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Objectives Research has associated both school night sleep duration (SNSD) and circadian preference (CP) with middle school-aged students’ attendance and tardiness, but the interaction between these characteristics remains unexplored within this context, along with the impact of SNSD and CP on school suspension likelihood. Thus, this study investigated associations between SNSD, CP, and their interaction with middle school-aged student attendance, tardiness, and suspension, while accounting for sociodemographic characteristics. Participants About 4175 students from 12 middle schools in the Madison, Wisconsin, Metropolitan School District. Methods Students completed a computer-based, sleep-related survey during class. Students reporting SNSD between 4 and 12 hours were included in the final analytical sample (N = 3860; mean age ± standard deviation = 12.0 ± 0.86 years; range = 10-16 years). CP was characterized using the single-item self-morningness/eveningness question. Linear mixed-effects regression estimated associations of SNSD and CP with tardiness and attendance. Logistic mixed-effects regression assessed associations with school suspension. Fully adjusted multilevel models included sociodemographic covariates, nesting students within schools. Results About 3860 student responses comprised the final sample, which had a SNSD of 8.15 ± 1.37 hours and general eveningness preference. Short-and-long SNSD associated with lower attendance and increased out-of-school suspension. Greater eveningness preference was negatively associated with attendance and tardiness. No SNSD and CP interactions emerged. Associations between sociodemographic characteristics and attendance, tardiness, and suspension were observed. Conclusions Results support need for efforts to improve middle school-aged student sleep health and account for eveningness preference. Research clarifying the interactive influence of sleep, circadian, and sociodemographic characteristics on attendance and achievement is warranted.

The theory and practice of referenda played an important role in the break-up of Yugoslavia, especially in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH), where two divisive referenda preceded the Bosnian War of 1992-1995. After the failure of constitutional reforms in April 2006, Milorad Dodik, then Republika Srpska's prime minister, suggested that Republika Srpska had the right to hold its own referendum, with separation from Bosnia an unstated (yet soon openly discussed) aspiration. This paper presents an account of the emergence of Republika Srpska referendum discourse and how it was articulated by Milorad Dodik to establish his SNSD party as the dominant force in Republika Srpska. It documents the dialogical context and rhetorical gambits used by Dodik to articulate the discourse, tracing how it evolved in response to regional events and elections. The paper concludes by considering the limits of interpreting Dodik as a demagogue and of a discourse-centered approach to political rhetoric.

There are two social democratic parties in Bosnia Herzegovina: SNSD and SDP BiH. These two parties differ regarding their origin and their political activity in Bosnia Herzegovina. Thus, it was assumed that voters of the two parties differ regarding their national composition, socio-demographic characteristics and political attitudes. In May of 2007 a face to face interview was conducted with 260 voters of SNSD and 147 voters of SDP BiH. SNSD?s voters were found to be less tolerant, less liberal and more prone to nationalism and the feeling of ethical superiority relative to voters of SDP BiH. As a matter of fact, SNSD?s voters were more similar to voters of some nationalistic political parties like SDS then to voters of SDP BiH. The observed differences between political attitudes of SNSD and SDP BiH voters was explained by increasing ethnic tensions in Bosnia Herzegovina in Spring of 2007 and by their essential dissimilarity: SNSD?s primary objective is Republika Srpska and its survival, while SDP BiH insist on unity of Bosnia Herzegovina.

Beauty is never ending concept. It always redefined, renewed, and reconstructed by actor who have a power like media to socializing and spreading it into the world. Therefore media can changing and determining what is the right concept of beauty not only for now but also for future. Music Video is one of many forms of media which can spreading any ideas or concepts like beauty amazingly through both a song and the story. The successful of Music Video Gee makes Korean Girl Band, SNSD, famous and gets a lot attention from many countries, like Indonesia. This Music Video is very fresh and different from the other Music Videos of Korean Girl Band or Boy Band at that time. But, Music Video Gee is not neutral. In that video, there is hidden concept of beauty which trying to represented by SNSD. This article will analyzing what is the code of beauty like and how is the beauty represented in that video. Keyword: Beauty, Music, Representation.

The second critical juncture in the development of constitutional reform in Bosnia took place in mid-December, when the international community stepped up pressure on the parties. Two critical moments were relevant in this phase. The first one involved the decision of the US government to take charge of the negotiations on December 12 (with the official support of the United Kingdom as the Chair of the EU rotating presidency). The second decisive moment took place after the collapse of multilateral negotiations on January 17, after which constitutional negotiations were held behind closed doors at the US ambassador’s residence. It is within this context that a final agreement was reached in March 2006 by six out of the eight party leaders that started the negotiations, specifically the leaders of the SDA, SDP, SDS, PDP, SNSD, and HDZ.

This paper provides a critical analyzes of 2012 local elections in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Since 1995 the local elections and its political and electoral system have been based on the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA). According to DPA Bosnia-Herzegovina has the multiparty system and regular and free elections. These local elections were held amidst continuously renewed political turmoil at the cantonal, entity and state levels. 2012 local elections results have shown that the HDZ and SDA continued to dominate politics at the local level in the Federation of BiH while in the RS, position of SNSD has been strongly shaken by very good performance of SDS. The SDA won majority of votes in Bosniak majority areas while SDS and HDZ secured their votes in the Serb and Croat majority areas respectively. In the Federation of BiH, SDP and SBB suffered dramatic fall in votes comparing to the last general elections while in the RS, SNSD, which has dominated politics since 2006 lost significant number of votes, mayoral posts and municipality seats to SDS and some other political parties such as PDP, SP and DNS.

A general form of area inequality is used to develop a frequency domain criterion for absolute stability of single-nonlinear sampled-data (SNSD) systems. By reductions of the general form to specific area inequalities, it is suggested that all known and some new frequency domain criteria applicable to different subclasses of SNSD systems may be derived as special cases. One of the latter involving q is investigated to determine its significance and general applicability to SNSD systems. An example of a SNSD system with dead zone is used to illustrate some of the results presented.