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This article traces the emergence of juvenile delinquency as a legal and medical category in Hashemite Iraq (1921–58). We argue that as children and youth became increasingly visible through actions and inactions that highlighted the weaknesses of political and social structures, state institutions adopted international frameworks and vernaculars concerning the participation of youth in labor. Medicine played a key role in defining the "juvenile" and determining young people's physical abilities and, by extension, their productive potential. Focusing on children and youth who were for the most part unaffiliated with organized political groups, the article demonstrates that Iraq's correctional facilities, including reformatories, were integral to the Hashemite state's attempt at crafting and regulating citizens. Juvenile delinquency was also a uniquely gendered and classed category. Gender in particular became a distinguishing marker that in effect deprived young women and girls of the juvenile status that allowed mostly lower-class young men and boys to access reformatories rather than adult prisons. While defiant young men and boys who were considered as potentially redeemable gained access to judicial and social institutions that aimed to rehabilitate the juvenile delinquent, the crimes of young women and girls were often sexualized and assessed according to interpretations of maturity determined by the onset of puberty rather than legal age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the many constraints it faces, social mobilization has been a relevant yet understudied phenomenon in Iraq after regime-change. Especially since 2011, collective actions such as protests, sit-in and demonstrations have challenged the status quo, amidst cyclical high level of violence and a dysfunctional political system. By identifying a gap at the crossroad of social movement and peace and conflict studies, this article is a preliminary exercise in investigating non-violent means to promote social and political change in violent contexts. It proposes a comparison of episodes of social mobilization in Iraq and analyses them in terms of space, types of grievances, identification of the target and overall goal. The article finds that social mobilization's main limitations in Iraq are linked to its development in reaction to contextual factors. At the same time, it also shows the potential social mobilization has to become a locus where social and political change may grow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information is provided about United States, Israel and the Palestinians discussed at a symposium convened by the Middle East Policy Council held on October 25, 2019 . Topics include the shift of focus in middle east issues from the Arab-Israeli conflict to other issues in the region such as internal conflicts among Syria and Yemen, and protests in Iraq and Lebanon, possibility of two-state solutions for Palestine, and captivity of Palestinians in West Bank and Jerusalem.

This article explores the relationships between social reproduction, depletion, and geopolitical processes, drawing on two case studies: Iraq and Palestine. It underlines the importance of social reproduction to geopolitical processes and of particular geopolitical contexts to how states intervene in social reproduction, with differential implications for depletion. It argues that Iraqi state measures targeting social reproduction have sought to organize and instrumentalize the life of Iraqi citizens in the service of postcolonial state building and war-making, whilst, by contrast, Israeli state measures targeting Palestinian social reproduction have largely sought to erase Palestinian life in line with a settler colonial logic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the status of peace in the Syrian Civil War, including the territorial defeat of the terrorist group Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), the terrorist group al-Qaeda and other insurgents' fighting the Syrian government under President Bashar al-Assad. The impact of the Syrian Civil War on Iraq, including ISIS's presence in the country, is discussed.

The central inquiry of this paper is how corruption can be conceptualised in the Iraqi context? And the contribution of this paper is to determine whether there is sufficient agreement on a particular definition, and if so, how far that definition can be applied to the Iraqi political context. There have been many theoretical discussions about the definition of corruption from different perspectives. But most of them have betrayed over-reliance on Western perspectives with poor targeting of specific contexts in countries within the Middle East such as Iraq. Another feature of these definitions is dissatisfaction with the more theoretical approaches used in earlier decades in literature, and the preference for more practical approaches, involving primarily political and economic concepts. In this study, I explore how the concept of corruption has evolved in contemporary social science, and after considering seven approaches to the study of corruption (which are not mutually exclusive), I will argue for a multi-theoretical or composite approach. The thinking here is that only a composite approach can capture the particular circumstances of contemporary Iraqi political life and the particular challenges that it faces. In particular, the paper will show why rent-seeking, clientelism, and corruption protection should be central to any compelling definition and analysis of corruption in Iraq. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

House damage has been a widespread consequence of the Islamic State (IS) crisis in Iraq. However, house and property damage per se is not a factor limiting return. The type and timing in which property destruction occurs – during direct military confrontation or before/after it – and the alleged perpetrator constitute better indicators of inhibited returns as type of damage and inflicting actor appear to have a significant effect on fears, perceptions and intentions of IDPs and returnees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through analysis of primary qualitative data collected in Nineveh, Kirkuk, and Sulaimaniya Governorates in Iraq, this article seeks to explore the rapidly shifting and fragmenting identity dynamics at play in the emerging aftermath of ISIS and the impact that this conflict – and previous legacies of violence and repression – has had on relationships within and between groups, and between groups and the state. Communities increasingly position themselves against one another in relation to vindication of rights and protection. This zero‐sum stance comes from a history of mismanagement of communities and their respective grievances by the state and international partners. Formal acknowledgement of suffering across groups by the state may serve as a first step to break this cycle of negation toward one of inclusion, in the midst of mass displacement and emerging population returns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the findings from a 4,000 household, longitudinal study conducted by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and Georgetown University. Using the Inter‐Agency Standing Committee (IASC) Framework on Durable Solutions, we investigate the circumstances in which households were displaced, and how their needs, strategies, and access to durable solutions change over time as they integrate, return, or settle elsewhere. Findings from the study thus allow us to build an evidence base that helps researchers and policymakers to move beyond conceptions of displacement as either a 'crisis' or a problem that has been solved, and instead bring into focus the ways in which displaced people find ways to rebuild their lives and livelihoods that coexist alongside patterns of mobility and risk management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many Women, Many Words was a practice-based research project, which took place in Iraqi Kurdistan. The aim was to collect women's narratives of their lives under Saddam Hussain's Al-Anfal campaign and to produce a piece of performance poetry that gave voice to those narratives and could be performed and transformed by younger women. The aim of this paper is to give a detailed summary of the processes undertaken. It will give an outline of the genesis of the project and a cultural and historical context to the Kurds in Iraqi Kurdistan. It will then outline the interview methods and explore the ethical issues and the practical issues of translation. Dissemination through the building of a website and the performing of the poem in different contexts that took place in Cape Town, South Africa and Soran in Kurdistan will be explored. The conclusion will examine the significance of using practice-based research and the reflective element involved in this way of working that is shaped by and reaches audiences through arts practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is done is done. Iraq, over the past fifteen years, took huge leaps backwards. It is very important for politicians, historians, experts and judicial bodies to analyse what happened, why it happened, who is responsible and how to hold them accountable. But what is more important now is to ensure that Iraqi society recovers from the calamities of the past fifteen years and the preceding 30 years and that the country's resources are used to serve Iraqis and provide them with good living conditions and never again be wasted and dissipated. This article focuses on the pathway of healing Iraqi society from the aftermath of decades of war, poverty and immense suffering. Restoring good education and health care is the first step on the pathway of healing and recovery and some aspects related to this will be discussed in this article. Also, neutralizing and reversing several dangerous post conflict societal problems that have arisen over the years such as traumatized war children, warinjured young men, drug abuse among youth and an alarming increase in neoplastic diseases just to name a few are a priority. Given the weakness of the government, corruption and contradictions between legislation and jurisdiction, one must consider new non-traditional approaches to solving these problems; a few focusing on health and well-being are presented in the article. The success of any future government should be measured by how much it can ameliorate the essential life-sustaining and life-enhancing services for ordinary citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including social economic and development achievements of Abd al-Karim Qasim government; mobilization in southern oil-producing provinces; and social condition of Iraq.

This study explores the developmental processes of a number of female characters in Qasham Balata’s Runaway to Nowhere (2010) which depicts the implications of a series of historical incidents on Kurdish women’s experiences as expressive of the collective Kurdish socio-political experience in Iraq. Writing from a feminist perspective, Balata focuses on the maturation of Nareen, the protagonist, and portrays her transformation from a hopeless victim to a well-informed social activist. By cataloguing the experiences of Nareen and other female characters in the period immediately before and during the Persian Gulf War 1990- 1991, the Kurdish popular Uprising, the Kurds’ subsequent mass-exodus to the Turkish and Iranian borders, and the creation of a de-facto Kurdish state in the north of Iraq, Balata shows that such destructive events represent shifting phases in the maturation processes of the lives of Kurdish women who learn how to survive these events and aspire to make a positive change, at least on personal levels. In the exploration of Nareen’s determination as well as her resilience and eventual emancipation, Rita Felski’s argument of modern writing by women as a medium through which female political identities and collective consciousness are constructed and represented are adopted to discuss the structural and thematic properties of the text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nowadays Iraq has encountered serious challenges, including war, terrorism, and economic crisis. This problem has seriously reduced the ability of this country to provide a decent life for its citizens and this perfectly highlights the necessity of various aspects of livability. Based on this view, in this research environmental livability is assessed as one of the important aspects of livability. With this purpose in mind, in this paper A.H.P model was used to determine the relative importance of criteria and GIS was used to overlay the layer and to create the environmental livability map. The methodology used in this research is descriptive, comparative, analytical, and field work as well as a questionnaire, and the data used in this research are taken from the statistical book published under the title of Iraqi Household Socio–Economic Survey (IHSES) in 2012. Sample size is 25,488 households. The criteria used are the percentage of households of Iraqi governorates that are affected and are close to the following conditions: 1- smoke and gases, 2- dust, 3- bad odor, 4- noise, 5- garbage and dirt, and 6- stagnant water. The final map classifies the governorates into five classes in terms of livability (relatively unsuitable, unsuitable, strongly unsuitable, very strongly unsuitable, and extremely unsuitable). Achieved weight of A.H.P model shows that garbage and dirt (0.249) and stagnant water (0.221) are the most important criteria. Results obtained from the final maps show the households of Nineveh, Al-Qadisiyah, and Missan governorates to have the worst condition in terms of environmental livability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Return to one’s place of origin is considered to be one of the three ‘durable solutions’ whereby the displaced can effectively end their situation of displacement. However, to consider return to the place of origin, which in many cases has been transformed by war and conflict, without considering the conditions that people have returned to is to elide a whole host of challenges facing people upon their return. In Iraq, as military actors have reclaimed territory from the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), internally displaced persons (IDPs) have begun to return to their homes in these liberated areas. While the liberation of these territories from ISIS signals the beginning of the end of a conflict that has persisted for almost four years, preliminary data from an International Organization for Migration (IOM) and Georgetown University longitudinal study on displacement in Iraq reveals that the security and material conditions for returnees are precarious. Using the Inter-agency Standing Committee (IASC) Framework on Durable Solutions for Internally Displaced Persons, which offers criteria for whether a durable solution has been accessed, our paper draws on quantitative data and qualitative interviews with returnees to explore the material and security conditions for recent returnees and the strategies returnees employ to cope with these issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews the exhibition "After Darkness," showcasing photographs by photographer Abbie Trayler Smith taken in Iraq in the autumn of 2016, after the Islamic-State-controlled areas of Northern Iraq had been liberated by allied forces.

Remote Sensing and GIS have been widely used for analyzing and identifying land use change. In this study, MODIS images of Babylon Governorate were used to provide vegetation cover maps for 2000, 2004, 2008, 2012 and 2016. The Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) trend maps showed clearly decreasing in vegetation cover over the study period. The negative trend in vegetation cover with NDVI values from 0 to 0.3 appeared in the years 2012 and 2016 in comparison with years of 2000, 2004 and 2008. The most clearly decreasing in vegetation cover was at the east and south-east parts of Babylon governorate. The study followed scientific methods to determine the value of vegetation cover decreasing. One of these methods was the change detection for each study year in comparison to the year 2000, which considered as a reference year for this study. The second method was NDVI Anomaly, where the percentage of NDVI deviation for each study year was calculated in comparison to the mean of NDVI values for the five studied years. The findings of this study verified the change detection and NDVI Anomaly as a successful method to compare changes in land use pattern and provide details about increasing urbanization features. The results verified also that the MODIS- derived NDVI can be used as a simple and cost-effective tool for land use monitoring in Iraq. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Al-Frahids Arts is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Existing scientific literature on post-conflict police reconstruction is largely divided between two camps. The first, and most widely employed in practice, can be termed a neo-liberal model, which argues progress comes through technological and organizational sophistication delivered by Western officials. This neo-liberal model has been the guiding principle of the reconstruction of the Iraqi state and police force. However, many scholars have argued this model is woefully inadequate for post-conflict reconstruction and have instead developed an alternative approach which can be termed a reflexive model. Similar to what is known as fourth generation peacebuilding in the International Relations literature, the reflexive model stresses building relationships with local stakeholders and relying on indigenous knowledge to guide post-conflict reconstruction. Drawing from 48 intensive interviews, 87 qualitative surveys, and six months of ethnographic examination of an Iraqi police training academy, this article argues that both the neo-liberal and reflexive models suffer from ignoring the material basis of reconstruction. This article employs the term ‘material’ in the theoretical sense; while police reconstruction programs spend significant effort on reshaping the ideologies of police, few address the real conditions police face, from the necessary levels of funding and equipment in their training centers, to basic concerns such as adequate pay to draw qualified applicants and prevent corruption. This study examines how economic inequality affects the ‘other side’ of conflicts, the security sector. The central finding is that the material deprivation experienced by Iraqi police has resulted in an underqualified force consisting of uninterested officers whose capacity and skill deficits have fed directly into the rise of powerful non-state organizations such as the Islamic State. This article explicates a central underlying cause of the problem with the reconstruction of the Iraqi police specifically and the larger case of neo-liberal post-conflict police reconstruction generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Common practices in times of war are propaganda, telling lies and presenting fallacious arguments to shape public opinion and block criticism. This paper discusses the fallacious argumentative strategy of G. W. Bush and his team that led to preemptive war in Iraq in 2003 taking in account the discourse and literature that was generated before, during and after the war. Two main focuses of the paper are: 1. The President and his team framed the argument that Iraq has Weapon of Mass Destruction (WMD); Iraq has Links with terrorists America is already fighting with; Iraq will hand over the WMD to terrorists who will attack America, Allies and rest of the world with WMD. Therefore, America must attack before America is attacked by terrorists having WMD (Preemptive War) and not attacking Iraq is not an option. 2. The argument was reframed after America failed to find WMD and Iraq did not use any WMD throughout the war. The President reframed the arguments connecting War on Afghanistan with Iraq, portraying himself a liberator, a hero who went for rescue. He had already rescued Afghanistan from terrorists and now he planned to rescue Iraqi people who intensely needed him. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iraq, one of the world’s leading crude oil producers with the fifth largest share of proven global oil reserves, recently ranked as the second-largest producer among Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) members. Nevertheless, performance of the upstream subsector in terms of oil production volume has been subject to severe disruptions for more than four decades. The main sources for these fluctuations are multi-institutional changes caused by nationalization, wars and United Nations sanctions. This article applies to the Iraqi case an extended version of the multi-cycle Hubbert model, developed by Reynolds and Kolodziej in 2008 and 2009. This econometrics model explores and attempts to quantify statistically the relationship between oil production and multi-institutional changes within Iraq. Findings indicate the negative and significant impacts of abrupt institutional change on the performance of the oil industry where this adverse impact varies in magnitude from one episode to another. As Iraq is still yet in the midst of a turbulent transition, the article also discusses the major challenges of the post-2003 era, associated with the present and potential future development of the Iraqi oil-producing sector. This is especially with regard to the increasing economic and political fragmentation that stems from the absence of a unified oil policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is it Fitnah or the rope? Kanaan Makiyya returns The Rope: A Novel, Kanan Makiya (2016) New York: Pantheon, 336 pp., ISBN-10: 1101870478, ISBN-13: 9781101870471, h/bk, US$17 Anatomy of Authoritarianism in the Arab Republics, Joseph Sassoon (2016) New York, Cambridge University Press, 325 pp., ISBN: 9781107043190, h/bk; ISBN: 9781107618312, p/bk, $29.99 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the increased contestation in Iraq as a spillover effect of the war in Syria. Topics covered include how the war has caused the proliferation of militias, refugee flows and Kurdish transnationalism, all of which challenge Iraq's sovereignty, Iraq's resilience despite Syria's spillover and its sovereignty-undermining effects, and the commitment of regional actors and the local populations to Iraq's territorial integrity.

Copyright of Iraqi Journal of Desert Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the adaptation of William Shakespeare's "A Midsummer Night's Dream" in Egypt and Sweden. The author offers information on the various symbolisms portrayed in the play which depicts the modern urban Arab setting, and how the theatre company addressed the conflict between the U.S. and Iraq.