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This article looks at the initial implementation of US military assistance to Spain under the lopsided Mutual Defence Agreement of 1953. The process was characterised by the disparity in the objectives of both sides, the centrality of the military training programmes, and the logistical and organisational limitations of the Spanish Armed Forces to assimilate American aid. The Ifni-Sahara decolonisation conflict of 1957–58 in Northwest Africa, in which Spain was forced to seek French military cooperation, made apparent the conditioned and limited nature of US military assistance and Madrid's need to diversify its security partners during the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At the turn of the nineteenth century, the establishment of unauthorized U.S. consulates throughout the Spanish Empire transformed both the infrastructure of Spanish colonial rule and the diplomatic relationship between Spain and the Early Republic. In places such as New Orleans, Havana, and Santiago de Cuba, U.S. consuls exercised extraterritorial jurisdiction over national citizens without the authorization of Spanish imperial authorities, sparking intense diplomatic conflicts over the boundaries of national sovereignty. Invoking diplomatic reciprocity, Spanish colonial officials also made use of unauthorized consulates in Savannah, New Orleans, and Natchez in order to contain U.S. expansion, protect Spanish subjects and property, and police runaway slaves and Native Americans. Over the 1800s, these ad-hoc uses of unauthorized consulates challenged metropolitan designs and international diplomatic norms as they locked both U.S. state authorities and Spanish colonial governments in negotiations of state sovereignty, transnational migration, and reciprocity and created a new institutional framework of transnational governance in the Spanish Caribbean and the North American Gulf. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article focuses on José Robles, Spanish translator, with Spanish Civil War and Hispanism. It mentions cultural focus on U.S.-Spain literary relations, apparent through his translation work and reviews and his pedagogical work, evidenced in student readers; and his attention to the future scholarly direction of Hispanism. It also mentions routine nature of religious practices and how much social and cultural contemporariness.

This essay argues that the discourse of friendship in public diplomacy surrounding the figure of US Ambassador Stanton Griffis during his tenure in Spain in 1951–1952 circulated in the Spanish national imaginary to construct a more favorable popular image of the United States. Though the ideological positions guiding the Truman presidency and the Franco regime differed drastically, positive affect under the guise of friendship circulated via the media spectacle surrounding Griffis’s image – thus fostering a sense of Griffis as a friend not only to the regime but also to individual Spaniards. Using articles drawn from the Spanish press, as well as letters found in the Stanton Griffis Papers at the Truman Library Institute, I will show how objects of the specific Spanish national pride promoted by the Franco regime – such as Catholicism and anti-Communism, brotherhood and even bullfighting – “stuck” to Griffis’s image via the use of affectively “sticky” words, such askindnessandsympathy,shared values,friendshipitself and evenfamily. This analysis reveals the flexibility of Franquista ideology and contributes to a deeper understanding of the discursive realignment towards the United States that occurred under the Franco regime in the years preceding the Pact of Madrid. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

By utilizing primary sources, mainly newspapers, this article analyzes the rivalry between the US and Spain for the control of Dominican Republic by mid-nineteenth century, focusing on the responses given by the American public opinion to the Dominican Republic annexation to Spain in 1861. The article proposes that the US government, pressed by the events of the Civil War (1861-1865), neglected the foreign policy towards the hemisphere which, among other factors, allowed the intrusion of European powers in the Americas, like that of Spain in the Dominican Republic. American public opinion, on the contrary, saw with concern the Spaniards' attempts in the Caribbean debating topics such as race, slavery, masculinity, and the balance of power among the world potencies in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the Protestant critique of the U.S. embrace of fascist Spain by "The Christian Century," a Protestant magazine, in the mid-20th century. It examines the reasons behind the magazine's criticism of Francisco Franco's fascism, and the magazine's insistence that the U.S. should end support for Franco's Spain because its fascist regime denied religious freedom to Protestants. Also discussed is the connection between domestic issues and U.S. support for Spain.

The Spanish–American War constituted a pressure point in American military history. The citizen-soldier tradition in the United States—a tradition based on a reliance on state militias rather than a large standing army—was tested as the country scrambled to provide a fighting force to support its growing imperial ambition. When Brooklyn’s 13th Regiment of the National Guard was ordered to camp at the beginning of May 1898, roughly half the men answered the call. Most of the guardsmen did not object to serving but only wished to do so within their regiment. As a result, the regiment was subjected to rough music, pelted by half a loaf of bread, and disbanded. Over time, however, the tables turned, with the regiment ultimately being resurrected and redeemed and the governor and the adjutant general who had disbanded the regiment being ridiculed and discarded. The case of Brooklyn’s 13th Regiment reveals that the alignment of national and state allegiances was neither straightforward nor without casualty as the country entered the age of imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the journals of the future American presidents John Adams and his son, John Quincy Adams, during their travels in Spain in 1779-80. Their negative cultural observations about Spain reveal anti-Catholic sentiment typical of Black Legend thinking. The journals can be better understood in the context of the troubled diplomatic history between the emerging power of the United States and the declining Spanish Empire, and by thinking about the hemispheric positioning of the U.S. in the Monroe Doctrine. In this context, the anti-Hispanic opinions of the Adamses become even more significant, revealing cracks in the Enlightenment spirit that gave rise to the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the Congress of the United States legislated about his role in the world in the thirties, never though relating to a war in a same country. The Spanish Civil War caught by surprise from Roosevelt to Hull and all the congressmen and senators. Thus, in this moment, the State Department had to decide the way to follow with the Spanish problem, because the Neutrality Act of 1936, had not validity because did not consider this kind of war. The next lines describe and analyse this situations and the American strategy in the first months of the Spanish Civil War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia Contemporanea is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the role played by the Monroe Doctrine in the disagreements that took place between Spain and the United States in Latin America during the 1880s. Based on diplomatic sources preserved in archives in the United States and Spain, the article argues that these apparently peripheral incidents reveal that the Monroe Doctrine was a lasting, although flexible, principle of U.S. foreign policy in Latin America. Specifically, the evidence suggests that the motor behind the evolution of the doctrine was U.S. domestic policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses fears of Spanish subversion and slave revolts in Territorial Louisiana. Topics include U.S. relations with Spain in relation to people of African descent in Louisiana, the impact of lenient Spanish laws regarding slavery on Louisiana, and fears of slave revolts in relation to slave smuggling from the Caribbean to Louisiana. The influence of the Roman Catholic Church in Louisiana is noted.

Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia Contemporanea is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present paper explores the way in which the cultural dimension of individualism is reflected in the interactional discourse of Spanish and us business websites. This cultural dimension is concerned with the way individuals from a particular culture define their own identity and their relationship with other people. Considering the scores of Spain and the us on the individualism index, the objective of this study is twofold: (a) to analyse the type ofinteractional metadiscourse strategies used on the presentation pages of Spanish and us toy company websites, and (b) to determine whether the individualism index scores of Spaniards and North Americans are reflected in different interactional metadiscourse strategies when companies establish a social relationship and persuade a potential customer to purchase their products. The results obtained confirm that there are important differences in the interactional discourse of this digital genre, which may be a valuable source of information for export companies that wish to introduce their products abroad by means of their business websites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the attitudes of leading policymakers in the United States toward the Spanish Empire in Cuba during the Ten Years' War (1868–78). It suggests that while many in the US objected to Spanish imperial practices, concerns about trade alongside ideological predispositions regarding nonintervention and race led the administration of Ulysses S. Grant, under the direction of Secretary of State Hamilton Fish, to develop a series of policies that in effect supported colonialism in Cuba while attempting to ensure that the US would benefit from any change in rule there. The article argues that despite an apparent desire for the US to remain neutral during the conflict, the Grant administration in fact formulated its responses based on a narrow conception of Spanish colonial control that demonstrated an increasing sense of moral superiority over both colonizer and colonized. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Around 1950 there was an intense debate about U.S. aid to Francoist Spain. American magazines such as Look and Life devoted attention to the Spanish issue, and used photo essays to visually argue their positions. This article seeks to examine how this controversy was created through these photo essays that appeared in American magazines, the reaction of the Spanish public, and the response to American critics by magazines such as Mundo Hispánico and Semana. These cases demonstrate how part of the debate was also an image campaign structured around photo essays published in said illustrated magazines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of the Álvarez Campana family of Cádiz, Spain. The author focuses specifically on the family's link to international trade with the United States from the 18th century and following. The author comments on José Álvarez Campana, families in Spain, and commerce between Cádiz and parts of the United States. Other topics mentioned include the middle class in Spain, social and trade networks, as well as the history of the politics and government in Cádiz.

This paper examines how the Johnson administration implemented new public diplomacy programmes aimed at projecting a positive image of the USA among Spanish university students as part of the cultural Cold War. In other words, the following pages are an analysis of the exchange diplomacy and the ideological action which the superpower deployed in Spain in order to gain influence over young people. However, the American ideal spread by these programmes did not manage to improve the image of US policies which students considered illegitimate and lacking in moral authority since the country was seen to be a ‘mainstay of the Franco regime’. Between 1963 and 1969, the art of public diplomacy did not succeed in counteracting the damage done to American credibility caused by collaborating with an ally which was too politically compromising. This deligitimisation was an example of the gradual weakening of bipolar restraint strategies as a guarantee of stability faced with the future succession of Franco. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The semantization of 98 Cuban sends us to contextualized facts concerning a process understood as an accumulation of events that go beyond the indicated year. This refers to the conflict that, at diverse moments, faces off Spain with Cuba and Spain with the United States, from middle of the 19th century in Caribbean territory, and to the framing of the aforementioned process. The conceptualization used about this topic acts as a referential signifier for identity, starting from a genuine “we," and as an alternative to what is established by traditional historiography. The study begins with research centered on the identification and analysis of the forms of mediatization carried out by the Argentine weeklies Cuba Libre and The Republic of Cuba (Buenos Aires 1896 - 1898) regarding the Cuban independence process at the end of the 19th century, as a critical problem disassociated from continental political history. The above-mentioned process necessarily leads the researcher to identify political groups that represent sets of ideas in conflict, linked to a political transformation. In this respect, researchers see the need to use the viewpoint of a multidisciplinary triad that will achieve interconnectivity articulated around the history of ideas, political history and the communication field. The proposed triad will permit linking, dialectically, the political ideas of protagonists for the struggle in Cuba with those coming from the journalistic Argentine communications field of that present, in an attempt to retrieve a posture confronting the rest of the journalistic productions from our country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the diplomatic relations between the U.S. and Spain during the administration of U.S. President John Tyler and profiles American author Washington Irving. It highlights the move of Daniel Webster, the U.S. Secretary of State, to recommend Irving as the potential candidate for U.S. Ambassador to Spain. It notes that the diplomatic work of Irving in Spain was the key to Webster's choice.

U.S. Ambassador to Spain (1942-1945), Carlton J.H. Hayes, has been often reputed a Francoist. A look at the entire printed and archival record, however, shows Hayes to have been a tough critic of the caudillo's 'fascism.' This article focuses particularly on Hayes' active role in securing the passage of some 40,000 refugees-French, Anglo-Saxons, Jews and others-across the Pyrenees mostly to North Africa. In retirement, Hayes advocated patient diplomacy, rather than ostracism or subversion of Franco Spain-the policy the U.S. eventually adopted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a significant number of sources, it is possible to build a biography of Federico de Onís that could make a characterization of an era of reforms that became widespread in Spain in the early twentieth century, often inspired, but not exclusively, by the ideas of the Institución Libre de Enseñanza and the teaching of Francisco Giner. This article will lay the foundations for this work and for this central figure in the dissemination of Spanish culture in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Circunstancia Revista de Ciencias Sociales del IUIOG is the property of Circunstancia Revista de Ciencias Sociales del IUIOG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of UNISCI Discussion Papers is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explains one of the central roles of alliance contracts, the prevention of undesirable military entanglement. The existing literature on alliances argues that entrapment is a major concern for potential and actual alliance partners, but it is difficult to point out clear cases of entrapment. I provide two answers to this puzzle: First, entrapment is a narrower concept than others have realized, and it is rarer than the literature suggests. Second, leaders anticipate entrapment and carefully design alliance agreements before and after states form alliances. I examine the second argument through case studies of us alliance agreements with South Korea, Japan, and Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the tenure of Theodore Roosevelt as Assistant Secretary of the U.S. Department of the Navy between 1897 and 1898 and his work in preparing the Navy for military action in the Spanish-American War. The author briefly describes Roosevelt's life prior to his appointment to the Department of the Navy by President William McKinley, including his authorship of the historical book "The Naval War of 1812." According to the author, Roosevelt supported McKinley for the presidency in 1896 and was rewarded with the assistant secretaryship on April 19, 1897, whereupon Roosevelt championed a buildup of the U.S. Navy to protect against violations of the Monroe Doctrine and diplomatic difficulties with Spain. Roosevelt's relationship with Navy Secretary John D. Long is also analyzed.

The article discusses the 1795 diplomatic relations between the United States and Spain resulting in the withdrawal of Spanish forces north of the thirty-first line of latitude around the area of the Mississippi River. The author explores the resulting reaction of the Chickasaw Indians, especially leaders Ugulayacabé and Payehuma, to the removal of the Spanish from the fort at San Fernando de las Barrancas. The Chickasaw delegation met with Spanish officials in 1796 to protest the removal of their allies and to make warnings regarding the unreliable behavior of Americans.

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Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the Foreign Department of the Motion Picture Export Association of America (MPEAA) and their interests in the post-World War 2 governments of Western Europe, specifically Spain. The author states that the MPEAA was one of the main agents of exporting American culture during the Cold War. The article addresses the role of bilateral and state-corporate relations in the conflict between Spain and the MPEAA. The author argues that the dispute was economic rather than cultural and that state-corporate relations played neither a dominant nor a decisive role in it.

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Spanish Civil War generated a range of opinion in the United States, right across the political spectrum. Roosevelt adopted a policy of neutrality, but that was not reflective of, or overwhelmingly supported by, the majority of the public. Clearly, Americans were concerned with the realities of the war in Spain, especially after 1937. However, the war also offered the United States an opportunity to reflect upon its own identity, its sense of purpose and its position in the world, a world that had changed fundamentally in the aftermath of World War I. The nation was caught between the old and the new, the pre-modern and the modern and the urge to isolationism and the practical impossibility of such a policy. Ernest Hemingway's writings on the Spanish Civil War comprehensively dramatize these themes. Read together, his work narrates a journey from disillusionment with Wilsonian foreign policy, with 'obscene' words like sacrifice and glory, to their necessary rehabilitation in the fight against fascism. These writings, then, carry with them important lessons for the United States at the beginning of the 1940s. The title quotation is from Guttman (1962: 195). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]