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This article takes into consideration Valeria Luiselli's Tell Me How It Ends: An Essay in Forty Questions, a nonfictional work about unaccompanied Central American minors coming to the United States and the immigration questionnaire they must navigate to determine their US admissibility. The essay explores how the Northern Triangle's minor--the outré LatinX child--is made into the word on bureaucratic paper. It probes a genealogy of temporary American beginnings and delves into the expulsed Central American child as a newcomer, a migrant, and the beginning of something else: a LatinX phenomenon of--and in--crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conceptualizations of Latinidad range from those emphasizing ethnicity and whiteness to those questioning the category's utility for capturing the diversity of diasporas from dozens of countries. This article approaches Latinidad from relational formations of race framework, revealing the importance of the sociohistorical context in which Latinxs are racialized in relation to one another and other racialized groups. Based on ethnographic fieldwork with artists and activists in Los Angeles and analysis of hip-hop cultural productions, this research finds that Latinxs raised in "minority-majority" neighbourhoods have developed understandings of race and political solidarities that highlight brownness, which is often articulated as part of a "Black and Brown multiracial formation". Such understandings of race and racialization challenge the dominant black/white racial binary, whitewashed notions of Latinidad, and ethnonationalisms. The counterscripts articulated through cultural production and activist narratives provide grassroots theorizations on race, belonging, and citizenship and shed light on multilevel processes of racialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the identity formation processes of Latinx 1.5 undocumented and 2nd generation young adults in a new immigrant-receiving community. Drawing on life narrative interviews, I apply the nested contexts of reception framework to examine how processes of racialized immigrant incorporation shape variation in Latinx identity development. The findings show, first, how changes in the national legal context via Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) matter for inclusion and as a result, shifts in Latinx identities. Second, among a subset of 2nd generation respondents, the local societal hostility toward the Latinx community shaped the continual pride in their Latinx identities. Lastly, the local postsecondary institutions contributed to empowered Latinx identities. The implications of the findings suggest that, by centring the role of nested contexts in one new Latinx immigrant community we can understand the extent to which incorporation is occurring and how it shapes changes in ethnoracial identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes legislative debate over Alabama's Beason-Hammon Alabama Taxpayer and Citizen Protection Act (HB56). Taxpayers and citizens are colorblind legal categories, but the debate associated "Hispanics" with a history of racism in and beyond the state. I use three methods to analyze the debate. Content analysis identify explicit references to "Hispanics". Second, I analyze legislators' values, attitudes and beliefs. Finally, I use discourse analysis to understand how Black and white legislators raised different concerns as they remembered their own experiences and the state's racial history. These analyses indicate that legislators crafted a relational conception of responsibility that distinguished who should be in Alabama and, by extension, who had a right to citizenship and national inclusion. These debates trace to long-standing struggles between states and the federal government to determine citizenship. I conclude HB 56 reproduces legal definitions of difference that promote racial exclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study presents data from an online course on Latinx Students in Higher Education taught at a Predominantly White Institution in the Midwest. This case study examines how students engage with content on Latinx issues across the P-20 educational pipeline to better understand and ultimately serve this population in their professional context using perspectives on allyship development and racial justice allyship. Students in the course demonstrated a commitment to social justice, but their journey to build allyship was not a straightforward process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is the first harmonised correspondence study on the recruitment behaviour of employers in the US and in Spain. By comparing the call-back rates of Latino minority and majority group applicants, we measure the labour market discrimination that Latinos experience in these two national contexts. Due to their proximity in terms of culture and language, Latinos are expected to experience less discrimination in Spain than in the US. This is supported by our findings, as the level of discrimination against Latinos in the US is high and statistically significant, while we find no evidence of statistically significant discrimination against Latinos in Spain. In line with research on the intersection between ethnicity and gender in stereotyping, we find gender differences regarding discrimination in both countries, though in opposite directions. While Latino males are more discriminated than Latino females in the US, Latino females experience more discrimination than their male counterparts in Spain, who are not treated differently from Spanish native men. Our results indicate that ethnic group stereotypes are country-specific and different for males and females of the same ethnicity. Moreover, we find partial evidence that ethnic group stereotypes can be counteracted when favourable information on warmth and competence is provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This short note traces the political presence of Hispanics in Georgia over the last decade and a half. Our analysis examines Hispanics as a group, as well as comparisons to whites and blacks. Methods: We rely on official records from the Georgia Secretary of State to produce over time inferences concerning Hispanic voter registration and turnout. Results: Our findings indicate that Hispanics in Georgia have registered steady gains in registration and turnout since the early 2000s. The share of Hispanics in the Georgia electorate, while just over 2 percent in 2018, is also slowly on the rise. Hispanic political influence is less than the group's share in the population due to the presence of non‐citizens, and registration and turnout rates that continue to lag those for whites and blacks. Conclusion: In the long term, the Hispanic population has the ability to reshape politics in the Peach State. However, given our findings, this process could take years to play out fully. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To examine whether the consumption of Spanish‐language news influences perceptions of issue salience among Latinos, the largest ethnoracial group in the United States. Methods: This mixed‐methods analysis incorporates conceptual content analyses of English and Spanish‐language online newspapers from major Latino metropolitan areas, logistic regressions, and robustness checks to predict the salience of Latino issues. Results: Spanish‐language news media covers immigration to a much greater extent than mainstream media, even within the same geographical locations; as a result, Latinos who consume Spanish‐language news are more likely to report immigration as a salient issue, even after accounting for important predispositions such as nativity and in‐group linked fate. Conclusion: This study highlights the importance of Spanish‐language and ethnic media in a growingly diverse country, where ethnoracial groups will soon make up the majority of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A scarcity of counseling literature examines the impact that mental health symptoms have on school climate perceptions for students in transitional-aged settings, specifically Latinx/Hispanic students. We explored ways that mental health symptoms influenced perceptions of school climate among 216 Middle School Latinx/Hispanic students. The researchers found that participants who experienced greater symptoms associated with conduct problems (R2 =.15) and aggression (R2 =.02) reported a decreased perception of school climate. Implications for research and practice with Hispanic/Latinx students are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globally, international migrants are at elevated risk for experiencing loneliness due to separation from social networks in their countries of origin. In the United States, the political rhetoric has been particularly exclusionary against Latinx immigrants, exposing them to discrimination and fear of deportation. Such environments may result in heightened levels of social isolation, which may contribute to greater risk of poor mental and physical health outcomes. Latinx immigrants, however, may access social support in their destination communities that buffers against these negative outcomes. This study sought to examine how social support and loneliness shape Latinx immigrants' abilities to address the challenges related to migration. Multivariate linear regression analyses were conducted with survey data collected from Latinx immigrants in New York City (n = 306). Results revealed that Latinx immigrants with greater social support and less feelings of loneliness were more resilient. Specifically, findings suggest that social support may partially protect against the negative impact of isolation on Latinx immigrants' capacity to thrive. Clinical social workers who work with immigrant groups may consider how migration during the life course affects immigrants' social supports and experiences of loneliness. Social work interventions that integrate strategies to increase social support may provide opportunities to address social isolation and other obstacles associated with migration. Such approaches acknowledge loneliness not only as a psychological symptom, but also as a consequence of unfavorable social environments towards immigrant populations. Future research may develop and assess culturally relevant strategies to promote social support and reduce loneliness among marginalized immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While evidence from California suggests that group threat mobilizes Latinos, nationally, there has never been a test case for this theory. In 2016, the Trump campaign provided a clear case of group threat through his divisive rhetoric and policy proposals targeting Mexican Americans and immigrants. Using the 2016 Collaborative Multi-Racial Post-Election Survey (CMPS) data, we find evidence that Latino voters were politically motivated by Trump's anti-Latino rhetoric. We hypothesize that Latino voters who perceive Latinos as a racialized group and feel a sense of immigrant-linked fate are more likely to hold negative views toward the Republican candidate, and feel angry during the 2016 election. We further find that Latino voters who were angry were more likely to engage in political activities such as donating to campaigns, contacting government officials, and protesting during and shortly after the 2016 election. The findings hold for U.S. born Latinos as well as among non-Mexican Latinos who felt similarly targeted by Trump's rhetoric and proposals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A well-established body of research focuses on the relationship between criminal threat and the exercise of formal social control, and a largely separate literature examines the effects of victim race in criminal punishment. Despite their close association, few attempts have been made to integrate these related lines of empirical inquiry in the sociology of punishment. In this article, we address this issue by examining relationships among criminal threat, victim race, and punitive sentiment toward black and Latino defendants. We analyze nationally representative survey data that include both subjective and objective measures of criminal threat, and we incorporate unique information on victim/offender dyads to test research questions about the that role victim race plays in the formation of anti-black and anti-Latino sentiment in the criminal justice system. The results indicate that both subjective perceptions of criminal threat and minority population growth are significantly related to punitiveness among whites, and that punitive sentiment is enhanced in situations that involve minority offenders and white victims. Moreover, we show that aggregate indicators of racial threat strongly condition the effect of victim race on punitive attitudes. Implications of these findings are discussed in relation to racial group threat theories and current perspectives on the exercise of state-sponsored social control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hispanics are the largest ethnic minority group in the U.S. and account for 21% of new cases of HIV infection. Previous researchers have examined the relationship of Hispanic cultural factors and the sexual behaviors of Hispanic men who have sex with men (HMSM). However, the exact influence of Hispanic culture factors on the sexual behaviors of these men is currently unclear. The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship of selected Hispanic cultural factors and the sexual behaviors of a sample of HMSM. A descriptive, cross-sectional design was used to collect data from 125 Hispanic men in Miami-Dade County, FL. Participants completed standardized measures of Hispanic cultural factors, sexual behaviors, and a demographic questionnaire. Statistically significant positive correlations were noted between age and total cultural constructs, familism, personalism, and machismo. Statistically significant negative correlations were noted between education and total cultural constructs, and education and fatalism. No statistically significant correlation coefficients were noted between total cultural constructs and total sexual behaviors. However, statistically significant positive correlations were noted between condom use and personalism, and assertiveness and personalism. A statistically significant negative correlation was noted between familism and anal sex. Nurses and other clinicians providing care for HMSM need awareness of certain Hispanic cultural factors (personalism and familism) that may be related to sexual behaviors among HMSM. More research is needed to understand how personalism and familism may be used as protective factors to decrease sexual risk of HMSM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Not all youth exposed to violence are at equal risk for developing posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), reflecting potential variability in risk factors influencing the development of PTSD beyond exposure to violence. In particular, Latino youth have been found to be at a higher risk for developing PTSD after exposure to violence. Similarly, youth with high levels of behavioral inhibition appear to be at greater risk of developing PTSD following exposure to violence. In this study, we examined how Latino cultural values might be associated with behavioral inhibition and how these two factors together may interact to predict risk for developing PTSD avoidance symptoms, specifically. Data from a longitudinal sample of 168 Latino adolescents (11-15 years of age) indicated that Latino values were positively associated with behavioral inhibition, r = .26, p < .001, and that Latino values moderated the association between behavioral inhibition and avoidance symptoms, β = .16, p = .009, such that the association was stronger as Latino cultural values increased. Results from this study highlight the importance of considering cultural, individual, and contextual factors for understanding risk for PTSD. Future research should further assess the biological and cultural correlates of behavioral inhibition in order to improve understanding of risk and increase effectiveness of individualized intervention approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study describes multiple steps taken to develop and test the Latino Immigrant Family Socialization (LIFS) scale. Scale items were developed based on qualitative interviews, and feedback on the items was solicited from content experts including an academic, practitioner, and a group of promotoras (or lay health workers). The scale was completed by 300 Latino immigrant parents in the state of Arizona. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis confirmed a six-factor model. The six factors were cultural socialization, adapt, advocate, value diversity, promote mistrust, and educate about nativity and documentation. Follow-up studies are needed to continue the measurement validation process and assess how strategies are used in conjunction with each other, the application of the six strategies across different policy contexts, and how the ethnic-racial socialization process supports children's health and well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We estimate the effects of residential racial segregation on socio-economic outcomes for native-born Latino young adults over the past three decades. Using individual public use micro-data samples from the Census and a novel instrumental variable, we find that higher levels of metropolitan area segregation have negative effects on Latino young adults’ likelihood of being either employed or in school, on the likelihood of working in a professional occupation, and on income. The negative effects of segregation are somewhat larger for Latinos than for African Americans. Controlling for Latino and white exposure to neighborhood poverty, neighbors with college degrees, and industries that saw large increases in high-skill employment explains between one half and two thirds of the association between Latino-white segregation and Latino-white gaps in outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the way in which the event of Medellin as well as the document have played a significant part in the unfolding of pastoral and social ministries with and for Hispanic/Latinos in the United States over the past fifty years. The reception in the United States of Medellin in the wider context of the follow-up to the Second Vatican Council has been wide and deep in terms of several developments outlined here. Faith-based social ministries in Hispanic/ Latino communities in the form of grass root community organizations in the tradition of Saul Alinsky found inspiration in Medellin's option for the poor and pastoral de conjunto. Many other examples of Medellin's impact are placed in the wider historical context of the past fifty years, the half century in which Hispanics/ Latinos emerged as the majority of U.S. Catholics under the age of 35. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author presents her thoughts on the future of social conditions for Hispanic Americans (Latinx) and Hispanic American LGBT people in the aftermath of the 2016 massacre at the gay nightclub Pulse in Orlando, Florida. She criticizes the depiction of people of color and mixed-race people as "monstrous" in nationalist immigration narratives. She goes on to discuss how trans Latinx kinship can be created through solidarity and acts of acceptance.

Rapid Hispanic growth has been a major source of increasing ethnoracial diversity in the United States. However, diversity within the Hispanic population is frequently obscured by the tendency to lump all Latinos together. Our study examines Hispanic diversity at the local level, drawing insights from the Mexican dominance, Caribbean-centric settlement, spatial assimilation, and economic opportunity perspectives. Measures of the magnitude and structure of Hispanic origin-group diversity during the 1990–2010 period are constructed for 363 metropolitan areas based on each area's shares of Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, Dominicans, Salvadorans, Guatemalans, Colombians, and ‘others’. We find that diversity magnitude varies markedly across metropolitan Hispanic populations. Although the most diverse metro areas lack a majority origin group, Mexicans often constitute a majority or plurality of local Latinos. Diversity levels and structures have remained relatively stable over time. In both 1990 and 2010, metro areas with more diverse, multigroup Hispanic communities are distinguished by their larger size, smaller proportion of Hispanics, location farther from Mexico and closer to the Caribbean, and greater odds of being a military hub. They also exhibit higher rates of housing construction and lower rates of agricultural and manufacturing employment. We use weighted data to show that Dominican metro dwellers experience the highest Hispanic diversity while the average Mexican lives in an area where four-fifths of all Latinos are Mexican. Overall, our results provide primary support for the Mexican dominance perspective but some support for the other three perspectives as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As community residents and recovery workers, Latino immigrants play important roles after disasters, yet are rarely included in preparedness planning. A community–university– labor union partnership created a demonstration project after Hurricane Sandy to strengthen connections to disaster preparedness systems to increase community resilience among Latino immigrant communities in New York and New Jersey. Building ongoing ties that connect workers and communitybased organizations with local disaster preparedness systems provided mutual benefits to disaster planners and local immigrant communities, and also had an impact on national disasterrelated initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the community-based nonprofit organization the Hispanic Center in Jonesboro, Arkansas which is involved in improving the quality of life of Hispanics who live in Northeast Arkansas. Topics include the setting up of the Hispanic Center as an outreach program of the Hispanic Ministry of Blessed Sacrament Catholic Church in Jonesboro and how the center serves the community in Jonesboro with educational opportunities and cultural events.

Americans overestimate the size of minority groups and underestimate the size of the majority. Research on perceived racial group size, however, has focused on areas where non-Hispanic whites are dominant and has neglected to examine the impact of group conflict attitudes other than perceived threats. This study examines perceptions of group size in Harris County, Texas, in 2007, which became a minority-majority area by 2006. It also examines whether perceived racial discrimination influences perceived group size. Analyses demonstrate that people underestimate the size of the largest group, which in this case is the local Hispanic population. The sizes of the black and Asian populations, by contrast, are overestimated while estimates of the white population are accurate. Race and perceived discrimination play important roles in shaping perceptions of group size. Perceptions of group size are also based on the objective size of these groups, but are unrelated to recent changes in group size. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociologists mostly treat age-at-arrival as a dichotomous variable whereas economists often approach it as a continuous variable. This article extends this debate by addressing a set of political behaviours that has mostly been the purview of political scientists. Analysing restricted, geocoded data from the National Survey of Latinos on Politics and Civic Participation, this article examines how age-at-arrival and civic institutions shape political participation among Latino immigrants. Logistic regression and random effects models suggest three key findings. First, age-at-arrival has a strong impact on participation, with child arrivals showing the highest level of participation and midlife arrivals reporting the lowest level of participation. Second, there are no ethnic differences in the likelihood of participating in non-electoral politics among Latinos. Third, involvements with civic institutions significantly shape political participation, confirming these institutions’ potential role in cultivating political efficacy and participatory skills. At the same time, the impact of civic organisations on political participation is contingent on both the type of organisation and the immigrant’s age-at-arrival, with ethnic organisations playing an important role in the political resocialisation process. Finally, ethnic concentration at the county has limited positive impact on political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hispanics have the lowest health insurance rates of any racial or ethnic group, but rates vary significantly across the United States. The unprecedented growth of the Hispanic population since 1990 in rural areas with previously small or nonexistent Hispanic populations raises questions about disparities in access to health insurance coverage. Identifying spatial disparities in Hispanic health insurance rates can illuminate the specific contexts within which Hispanics are least likely to have health care access and inform policy approaches for increasing coverage in different spatial contexts. Using county-level data from the 2009-13 American Community Survey, I find that early new destinations (i.e., those that experienced rapid Hispanic population growth during the 1990s) have the lowest Hispanic adult health insurance coverage rates, with little variation by metropolitan status. Conversely, among the most recent new destinations that experienced significant Hispanic population growth during the first decade of the 2000s, metropolitan counties have Hispanic health insurance rates that are similar to established destinations, but rural counties have Hispanic health insurance rates that are significantly lower than those in established destinations. Findings demonstrate that the new destination disadvantage is driven entirely by higher concentrations of immigrant noncitizen Hispanics in these counties, but labor market conditions were salient drivers of the spatially uneven distribution of foreign-born noncitizen Hispanics to new destinations, particularly in rural areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study evaluated the effect of two home-based exercise interventions (one culturally adapted and one standard) on changes in social cognitive theory (SCT) variables, physical activity (PA), and sedentary time (ST), and determined the association between changes in SCT variables and changes in PA and ST in Hispanic breast cancer survivors.Method: Project VIVA! was a 16-week randomized controlled pilot study to test the effectiveness and feasibility of a culturally adapted exercise intervention for Mexican American and Puerto Rican breast cancer survivors in Houston, Texas and San Juan, Puerto Rico, respectively. Women (N = 89) completed questionnaires on SCT variables, PA, and ST and were then randomized to a 16-week culturally adapted exercise program, a non-culturally adapted standard exercise intervention or a wait-list control group. Multiple regression models were used to determine associations between changes in SCT variables and changes in PA and ST.Results: Participants were in their late 50s (58.5 ± 9.2 years) and obese (31.0 ± 6.5 kg/m2 ). Women reported doing roughly 34.5 min/day of PA and spending over 11 h/day in sedentary activities. Across groups, women reported significant increases in exercise self-efficacy and moderate-intensity, vigorous-intensity, and total PA from baseline to follow-up (p < 0.05). Increased social support from family was associated with increases in vigorous-intensity PA. Increases in social modeling were associated with increases in moderate-intensity and total PA and with decreases in ST from baseline to follow-up (p < 0.05).Conclusions: Hispanic cancer survivors benefit from PA interventions that focus on increasing social support from family and friends and social modeling. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives. To examine the relationship between aggressive enforcement of anti-immigration policies and mental health among Hispanics/Latinos in the United States before and after major national immigration policy changes. Methods. Data were drawn from Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System surveys administered from 2014 to 2018. The exposure was the rate of immigration arrests in the 2 months before the survey date within the respondent's state of residence. Outcomes included past-month reporting of (1) number of days of poor mental health, (2) at least 1 day of poor mental health, and (3) frequent mental distress. Results. There was no relationship between arrest rates and mental health among Hispanic/Latino respondents across the overall period. After consideration of policy changes, however, a 1-percentage-point increase in a state's immigration arrest rate in the postpolicy period was significantly associated with each mental health morbidity outcome. Conclusions. We found evidence supporting an association between worsening mental health among Hispanics/Latinos and increased arrest rates following the announcement of several restrictive immigration policies. The potential public health effects of aggressive immigration enforcement must be better acknowledged and addressed in immigration debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the community-based nonprofit organization Texas Organizing Project (TOP) launched in 2009 to establish localized power in underrepresented, working-class African American and Latino communities. Topics discussed include partnership of TOP with voter outreach initiatives of Latino community groups and local unions, restoration effort of TOP for the historically black community Sunnyside, and the electoral victory of U.S. President Donald Trump. Particular focus is also given to the administration of former U.S. President Barack Obama.

While experimental studies of local election officials have found evidence of racial discrimination, we know little about whether these biases manifest in bureaucracies that provide access to valuable government programs and are less tied to politics. We address these issues in the context of affordable housing programs using a randomized field experiment. We explore responsiveness to putative white, black, and Hispanic requests for aid in the housing application process. In contrast to prior findings, public housing officials respond at equal rates to black and white email requests. We do, however, find limited evidence of responsiveness discrimination toward Hispanics. Moreover, we observe substantial differences in email tone. Hispanic housing applicants were 20 percentage points less likely to be greeted by name than were their black and white counterparts. This disparity in tone is somewhat more muted in more diverse locations, but it does not depend on whether a housing official is Hispanic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about the Latino population in twenty first century North Carolina, presenting interviews with people who have migrated. Topics discussed include Latino migration to the U.S. South being at a higher rate than the rest of the country, and the social, political and economic changes brought to the region due to the migrations.

An essay is presented that considers the future of race relations and civil rights in the U.S. during the first half of the 21st century, particularly as minorities may begin to outnumber whites beginning roughly in 2044. The authors argue that demographic change will create social turmoil and anxiety based on evidence from such demographic change in California and U.S. southern states. It also discusses nativism against Latinos, and a possible conservative political strategy that involves pitting Latinos against African Americans and working-class whites.

This study examines how socioeconomic status is related to beliefs about the prosperity gospel and miracles among U.S. Latinos. Further, it investigates how religious involvement moderates this relationship. In analyses of data from the 2006 Hispanic Religion Survey (N = 3143), we find that higher levels of education and income are independently associated with lower likelihood of endorsing the prosperity gospel. However, the negative association between education and the likelihood of holding prosperity gospel beliefs is weaker among those Latinos who read scriptures frequently. In addition, although neither education nor income is directly related to miracle beliefs, their influence does depend on the frequency of scripture reading. For example, income is positively associated with the odds of endorsing miracle beliefs only among Latinos who regularly read scripture; by contrast, income is negatively associated with those same odds when scripture reading is infrequent. We discuss the implications of these findings for theories about the ways that different dimensions of social stratification are related to religious beliefs . [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the institution of the Bracero Program in 1942, Latinos (mostly Mexicans) journeyed to the United States in search of temporary manual labor. This economically driven migration continued after the termination of the Bracero Program in 1964 as Latinos from Mexico and South Texas searched for employment opportunities. The Latino population in the Texas Panhandle grew from 173,000 in 1980 to 340,000 in 2010. This new Latino population settled in counties that were predominantly Anglo and replaced some of the departing Anglos who looked for better jobs, mainly in the Dallas–Fort Worth Metroplex. This substantial shift in the ethnic composition of the region’s population resulted in a restructuring of the labor market and notable imprints to the cultural landscape. Over the years, Latinos have slowly begun to participate in city and county politics. This quantitative study investigated the impact of Latino migration and population increase on Latino political participation in the Texas Panhandle. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Recent empirical findings have suggested the existence of a twist in the Hispanic paradox, in which Mexican and other Hispanic foreign-born migrants living in the United States experience shallower socioeconomic status (SES) health disparities than those in the U.S.Population: In this article, we seek to replicate this finding and test conjectures that could explain this new observed phenomenon using objective indicators of adult health by educational attainment in several groups: (1) Mexican-born individuals living in Mexico and in the United States, (2) U.S.-born Mexican Americans, and (3) non-Hispanic American whites. Our analytical strategy improves upon previous research on three fronts. First, we derive four hypotheses from a general framework that has also been used to explain the standard Hispanic paradox. Second, we study biomarkers rather than self-reported health and related conditions. Third, we use a binational data platform that includes both Mexicans living in Mexico (Mexican National Health and Nutrition Survey 2006) and Mexican migrants to the United States (NHANES 1999-2010). We find steep education gradients among Mexicans living in Mexico's urban areas in five of six biomarkers of metabolic syndrome (MetS) and in the overall MetS score. Mexican migrants living in the United States experience similar patterns to Mexicans living in Mexico in glucose and obesity biomarkers. These results are inconsistent with previous findings, suggesting that Mexican migrants in the United States experience significantly attenuated health gradients relative to the non-Hispanic white U.S.Population: Our empirical evidence also contradicts the idea that SES-health gradients in Mexico are shallower than those in the United States and could be invoked to explain shallower gradients among Mexicans living in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports estimates of the cumulative risk of imprisonment and parental imprisonment for demographic groups in four regions and four states. Regional and state-level cumulative risks were markedly higher for African Americans and Latinos than for whites. African Americans faced the highest cumulative risks of imprisonment in the Midwest, Northeast, and two southern states. Latinos were most likely to serve time in state prison in the West, where their cumulative risk was comparable to that of African Americans. Latino children had a relatively high risk of having a parent imprisoned in the Northeast as well. Racial disparities in the cumulative risk of imprisonment and parental imprisonment did not increase linearly with increases in the cumulative risk for all groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses what the authors refer to as the emergence of an immigration and civil rights law-related consensus in the Deep South region of the U.S. as of 2016, and it mentions racial politics and a Civil Rights Movement in Mississippi, as well as an anti-sanctuary city law in North Carolina. Discrimination against Hispanic Americans and blacks is examined, along with the historical aspects of civil rights activists and social movement issues in America's southern states.

This article compares the discourse on immigration found in Atlanta's African-American press ( Atlanta Daily World) to that found in Atlanta's mainstream press ( Atlanta Journal-Constitution). The Daily World's black counterdiscourse situates immigration within a racial frame, discussing Latinos and immigrants interchangeably and casting African Americans as deserving yet excluded citizens. Immigrants appear in the Daily World as either allies in the struggle for civil rights or as competitors for jobs. Although the Daily World crime frames focus on concerns about racial profiling, the Journal-Constitution often depicts immigrants as criminals or discusses immigration in terms of legal status and policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the ramifications of the demographic transition to diversity in the USA through an analysis of changes at the top of the occupational hierarchy, as glimpsed in recent census data. We find evidence that, among the incumbents of better-paid occupations, the percentage of non-Hispanic whites, the historically dominant majority, is sharply declining, while the proportion of immigrant-origin minorities, Asians, both foreign and US born, and US-born Hispanics, is growing. African Americans, or US-born blacks, are not so far sharing much in this growth. However, whites still retain important advantages in terms of occupational placement net of education and in terms of earnings net of occupational placement. We conclude overall that demographic shifts are highly likely to drive further diversification at the top of the US workforce; the question of whether whites can hold on to their advantages in the face of these changes cannot be answered yet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the Texas Senate Bill 14 (SB 14) aimed to prevent discriminatory purposes and discriminatory effect on Hispanic Americans and African-Americans.

The United States is a democracy that every four years elects a President. During the presidential campaigns, the issue of immigration has grown to become one of the most debated in recent times. It has been used to attract voters and to develop the political platform of every candidate. By an empirical analysis of the last four presidential campaigns and the current one of 2016, regarding immigration positions of the candidates and politicians, this article looks to find the connection —if any— with this issue and the Hispanic vote. Thus, candidates focus on these issues in order to gain new constituencies. The declarations and policies about immigration of the 2000, 2004, 2008, 2012 and 2016 candidates will be analyzed in order to validate this premise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research reveals that disasters are disproportionately debilitating for marginalized social groups. Numerous studies have examined racial/ethnic dimensions of disaster vulnerability, but few have focused on Hispanic immigrants. More research on Hispanic immigrants is needed, since they constitute a major component of the Hispanic population--the largest and fastest-growing minority group in the U.S.--and because they experience distinctive cultural and immigration status disadvantages. We examine the flood/hurricane vulnerabilities of Hispanic immigrants in comparison to U.S.-born Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites. Using mixed methods to analyze data from 429 surveys and 31 interviews with residents living in flood zones, we examine differences in self-protective action, risk perception, and hazard knowledge between the three groups in Houston and Miami. Hispanic immigrants exhibited lower levels of selfprotection and hazard knowledge, and higher perceptions of risk, which reflects their heightened vulnerability. Risk-reduction programs should target the particular vulnerabilities of Hispanic immigrants, and future studies should examine their vulnerabilities in other contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On a daily basis in inclusive secondary classrooms, teachers struggle to address the academic and social needs of autistic adolescents. Many general education teachers feel unprepared to work directly with students with autism, and the problem is even more complicated in high-poverty, high minority communities which may have greater numbers of students demonstrating characteristics of such disorders but no formal diagnosis or have a delayed diagnosis (Chaidez, Hansen, & Herz-Picciotto, 2012). For instance, one important research study emphasized this very point by surmising that although autistic spectrum disorders (ASD) are identified across all racial, ethnic and socioeconomic groups, diagnosing children with autism is a complicated process and further exacerbated for culturally and linguistically diverse children especially in high poverty regions (Mandell, Wiggins, Carpenter, Daniels, DiGuiseppi, Durkin, Giarelli, Morrier, Nicholas, Pinto-Martin, Shattuck, Thomas, Yeargin-Allsopp, & Kirby, 2009). In these communities, it is important that general education classroom teachers be able to recognize indicators of ASD, especially of high-functioning autistic children and utilize effective classroom-level strategies and interventions if they are to serve all students. These strategies and interventions, grounded in research, reflect sound principles of good teaching in general, and will benefit not only students with ASD but all learners in inclusive classrooms. This article resulted from the collaboration between an occupational therapist and teacher educator working with children and pre-service teachers in a predominately Hispanic community. By highlighting the therapeutic practice of working with autistic children in this region, along with best-practice recommendations from teacher education literature, this article provides a description of three practical research-based teaching lessons and a series of functional behavior assessment model interventions to target the sensory issues that may underlie challenging classroom behaviors of autistic children for the general education teacher. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives. To generate, via application of Bayes Theorem, accurate estimates about the size of Hispanic populations inCalifornia cities fromvery limited data on the surnames of those living in the cities. Methods. We make use here of the ratio of those with the name "GARCIA" to those with the name "ANDERSON" in those cities, one of which is far more likely to beHispanic and one of which is far more likely to be non-Hispanic. Results. For four cities that vary dramatically in theirHispanic populations, using only two common names we are able to estimate the Hispanic population in the cities. Conclusions. We lay the background for our surprising results by underscoring common fallacies in using surnames for purposes of ethnic identification, such as the belief that the proportion of bearers of a given name who are Hispanic can be specified as a unique percentage.We show that how "Hispanic" any given name will turn out to be is a function of the overall demography of the subpopulation being analyzed, which will also affect the distribution of names within that subpopulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at the political activity of Latinos in the U.S., focusing on the impact of language proficiency differences on the extent of voter registration, voter turnout, and other forms of political participation. It discusses the differences between those whose dominant language is English and those who are either bilingual or Spanish language-dominant in terms of the mass media they access. Other topics include the language-related provisions of the U.S. Voting Rights Act and the social conditions of different Latino subgroups in matters such as socioeconomic status.