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In recent times a growing number of Latin American rural groups have achieved extended ethno-territorial rights, and large territories have been protected by progressive constitutions. These were the outcomes of extended cycles of national and transnational contentious politics and of social movement struggle, including collective South–South cooperation. However, the continent has simultaneously experienced a resource extraction boom. Frequently the extractivism takes place in protected areas and/or Indigenous territories. Consequently economic interests collide with the protection and recognition of constitutional rights. Through a review of selected demonstrative cases across Latin America, this article analyses the (de jure) rights on paper versus the (de facto) rights in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Many South–South cooperation programmes have promoted development without fully discussing the implications of that concept. To evaluate this situation, recent heterodox development strategies are examined, particularly those under progressivist governments in South America. It is found that development strategies are certainly plural, but they all share a common pre-political background. To address this feature, the concept of ‘varieties of development’ is introduced. Then a new typology on the disputes over development is presented. Three types are recognised (controversies within a specific variety of development; disputes among different varieties; and disputes on alternatives to all varieties of development). The concept ofBuen Viviris presented as an alternative to development, and disputes of the third type, that involve this concept, are examined. Paradoxically, as the current focus of South–South cooperation is to reinforce conventional varieties of development, it is blocking alternatives, even the Southern option ofBuen Vivir. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

I investigate the main determinants of government and external debt in the young democracies of South America between 1970 and 2007. The results, based on dynamic panel time-series analysis, suggest that economic growth has significantly reduced the debt ratios in the region. Other candidates suggested by the literature—for example, inflation, inequality, and constraints on the executive—do not present the expected or clear-cut estimates on government and external debt. The results suggest that an economic environment geared toward generating economic activity and prosperity is an important factor in keeping the debt ratios under control in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Union of South American Nations (Unasur) presents the most recent vision for trade liberalization and political, economic, and social integration amongst South American countries. Unasur has set 2019 as the year by which it hopes to accomplish many of its goals, such as full regional integration and tariff elimination. But, as 2019 slowly approaches, it remains to be seen whether Unasur will in fact be able to reach these goals. While Unasur's future is certainly compelling, before heralding Unasur as the long-awaited panacea for pure regional integration, important lessons can be drawn from previous attempts at and iterations of South American regional integration as well as from the model upon which Unasur is structured--the European Union. But what are these lessons, and how do they apply to Unasur? This article will explore the attempts and/or models of Regional Trade Agreements that led up to the creation of Unasur and will then turn to an assessment of Unasur's successes, failures, the challenges it must face, and an analysis of potential lessons that Unasur may draw from other Regional Trade Agreements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the functioning of dispute settlement mechanisms in regional trade agreements ( RTAs) and their interaction with multilateral trade institutions. We examine the determinants of formal dispute initiation in RTAs among South American countries. Using an original data set of RTA disputes, we investigate the impact of economic power disparities, domestic political factors, and previous experience on the decision of South American countries to initiate a dispute against a regional trade partner. Our analysis indicates that both power asymmetries and domestic political factors influence the likelihood of dispute initiation at the regional level. We also find strong support for our hypothesis that previous experience in dispute settlement increases the probability that a country will file a complaint against a regional trade partner using regional mechanisms. Perhaps more interestingly, our empirical analysis also uncovers important cross-institutional effects. Prior participation in WTO disputes increases the propensity of states to file complaints at the regional level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the defense diplomacy policies of South America in the early 21st century, with a focus on the role played by the regional security council Consejo de Defensa Suramericano of the Unión de Naciones Suramericanas (Unasur). Particular attention is given to the idea of South America as an autonomous geopolitical entity in the context of global multipolarity, focusing on the position of Brazil in the region. Subjects include the declining influence of the Organization of American States (OAS, OEA for its acronym in Spanish), the Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América (ALBA), an organization promoting social, political, and economic integration in Latin America and the Caribbean, and political tendencies in the region.

This paper identifies and analyzes the different types of revisionist politics, and its levels, developed by progressive governments in South America toward the United States over the past 13 years. For such, it uses as starting points concepts that are fundamental for better understanding the behavior of South American countries in relation with the great power: "peripheral revisionism," by Cesar Guimarães, and "autonomous confrontation" and "antagonistic confrontation," both by Helio Jaguaribe. From the developments of these concepts, a theoretical model was developed with different types of peripheral revisionisms, which allowed for fine-tuning the classifications of foreign policies in the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyze the combined methodology developed by the South-American Defense Council (SDC) for assessing Defense expenditures. We examine its backgrounds, its limitations, its innovations and the profile of Defense budget expenditure. In this region, up to 60% of total Defense budget was allocated to personnel and their social security payroll; on the other hand, research and technology were allocated only 0.5%. From the results, we defend the modernization of both Armed Forces and Defense Ministries in South America, specially a sensible equalization of their expenditure by subject, as a requisite for increasing the sector's budget. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an overview of events in politics, government and economics in the U.S. and Latin America in 2012-2013. The re-election of U.S. President Barack Obama in 2012 is examined in terms of the balance between the Republican and Democratic parties. Politics in Central America are discussed. Politics and governments in countries in South America including Brazil, Argentina and Ecuador are discussed.

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The current article aims to update the discussion on the South American Context making use of the theory of Regional Security Regional Complexes (RSC). It begins with a theoretical discussion, based on Buzan and Wæver's work. It then presents the hypothesis that, differently from what is assumed in the literature, the South American RSC is not a standard one, but a centred one, in which the centre is not a global power. An empirical analysis follows, showing that Brazil possesses the necessary resources, and has presented some cogent political initiatives, such as the creation of the Union of South American Nations (Unasur) and its Defense Council (SDC), but in other moments has been reluctant take a leadership role in South America. The analysis concludes that, regarding its configuration, the South American RSC corroborates the authors' hypothesis and that Brazil should consolidate its role at the centre of such a complex. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article surveys the evolution of party systems in South America in terms of their level of institutionalisation. In recent times political competition in much of South America has become less structured by political parties proper and has moved in the direction of candidate-centred movements and electoral vehicles led by political entrepreneurs. Most countries in South America (Brazil, Chile and Uruguay are exceptions) have experienced party system de-institutionalisation during the 1990s and 2000s, as voters have systematically punished traditional parties, often rendering them marginal or forcing their disappearance. The scale of decomposition varies across cases but it has affected countries with historically well institutionalised party systems (Colombia, Venezuela) and those with inchoate party systems (Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia) alike. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The object of this article is to analyse the recent phenomenon of the left's advance in South America. Besides considering institutional and structural factors which contribute to the comprehension of the left's diverse expressions in the south of the continent, the analysis revolves around ideological and discursive aspects that give unity to the phenomenon. Starting from the hypothesis that the advance of the left in the region is linked to a process of hegemonic fights in societies with structural crisis, this article offers evidence that enlightens possible causal and explanatory factors of such a phenomenon from the perspective of discursive theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a conference lecture by Argentine political scientist Mónica Hirst, delivered at the inauguration of the Paraguayan chapter of the Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales (Latin American College of Social Sciences, FLACSO), in October, 2006, in Asunción, Paraguay. She considers the South American regional organization MERCOSUR, focusing on its institutionality, deficiencies and future challenges.

The present article analyses the social, economic and political effects of the neo-liberal politics implementation in some South American countries (Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Paraguay, Chile, Bolivia, Ecuador, Venezuela and Colombia). The execution of the Washington Consensus. program by democratically elected governments in the 1990.s is pointed as aggravating the internal and external crisis that was initiated in the 1960.s and 1970.s, and deepened in the 1980.s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the growing process of rearmament in South America taking for reference an internationalist point o view of this current phenomenon in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]