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The article comments on the article "Self-management, democracy and territory. Mexico City 1968-2018. A retrospective" by René Coulomb published in the issue. Topics include Coulomb's reflections on housing and urban self-management and self-management with regard to democracy and territory carried out by social organizations in Mexico City, Mexico; and the role of social movements in the process of democratization of the clientelist and corporatist state.

The article comments on the article "Self-management, democracy and territory. Mexico City 1968-2018. A retrospective" by René Coulomb published in the issue. Topics include Coulomb's reflections on housing and urban self-management and self-management with regard to democracy and territory carried out by social organizations in Mexico City, Mexico; and the relevance of René's ideas on planning and strategic planning.

The article reflects on housing and urban self-management and self-management with regard to democracy and territory carried out by social organizations in Mexico City, Mexico between 1968-2018. Topics include the role of social movements in the process of democratization of the clientelist state and corporatist; and analysis of self-management practiced by social organizations as a tool for the democratization of planning and urban management of cities.

This article explores agency as an ability to act and exert power creatively when failure implies literal death. It draws on interviews with an ex‐narco and rappers who willingly accept narco‐commissions in 2010s Tamaulipas, Mexico, a context where precarity and necropolitical logics prevail. It asserts that many rappers exert power creatively, despite the risks. Rappers shape narco‐aesthetics by determining the lyrical and sonic elements of songs; draw on experiences of narco‐life to contribute to narco‐ethics; and mould narco‐masculinities by encouraging listeners to stay firm. It proposes that prevalent discursive Us–Them dichotomies facilitate Othering and stigmatisation of actors in the narco‐world, and serve to accentuate narco‐power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal is to analyze the influence of poverty and education on crime, especially on the recent wave of violence in Mexico. The methodology used consists in ten lineal regression models, which proceed in a deductive way, up to when determination coefficient does not increase. Results point out that influence is indirect in the case of violent crime; and direct, in the rest of cases. In both, crime prevails when certain low threshold of poverty and high level of educational are reached. First conclusion: the rent-extraction model of political management imposes these conditions; this way, it sets up an administrated impunity. Second: when the State becomes weak and loses control, owing to power dispersion and neo-liberal policies, impunity becomes generalized and loses its administrated character. This way violent crime is unlashed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: The article focuses on the history of Chapultepec Zoo (CZ), at Mexico City, over the 20th century. Idealized by the biologist Alfonso Luis Herrera and founded with the support of the president Alvaro Obregón, in 1923, the CZ integrated narratives about the nation and about the Mexican Revolution, in contexts of memory disputes and the construction of myths of nationality. Originality: This article is based on solid research on archives and libraries, and offers a new and unprecedented perspective on the history of CZ. On the one hand, it explores the first attempts of building a zoo at Mexico City during the porfiriato. On the other hand, it analyses the definite inauguration of CZ in 1923, becoming part of a master narrative about the nation and about the Mexican Revolution. Methodology: The research dialogs with environment history, science history, and political history, always based on extensive research on primary sources. With a specific focus on CZ, it opens the way for the analysis of the role of zoos in the broader context of contemporary societies, especially in Latin America. Conclusions: The diversity of narratives about CZ shows how the history of this institution has blended with practices, debates and political myths since its foundation. The CZ continues to face great challenges in the present and remains as a land of contestations and disputes, delineating a horizon of expectations projected simultaneously over the past, the present, and the future of Mexican society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on democratic accountability assumes that alternative institutions can make state practices more transparent and thus enhance accountability. In this paper, we problematize the celebration of alternative institutions by comparing the cases of Mexico and India. Why, we ask, given the popular support for a caste census and a rights-based approach to poverty alleviation in India and Mexico, respectively, did these initiatives lose steam soon after political elites conceded to civil society demands? In answer, we argue that alternative institutions may become conduits to undercut accountability under the guise of expertise through a mechanism that we call the "retreat to method," in which political elites channel substantive public debate into abstruse disputes over methodology. As the task of measuring poverty and caste retreats into backrooms, vertical accountability between the state and civil society in our two cases has weakened. Horizontal accountability mechanisms—in which one arm of the state (e.g., the bureaucracy) provides checks and balances on another (e.g., the legislature)—may be exploited to undercut vertical accountability in cases where expertise is valued over democratic deliberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers an ethnographic account of informality, showing the complicity between the formal sector and the informal economy. Taking the reader on a car journey of urban disorganisation and traffic jams in Mexico City, the analysis shows how informality has become part of an everyday social contract. It is argued that the diverse world of informal practices, working as a popular survival strategy, is also entrenched in the workings of formal institutions, which draw on under-the-counter agreements and exchanges with the illegal economy, be that in the construction of public works in the city, in film and clothes piracy or in the public provision of water, transport, light or Internet services. The global hegemonic system could not function without these agreements: the transition from informality to illegality is slippery. If Mexico City is a global city it is not just for participating in the networks of transnational corporations, consulting firms and international tourism; it is also because of its networks with super brands in legal and illegal production. The article concludes by suggesting that an informal system of production, transactions and distribution of goods and services linking entrepreneurs from all continents can position the city on a global scale through non-hegemonic globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the tension between local (Chiapanecan) and federal approaches to medicine in Rosario Castellanos's short stories "La rueda del hambriento" and "El don rechazado." Federal and local authorities generally agreed that Amerindians occupied a lower position in the social hierarchy than did their mixed-race and European counterparts. That said, federal workers buoyed paradigms of official mestizaje, which held that the state could assimilate Amerindians to the mestizo state by initiating them into twentieth-century society through hygiene and education. This approach aligned their biopolitics with Roberto Esposito's "immunization paradigm": the state attempted to redeem indigenous individuals from their supposedly undesirable communities by modernizing their bodies and initiating them into the mestizo order through modern medicine. Local elites upheld notions of ladinaje that interpellated indigenous individuals into de facto serfdom. The elites of Castellanos's fiction thus jealously keep medicine to themselves in order to institutionalize what Giorgio Agamben calls indigenous "bare life" and "zoê." Because Chiapanecan landowners depended on strict racial divisions to perpetuate an economic system that benefitted them, they opposed federal attempts to engage and modernize local Mayan communities. As such, both stories show local elites who coopt federal indigenista programs to further institutionalize their own hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current situation regarding forced internal displacement (FID) in Mexico is directly linked to the violence of de facto powers, organized crime, paramilitary groups and selfdefense groups. Based on the fact that the displacement in Mexico occurs, but is not registered, the collection of the information required a mixed methodology, and the collating of different sources of information so as to permit the identification of the 'localities of origin' of the displaced population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how women working as prostitutes in Orizaba, Mexico, laid claim to a more revolutionary vision of women’s citizenship. Prostitutes pushed the state to realize the promises of the Mexican Revolution, even as officials and many local residents—rich and poor—retained outmoded notions of gender and citizenship. This research indicates that “respectable” poor and working-class individuals gravitated toward traditional gender values so as to position themselves as respectable in the eyes of state agents charged with policing morality and public health. State officials’ rhetoric of egalitarianism that followed the Mexican Revolution fell flat for the public women whose pecuniary position persisted long after the guns fell silent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including citizen's rights in Mexico, relationship between ethics and aesthetics, and social conditions of Mexican city.

The State of Mexico reports the highest level of violence against women in Mexico. The CEMYBS takes care of this problematic through an attention model composed by the Program "Mexiquense for a life without violence" and the subprogram "temporary Shelter", both form part of the attention model. This article reviews the strategies under the model work, its importance and challenge, especially by ending the circle of violence and initiating an empowerment process. The results reveal that the strategies of the model used are being constructed as an immediate response to de the present context, instead of gaining knowledge of the phenomenon. The importance of the model is limited because their effects do not arrive to end the circle of the violence. That is why it hasn´t been possible to reach the empowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present essay a brief introduction is made about the study of the life conditions for individuals. It is argued that contemporary investigation at the field of social wellness, and another specifical approachings in psychology, like subjective wellness, happiness, satisfaction, etc. Connotes a optimistic and capitalist ideology over conditions that makes individual satisfied, particularly it is based or enfatizes positive indicators. It is argued that this approach is biased and plagued with falacy, it is quoted evidence supporting oposition againts this approach. Lastly it is proposed that to have adequate estimate from life conditions in individuals or societies it is neccesary to include both negative and positive indicators for analisis. It is suggested that for Mexico this last proposal, could give a better perspective from the social wellness in the population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyze path models of a nationally representative sample of Mexican adolescents in 2008 to explore how migration variables interact with school retention to shape their migration plans, effort in school, and achievement on a standardized measure of Spanish literacy. Among other findings, we discover that more immediate plans are associated with lower performance for students considering migration and that this relationship varies by family socioeconomic status. We also find that parent migration exposure negatively affects achievement for some groups. We interpret findings in terms of structural inequalities in Mexico and conclude with recommendations to enrich academic learning opportunities for children and youth within migrant families and communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including current condition of violence in Mexico, destruction and gender issues.

In this article, I analyse how intercultural ideas, practices and policies inform Mexico’s current racial formation, and how racial categories and meanings are shaped under neoliberalism and the politics of recognition. I argue that the uncritical use of cultural and ethnic differences as the central focus of interculturalism reifies and reproduces the preoccupation with culture and ethnic differences characteristic of the racial project of mestizaje that held sway for most of the twentieth century. This focus on difference has silenced a much-needed discussion about how neither interculturalism nor multiculturalism has changed existing racial hierarchies and privileges nor curtailed the effects of racism and racial injustice on indigenous people and their communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses about the student protests and strikes by teachers, university professors, doctors and railroad workers against the Mexican government which was holding the 1968 Olympics in Mexico City, Mexico. The aim of the government was to project country as a haven of democracy. Details of the serious altercations between students and police and army forces in Mexico City, Mexico is presented.

The article discusses about the disappearance of the 43 students in Ayotzinapa, Guerrero, Mexico. Topics discussed include the political violence and the cases of missing peasants who are persecuted and exiled and the attitude of the government towards the crime events and the social and security consideration of people of Mexico.

An interview with Mario Palma, the current President of the International Association for Official Statistics (IAOS), is presented. He talks about topics like his experience of growing up in Mexico; his academic background like Bachelor of Law from National University ó and a Master of Law from London School of Economics; and his association with the National Council of Science and Technology (CONACYT).

The Catholic Hierarchy unequivocally bans abortion, defining it as a mortal sin. In Mexico City, where the Catholic Church wields considerable political and popular power, abortion was recently decriminalized in a historic vote. Of the roughly 170,000 abortions that have been carried out in Mexico City's new public sector abortion program to date, more than 60% were among self-reported Catholic women. Drawing on eighteen months of fieldwork, including interviews with 34 Catholic patients, this article examines how Catholic women in Mexico City grapple with abortion decisions that contravene Church teachings in the context of recent abortion reform. Catholic women consistently leveraged the local cultural, economic, and legal context to morally justify their abortion decisions against church condemnation. I argue that Catholic women seeking abortion resist religious injunctions on their reproductive behavior by articulating and asserting their own moral agency grounded in the contextual dimensions of their lives. My analysis informs conversations in medical anthropology on moral decision-making around reproduction and on local dynamics of resistance to reproductive governance. Moreover, my findings speak to the deficiencies of a feminist vision focused narrowly on fertility limitation, versus an expanded framework of reproductive justice that considers as well the need for conditions of income equality and structural supports to facilitate reproduction and parenting among women who desire to keep their pregnancies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to explore the mechanisms by which indigenous social enterprises contribute to a rural community’s sustainable development and improves the quality of life of its inhabitants. The work follows a qualitative methodology and uses the case study as a research technique. The research suggests that social enterprise uses four main mechanisms to promote rural sustainable development in the community where it operates: labor as a source of quality of life, gender equality, sustainable exploitation of the resources, and the equitable distribution of benefits between the economic, social and environmental dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Using an innovative survey of protest participants and nonparticipants from five major street demonstrations in Mexico City in 2011 and 2012, this study tests the assumption that influences on protest participation vary across different types of events; namely, ritual demonstrations and reactive protests. The comparison is based on two assumptions: that these are two of the dominant forms of protest in contemporary Latin America, and that specifying the context for different types of social movement participation provides a better understanding of the individual mobilization process for groups seeking to defend their rights or gain new benefits. The comparative analyses reveal some crucial differences. Political interest and previous political experience are more influential in the decision to take part in reactive demonstrations. For ritual demonstrations, the decision to participate tends to be driven more by personal and organizational connections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo presenta una sociopedagogical enfoque utilizado en la promoción de la salud social en México. Diversos factores que pueden ser utilizados en la medición de los equilibrios incluyen la equidad generacional, la desigualdad socioeconómica y pluridad social. Otros temas discutidos incluyen la ley y la filosofía de la salud social y civilidad en empresas comerciales.

The article offers information related to depiction of Mexico in the novel "The Plumed Serpent" by D.H. Lawrence. Topics discussed include the historical context of the novel, relationship of Lawrence to a renewed Mexico emerging out of a decade of revolutionary upheaval, evidence of Lawrence's active engagement with forms of utopian thought and radical reimagining of the nature of transnational and transcultural exchange.

This essay examines the sensational 1891 murder trial of Enrique Rode, a middle-class English professor who killed his wife in Mexico City. Using the trial and its ample coverage in the press as a case study, it explores the changing attitudes towards, and interconnections between, adultery, honor, masculinity, and sexuality, as well as the legal and medical discourses that arose out of the investigation and adjudication of the murder. It shows how gender and sexuality shaped (and reshaped) the concept of honor, a concept that embedded itself in the emerging fields of psychology and criminology and in their cutting-edge legal and scientific claims. It focuses on how medical and legal experts, as well as the press, discussed the transgression of normative boundaries of sexuality and used it to excuse or condemn Rode's killing of his new wife, Amelia Zornosa. The Rode case reveals that late-nineteenth-century Mexico City was a society characterized by changing gender norms and views toward sexuality. While some sectors of society idealized female sexual purity, family harmony, and aggressive, if not violent, patriarchy to control women's sexuality, others did not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to examine the effects of crime on regional economic growth in Mexico. We estimate a growth model using a spatial panel data model and test for the presence and type of spatial interaction, as proposed by Elhorst. Our results suggest that a two-way spatial Durbin model best fits the data, crime exerts a negative total effect on economic growth across Mexican states, particularly homicides and robbery, and significant spillover effects seem to reinforce the negative impact on regional growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The disappearance of 43 students in Ayotzinapa in 2014 became a paradigmatic case of human rights violations. The Mexican state's indifference to the situation led the families of the disappeared to request international technical assistance, together with human rights organisations in the country. This article discusses the creation of the Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts (Grupo Interdisciplinario de Expertos Independientes or GIEI according to its Spanish acronym), the strategies it used, the obstacles it faced and the results of its investigative work. In addition to highlighting the state's failure to clarify the facts, the GIEI exposed the collusion between state and non-state actors involved in schemes of organised crime that are related to the case. Finally, this experience in international monitoring is considered innovative and relevant to other efforts to fight impunity in Mexico and the region due to the support provided to the victims and their families, among other reasons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this text, I present a reflection focused on the urgency of not losing sight of the symbolic/discursive re/creation and re/production of gender as a structuring power of the androcentric culture in institutions of higher education, in this case in Mexico. My approach is sustained by an analysis of what I call the rhetoric of disparagement; a process of symbolic erasure of the critical voices of women academics' at the Universidad Autónoma de Ciudad Juárez (UACJ), Mexico (2008-2012). I argue that the im/possibility of questioning the normalization of gendered practices -tacit and explicit- within the institution is mis/informed by the (aloud and silent) articulation between the rhetoric of disparagement and the rhetorical gender scaffolding, socio-historical symbolic figures in the UACJ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article applies social network analysis methods to recent internal migration studies for two regions in northern Mexico. Using data from 1995 Conteo (Census) and 2015 EIC (Intercensal Survey), the findings reveal that there are significant differences between both regions. In 1995, the northwestern region centrality indicator was more concentrated than for the northeastern region. In 2015, evidence suggests that the net structure in the northeastern region is more concentrated than in the northwestern region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did a wild carnival in ports of Sonora's Guaymas and Sinaloa's Mazatlan develop in the nineteenth century. The objective of this paper is to analyze the carnival and its relations with power. The conclusion is that a riotous carnival was a response to an equally wild society. Our argument is that the transgressive carnival was born of a lack of intermixing between foreign and local families, and representatives of the economic elite of the ports. Due to the social inequalities during the government of Porf irio Díaz, neither elite nor other social groups remained separate, but diversified their economic and cultural interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The robbery is one of the main crimes in Mexico City. The policies implemented by the police bodies are focalized in reactive actions and few had been made from a prevention perspective. The theoretical background is provided by the routine activities and crime patterns. To measure the relationship a multiple regression model was test. The data include criminal warrants of robbery (pgjdf, 2010) and other socioeconomic variables (inegi, 2010), both at census tract level. The methodology used is a Geographic Weighted Regression (gwr). The results of the spatial regression model show that commerce and service land use, public transportation stations and the percentage of male population of 18 to 24 years old increase significantly the opportunities to commit a robbery. The results provide some guiding for the design of security public policies focused on the prevention of the criminal activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the foundation of the Convent "Nuestra Señora de la Salud" in Patzcuaro, Michoacan, in 1747, noting the role of the local elite and interest in the erection of this convent for Spanish women. The monastery represents one of the strategies of this group of Spaniards to strengthen the city of Patzcuaro in the conflict with Valladolid to get the capital of the bishopric. We also discuss how the Dominican convent of Patzcuaro, came to reinforce the prestige of the most important families who held the political, economic and social power of the city in the second half of the eighteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the purpose of contributing to current discussions regarding the gender category, this article approaches the relationship between "gender" and "commonsense". The analysis, positioned in a context of economic crisis in the city of Tijuana, México, during the first decade of 2000, reflects upon the production and circulation of certain "know-how's" and "abstract philosophies", in the official political discourses that emerged from gender mainstreaming, by means of the exaltation of work, family and care values. The article also considers the paradoxes between what is prescribed by the discourse, as a vision of the world, and the life experiences of workingwoman in the maquiladora industry, which may lead to questioning and inconformity in the face of the city's living conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the ways that hip hop musicians in Mexico City use their creative practice to perpetuate musical traditions associated with indigenous and national identity. Using the connected concepts of 'cultural intimacy' and 'structural nostalgia' it highlights how, while hip hop was explicitly used to critique Mexican neoliberalism, hip hop recording practices reflected some of the economic and ideological conditions created by neoliberal economic policy, and the historical 'invention' of Mexican cultural 'roots' in the period after the Mexican Revolution (1910-20). This article looks to bring out two main points: first, the ways that writing, recording, and performing songs formed a locus for sociality among rap musicians, and second, that the interaction between the ethnographer and these musicians opens up possibilities for experiences of social discomfort, as well as bonhomie, that can help to foreground the different cultural intimacies to which these actors are accustomed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Realmente el recurso de inconstitucionalidad motivado por la pgr fue por el tema de la consulta indígena o un despropósito marcado por la necesidad de confrontar el texto constitucional a toda costa y en todo lo posible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En este primer ejercicio provocamos que el proyecto enviado por el jefe de Gobierno fuera mejorado y, sobre todo, construimos un espacio de encuentro para imaginar nuevamente la ciudad y retomar la agenda extraviada. La Asamblea Constituyente se convirtió en un laboratorio para proponer nuevos caminos a la Ciudad de México. Este ejercicio no debe parar, por el contrario, debemos considerarlo como el principio de un gran, dinámico e incluyente experimento social. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Luego de una sesión constitutiva arrebatada que parecía confirmar el mal augurio de la imposibilidad de debatir artículo por artículo para luego votarlos por mayoría calificada, se inició el largo proceso de redacción del Reglamento Interior. Al concluirlo y aprobarlo hubo mejores condiciones para avanzar. Porfirio Muñoz Ledo resumió ese proceso diciendo: "Cuando las reglas del juego son escritas por los jugadores, la participación es más intensa". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La cpcdmx consta de ocho títulos y parte de reconocer la centralidad de los derechos humanos para una vida digna de los habitantes de la ciudad, define los mecanismos para avanzar en su realización progresiva y poder hacerlos exigibles y justiciables. El mayor reto para concretar los preceptos incluidos en la Constitución es tener una ciudadanía activa y participativa, vigilante de que las leyes secundarias que deberá elaborar la actual Asamblea legislativa y, más adelante, el Congreso de la Ciudad conserven el espíritu de la Constitución en beneficio de los habitantes y no de las élites políticas, económicas y sociales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movement approaches start with assumptions that negate other forms of struggle undertaken by individual subjects in different areas of everyday life. Based on a notion of struggle taken from the work of John Holloway, we formulate a critique of two of these assumptions: the association of movements with social change, and the collective nature of the struggles that make such change possible. Two cases, one in Oaxaca and the other in Guerrero (Mexico), are used to illustrate the content of the analysis presented. We show how, in their concrete everyday lives, subjects deploy other forms of doing, ways of living that negate capitalist relations and aim to construct of other relations of a different type. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collective 'Las Patronas' is one of Mexico's most famous and most decorated activist groups. For the past 20 years, they have given food, water, and clothing to migrants on moving freight trains, without reciprocation. This article considers the centrality of the kitchen and of kitchenspace to the group's project, especially as part of their strategy for becoming and remaining 'public'. In Mexico, 'the kitchen' may be two different kitchens and two types of kitchenspace, one for the everyday, the other for the singular and special. The ceremonial cocina de humofigures prominently in the Patronas' day-to-day lives as well as media representations. It legitimates their public place and enacts a ritual importance to their provisioning. In tracing the importance of kitchenspace, how the Patronas' project becomes translated in media accounts such as the documentary De Nadie and the television show Tiempo de Héroes, and how the Patronas perform maternal domesticity to take up a form of authority, this article argues that the Patronas spatially perform publicness and domesticity non-exclusively. The Patronas' strategy produces a spatially expansive, rather than exclusive, domesticity, and in so doing, the group explodes the domestic- public binary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]