain, one on Spanish military bases in Havana, Cuba, during the 18th century, and one on trading companies in late 16th century Zamora, Spain.

The article focuses on military expenditures incurred by the Spanish empire during the reign of Charles II, the King of Spain, from 1665 to 1700, especially in the Caribbean region. The author explores military expenses incurred in the region, under the administration of the Viceroyalty of New Spain, as well as the political, economic and strategic aspects of the spending. The author emphasizes that the primary intention of military spending by the king during the time period was to protect the Spanish Empire from other European powers, including France and England. The author also discusses the military expenditures of the United Kingdom's royal Exchequer in Mexico in comparison to those of the Spanish Viceroyalty during the time period.

The article focuses on the practices of extreme violence and terror used by the Spanish Monarchy in the conquest of American territories in the 16th century, with an emphasis on the practice of the live amputation of hands as an example of such violence. The author discusses the works ''Historia de las Indias'' and ''Brevísima relación de la destrucción de las Indias'' by the Spanish priest Bartolomé de las Casas, who denounced such violent practices and includes in his works that such violence was the key to military occupation by the Spanish Monarchy of the American territories.

This paper concerns a seventeenth-century manuscript nautical atlas of the coast of Portugal that was compiled in the context of the Hispanic-Portuguese crisis of 1640. The atlas was the work of Antonio da Cunha e Andrada, a Portuguese operating under the orders of King Philip IV of Spain, who seems to have been an amateur cartographer. Andrada's own description of his cartographical achievement as an atlas for privateers is upheld in the light of the accompanying text, which contains a strategy for blockading the coastal trade of secessionist Portugal to ruin her economy and force her back under Spanish rule. The extant version of the atlas is dated 1661, but the author tells us it was a copy of the one he had made in 1641. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The campaign in the Low Countries led by governor-general Alexander Farnese from October 1578 onwards resulted in the reconquest of more cities for the King of Spain than had been achieved by any of his predecessors or successors. It serves here as a starting point for a contextual analysis of the relationship between the ruler and the city defiant during the Dutch Revolt, not only to cast new light on the oft-neglected and complex Spanish Habsburg policies, but also to understand the broader context of questions of resistance and reconciliation during the Dutch Revolt. Most capitulation treaties accorded by Farnese show at least four features at odds with the pattern of repression of urban revolts. The governor aimed at keeping the civic patrimony intact, he granted full pardon and oblivion, he conditionally restored urban privileges and he often felt obliged not to insist on immediate reconciliation with the Catholic Church. The divergent reactions to this Habsburg policy indicate that the Dutch Revolt showed striking features of a civil war, in which not only the conditions of revolt but also of reconciliation caused discord. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the social aspects of military structure in Seville, Spain, during the 16th and 17th centuries. The author analyzes historic documents and files in order to discuss the role of diverse Sevillian lineages in forming various military orders, focusing primarily on Santiago, Calatrava and Alcántara. Social, political and military aspects of the familial orders are discussed with respect to the specific structures within Seville. Connotations of purity, wealth and nobility with each order are also explored.

The article focuses on the role of the military in Gijón, Spain, in the 18th century War of Spanish Succession, through an analysis of local primary sources from the region of Asturias, Spain. The author explores the sources specific to Gijón, the center of Asturias' maritime defense and a central line of economic activity and communication through Spain, as a representation of the impact of the war on the region as a whole. The profound effects of the war on the principality of Asturias are analyzed, with a specific focus on the economic hardships faced by the region's citizens, primarily inflicted by mandatory financial support of King Philip V throughout the war.

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the participation of the militias of volunteers from Galicia, Spain in the pro-Franco military organization during the Spanish Civil War, as well as their contribution to the victory of Francisco Franco and further consolidation of his regime. The author suggests that the second line militias were crucial to consolidate Franco's regime, due to their activities of repression, denunciation, and vigilance of common citizens under suspicion of disloyalty to the regime. A well-documented historical overview of the sociological composition of their members is included.

This essay studies the participation of the military orders in the war of Granada. Between 1350 and 1492, this armed conflict was the only one that could justify the original reason for which the orders were created. The article analyzes six subjects: the frontier war during the second half of the fourteenth century, the change in attitude towards the Emirate of Granada during the fifteenth century, the campaigns of Fernando of Antequera (1407 and 1410), the crusade of La Higueruela (1431), the crusade of Enrique IV (1455) and the conquest of the Emirate of Granada (1482-92). The essay uses archive sources combined with chronicles to investigate all the previous matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses Spanish soldiers in both the army and navy as authors of articles in various publications throughout the 18th century. It examines the reasons why the soldiers decided to contribute to the publications, which include "Diario de Málaga," "Semenario misceláneo," and "Correo de Madrid." The author also analyzes the main themes contained in these articles, which included opinion, scientific, and cultural pieces, and reflections on current events, literature, philosophy, and religion.

Since J. Brewer's description of Britain as a fiscal-military state, the expression has become a source of inspiration for other country's studies, as well as a methodological tool to examine the relationship between military spending, the Treasure, the Central Administration's organization and the economy of states. This methodology of study has been applied a few times to eighteenth century Spain, assuming in a way or another, that Spain was also a fiscal-military state at that time. Nevertheless, its final defeat against Britain invites us to consider not only what kind of a fiscal-military state could Spain have been, but if it really can be considered like that. As an alternative reflection, this paper argues that Spain could have not been a fiscal-military state, a description that in the end, can give us a better explanation of the Spanish final military and naval defeat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Discusses the question of Spain's neutrality during the Great War and the secret campaign waged by the belligerent nations to influence both public opinion and governments. Examination of the Liberal administration of Count Romanones; Reasons for Romanones' call to side with the Allies; Appearance of Spain's neutrality as the capitulation of an oligarchic state dominated by Germanophile institutions.