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Central Europe is often considered to be a source of nationalist pathologies and plagues that could infect "proper" (Western) Europe. This image is at best outdated, as Western Europe and the United States have (and always have had) their own nationalist and conservative authoritarian resources. Moreover, Central Europe has also been a space of original political thought, albeit often obscure or forgotten, which can contribute to our understanding of the contemporary world beyond the borders of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conjuntura Austral is the property of Conjuntura Austral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines whether there is a premium in country size. We study whether there are significant gains from being a small or a large country in terms of certain socioeconomic indicators and how large this premium is. Using panel data for 200 countries over 50 years, we estimate premia for various sizes of nations across a variety of key economic and socioeconomic performance indicators. We find that smaller countries are richer, have larger governments, and are more prudent in terms of fiscal policies than larger ones. On the other hand, smaller countries seem to be subject to higher absolute and per capita costs for the provision of essential public goods, which may lower their socioeconomic performance in terms of health and education. In terms of economic performance, small countries seem to do better than large countries, compensating for smallness by relying on foreign trade and foreign direct investment. The latter comes at the cost of higher vulnerability to external shocks, resulting in higher volatility of growth rates. This paper's findings offer essential guidance to policymakers, international organizations, and business researchers, especially those assessing a country's economic or socioeconomic performance or potential. The study implies that comparisons with medium-sized or large countries may be of little utility in predicting the performance of small countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the analysis of the cultural policy and diplomacy of the microstates, namely: the Principality of Monaco, the Principality of Liechtenstein, the Principality of Andorra and the Republic of San Marino. In the introduction, the author briefly describes the concepts of cultural policy and cultural diplomacy and highlights the problem of insufficiently studied microstates. In the first part of the work, the main institutions that implement the cultural policy of the above states are considered. Further, based on reports provided by countries within the framework of the Compendium, the participation of countries in such international organizations as UNESCO and the Council of Europe is studied. In conclusion, conclusions are drawn that microstates attach particular importance to the development and promotion of their own culture at the international level. For their status, they actively and successfully participate in the activities of specialized international organizations, in the protection and promotion of national languages, in the development of cultural cooperation at the regional level.

This paper examines the determinants of FDI in small states, as only a small number of studies have analyzed the determinants of FDI in these countries. Small states have particular features that justify the need for a deeper analysis. Based on a panel data for 42 small states between 2005 and 2019, results clearly indicate the importance of the quality of human capital and the availability of infrastructures as the strongest drivers of FDI in small states. The country's level of openness, the availability of natural resources, the level of corporate tax and control of corruption also seems to play a relevant role therein. Moreover, the results suggest that the determinants differ depending on the region to which the country belongs and differ between island and non-island countries. These results can help small countries in defining policies that help them to attract FDI, which is crucial for their sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Background Several countries across Europe are engaging in burden of disease (BoD) studies. This article aims to understand the experiences of eight small European states in relation to their research opportunities and challenges in conducting national BoD studies and in knowledge translation of research outputs to policy-making. Methods Countries participating in the study were those outlined by the WHO/Europe Small Countries Initiative and members of the Cooperation in Science and Technology (COST) Action CA18218 European Burden of Disease Network. A set of key questions targeting the research landscape were distributed to these members. WHO’s framework approach for research development capacities was applied to gain a comprehensive understanding of shortages in relation to national BoD studies in order to help strengthen health research capacities in the small states of Europe. Results Most small states lack the resources and expertise to conduct BoD studies, but nationally representative data are relatively accessible. Public health officials and researchers tend to have a close-knit relationship with the governing body and policy-makers. The major challenge faced by small states is in knowledge generation and transfer rather than knowledge translation. Nevertheless, some policy-makers fail to make adequate use of knowledge translation. Conclusions Small states, if equipped with adequate resources, may have the capacity to conduct national BoD studies. This work can serve as a model for identifying current gaps and opportunities in each of the eight small European countries, as well as a guide for translating country BoD study results into health policy.

Background: Several countries across Europe are engaging in burden of disease (BoD) studies. This article aims to understand the experiences of eight small European states in relation to their research opportunities and challenges in conducting national BoD studies and in knowledge translation of research outputs to policy-making.Methods: Countries participating in the study were those outlined by the WHO/Europe Small Countries Initiative and members of the Cooperation in Science and Technology (COST) Action CA18218 European Burden of Disease Network. A set of key questions targeting the research landscape were distributed to these members. WHO's framework approach for research development capacities was applied to gain a comprehensive understanding of shortages in relation to national BoD studies in order to help strengthen health research capacities in the small states of Europe.Results: Most small states lack the resources and expertise to conduct BoD studies, but nationally representative data are relatively accessible. Public health officials and researchers tend to have a close-knit relationship with the governing body and policy-makers. The major challenge faced by small states is in knowledge generation and transfer rather than knowledge translation. Nevertheless, some policy-makers fail to make adequate use of knowledge translation.Conclusions: Small states, if equipped with adequate resources, may have the capacity to conduct national BoD studies. This work can serve as a model for identifying current gaps and opportunities in each of the eight small European countries, as well as a guide for translating country BoD study results into health policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, a Fourth Industrial Revolution emerged in public discourse as a narrative of exceptional societal disruption. At the core of this conceptual construct, led by the World Economic Forum, rests a sociotechnical imaginary of future essentialism, based on the revolutionary potential of digital, biological and physical innovations. This article addresses the lack of studies assessing the dynamics between the institutionalisation and the public performance of the Fourth Industrial Revolution concept through news media. We present the results of a quantitative content analysis of how the topic has been covered (frames, sources, tone) by the Portuguese national circulation press (2013–2020). This exploratory case study informs a proposal for an epistemic and methodological articulation between the theoretical frameworks of sociotechnical imaginaries and of media framing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Diabetes is a global epidemic affecting every country. Small countries, however, face distinctive challenges related to their health system governance and their ability to implement effective health systems' reforms. The aim of this research was to perform a comparative assessment of existing diabetes management practices at the population level and explore governmental-related policy for Cyprus, Iceland, Luxembourg, Malta and Montenegro. This is the first time that such an evidence-based review study has been performed in the field of diabetes. The overall purpose was to set the agenda for health policy and inform strategic actions for small countries that can benefit from dealing with the diabetes epidemic at a country level.Methods: We collected data and synthesized the evidence on dealing with diabetes for each of the five small European countries according to the (1) epidemiology of diabetes and other related metabolic abnormalities, (2) burden of diabetes status and (3) diabetes registers and national plans. We collected data by contacting Ministry representatives and other bodies in each state, and by searching through publicly available information from the respective Ministry of Health website on strategies and policies.Results: Diabetes rates were highest in Cyprus and Malta. National diabetes registers are present in Cyprus and Montenegro, while national diabetes plans and diabetes-specific strategies have been established in Cyprus, Malta and Montenegro. These three countries also offer a free holistic healthcare service to their diabetes population.Conclusions: Multistakeholder, national diabetes plans and public health strategies are important means to provide direction on diabetes management and health service provision at the population level. However, political support is not always present, as seen for Iceland. The absence of evidence-based strategies, lack of funding for conducting regular health examination surveys, omission of monitoring practices and capacity scarcity are among the greatest challenges faced by small countries to effectively measure health outcomes. Nevertheless, we identified means of how these can be overcome. For example, the creation of public interdisciplinary repositories enables easily accessible data that can be used for health policy and strategic planning. Health policy-makers, funders and practitioners can consider the use of regular health examination surveys and other tools to effectively manage diabetes at the population level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of small member states in EU foreign policy is increasingly being challenged, especially in view of the reforms being proposed to make the EU more effective as an international actor. These reforms, if adopted, will require the small Central and Eastern European member states, such as Bulgaria, to rethink their old foreign-policy strategies and practices. Instead of band-wagoning and balancing conflicting interests, these small member states will have to learn to be more proactive, to build their reputations and to form alliances if they want to continue to have any influence on EU foreign policy. These issues are discussed in the light of the EU sanctions adopted against Russia in the aftermath of the Ukrainian–Russian conflict of 2014. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global geopolitical flow from the current uni-multipolar order is directed towards the creation of a multipolar world, an increase in the number of power centers and models of economic and political systems that are different from the neoliberal economic and political model. The global geopolitical visions of Mahan, Mackinder and Spykman are still current. Although at the global level great powers and power centers are the holders of global economic and political trends that determine the fate of developing and small countries, the tendencies of changes in the world system that take place in the present conditions, in accordance with the legitimacy of geopolitical processes expressed in geopolitical history, will determine possible positions of small countries in complex geopolitical relations. The world has moved from the ideological division and bipolar balance of the power of the world states in the Cold War to a unipolar world order at the end of the Cold War, with the characteristic of immense imbalance and asymmetry in the distribution of wealth and power between the world center and the periphery, in the process of globalization after the Cold War, to the civilization conflict as a form of resistance to the power of a unipolar center and its domination, processes of democratization and universalization of single values, as well as the consequence of an increase in asymmetric globalization processes characterized by an increase in inequality and dependence. The central part of the geopolitical processes in the Cold War and post-Cold War world is geoeconomic relations in which countries of the periphery are in the position of accepting economic and political models, institutions and values of the developed countries, whereas global processes create relations of nonequivalent exchange of strong and weak actors and they do not provide socio-economic security of the weak actors in globalization process. The contradiction of the geopolitical concepts of great powers and geopolitical changes produce global geopolitical recomposition, which will determine the fate of small countries and their geopolitical position. They have to constantly coordinate their internal social factors in order to create the possibility to maximize benefits, that is minimize damage. .

Public institutions in Portugal have not invested in strategies to attract international students until recently, when the adoption of new legislation and a national strategy for internationalization created more appealing conditions for it. This article aims to study the strategies institutions employ to recruit international students in a country less attractive than the major receiving countries and the main challenges they encounter. The study draws on interviews with top and middle managers in two public universities. The findings identify three types of strategies: institutional branding, revision of admission procedures, and curricular adjustments. The main challenges are the creation of institutional structures with an exclusive remit for international students and the choice of teaching language, despite a prevailing opinion that the Portuguese language should be maintained as a competitive advantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the emergence of the small arms trade on the international political agenda as a growing security threat. Employing the theoretical framework proposed by the Copenhagen School, this article argues that the issue of small arms gained traction at the international level in the context of the post-Cold War. This was due to the pressure of small countries that were engulfed in violence at the hands of non-state actors in the post-Cold War era. At the regional level in Latin America, although important sub-regional differences exist, various regional initiatives have become an important example for other nations around the globe. In actuality however the positive achievements that securitization initially promoted has decreased. The study of this case leaves us with some relevant lessons both for theoretical reflection as well as for political action.

Economic freedom is an important prerequisite for achieving economic growth and development, especially for small countries that do not have the bargaining power for anti-liberal economic policies, nor can they determine the international economic relations. Tis paper will present the theoretical concept of economic freedom, with an emphasis on its importance. The paper will show the condition of economic freedom of small countries, with a comparative analysis of the components of economic freedom of small and large countries, according to the Index of Economic Freedom. The importance of economic freedom is highlighted, especially in the context of economies of small countries that are characterized by vulnerability, inability to develop a diversified economy and the lack of specific resources, which determines their need for greater government participation in the economy. The main objective of the paper is to present the impact of economic freedom on the development of small countries and explain ways of improving conditions of economic freedom in these countries.

The theory behind special economic zones (SEZs) focuses on their role in overcoming broader policy failings in a country. This paper hypothesizes that the ability of smaller countries to reform more quickly provides a theoretical 'missing link' as to how SEZs can assist reform, developing the idea of SEZs as a 'small country in a large country'. Using a new database, the paper tests this proposition by examining if SEZs have actually been able to spur on institutional improvement in large countries. Results show that SEZs do influence the institutional development of a country, contingent upon prevailing institutional trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, we examined whether small countries, when joining the European Union and transferring a part of their sovereignty to the EU institutions, become economically stronger or weaker. We have conducted our assessment based on the index of relative concentration of power (IRC), which was developed for the purpose of this analysis, modifying the Herfi ndahl- Hirschman Index. Our analysis has shown that in the analyzed period between 2000 and 2015, the relative economic power of small member states of the EU grew stronger, while, at the same time, the relative economic power of large countries weakened. We started from the assumption that small countries, prior to their entry into the European Union, have lower competitiveness due to the relatively higher fixed costs in the public and private sector. Large single market of the European Union produces relatively stronger effect of economies of scale for small countries compared to large countries, which is why their relative economic power grows faster than the relative power of large countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Changes in the global security environment have inevitably led to changes at the regional and national level. In the past, the impact of small countries on global security has been much inferior while today's influence is ever greater. While small countries do not have the capability to cope with new and ongoing threats, soft means and, in particular, diplomacy remain the main tool of these countries to avoid and reduce the risk of conflict. For Western Balkan countries, Euro-Atlantic integration is the only solution to avoid the uncertainty and potential conflicts in the region. Integration into international organizations of small and medium-sized countries besides that increases the security level for small also makes it possible to reduce the costs of defence and consequently has less impact on economy and finances. This analysis tends to examine and clarify the role of small countries in the national, regional and global security environment. Moreover, this analysis describes the cases of some small countries that have survived the challenges of history and have prospered alongside the large countries, precisely as a result of engaging the right means in the right time and in accordance with their internal capabilities. Building regional capacities and integrating them into global ones remains the best way for small countries to increase security and at the same time to increase their influence in global decision-making. While the diplomacy as an art of amicability is the safest mean for a small country to confront the external threats. As long as a small country is not able to stand against a conflict with its own forces, the only way to avoid or mitigate the risk of conflict is the diplomatic war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Economica is the property of University of Banja Luka, Faculty of Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The phenomenon of globalization is wide, changeable and versatile. Therefore, there are a lot of different and contradictory opionins about its historical nature, driving motives and assessment of its influence on the various spheres of the social life. As it is widely known, globalization is the integrity of the processes having place in the world, inspiring people to acquire the common quality and character and draw near each other. The problem of its influence especially on the small countries doesn't lose its topicality even today. facts, when after the global integration a country with a small and open economics improves its economic conditions and becomes active on the international stage, due to the development of the communication and education systems, is a reflection of the fact, that globalization has a positive impact on such countries and helps them not to lag behind the world progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares strategic public sector HRM practices between 10 small countries that have consistently shown extraordinary economic, social, and governance performance. The fact that these small countries, which are traditionally considered to be disadvantaged, have become benchmarks of good government suggests they have uniquely maximized and leveraged their key resource: people. In search of novel lessons, we assess through secondary data how their public sectors have organized and institutionalized four key HRM activities: 1) selection, 2) appraisal, 3) training, and 4) compensation, and whether they engage in strategic, centralized efforts to architect and “bundle” these activities. Our exploratory case study findings show that these high performing countries employ various integrated efforts to attract the best and brightest into their public sectors, and train and reward them well, although they differ in terms of their centralization dynamics. We conclude our article with seven propositions for future research and implications for emerging small countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Economics / Ekonomija is the property of Rifin d.o.o. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Exchange control is generally managed by the national bank. Exporters have to transfer all of their earnings from foreign exchange to the national bank. The national bank considers different factors in redistributing foreign exchange among importers. After the devaluation of the British pound in the autumn of 1931, cash cover for Estonia’s currency decreased rapidly. The leaders of monetary policy ignored the statutes of the National Bank of Estonia and urgently decided to implement exchange control. The implementation of exchange control did not go very smoothly during its first years. Hurried implementation and lack of preceding explanation caused problems for entrepreneurs and citizens who were in need of foreign exchange. At first there was a great deal of dissension between the National Bank of Estonia and the Ministry of Economic Affairs. The ministry issued import licenses to importers but often the National Bank did not want to sell them any foreign currency (to be used to pay for goods) regardless of their legitimate licenses. The bank's rationale for this course of action was the low level of cash cover for Estonia’s currency. This fact confirms the opinion prevalent in previous historiography that in its first years, exchange control was implemented for monetary policy purposes. Exchange control influenced almost everybody who needed to use foreign currency. Reasons had to be given even for the purchase of smaller amounts of foreign exchange. After the devaluation of Estonia’s currency in the summer of 1933, exchange control was used to protect the interests of Estonian foreign trade. The Ministry of Economic Affairs and the National Bank started collaborating more efficiently. National Bank Exchange Commission decisions approving exchange applications demonstrate this as well. The commission accepted almost all applications for foreign exchange after the devaluation. The number of applications nearly doubled during the second half of the 1930s. Cash cover for Estonia’s currency increased and the National Bank's exchange policy became more liberal. After the devaluation, one of the important criteria for giving foreign exchange to importers was the trade balance between the source country and Estonia. Preference was given to traders who imported goods from countries with which Estonia had a positive trade balance. Comparison of export and import in the 1930s shows that in general, Estonia managed to maintain its trade balance. At the same time, exchange control had a negative effect on incentives. In countries where exchange control was implemented, trade volume recovered more slowly in the latter half of the 1930s than in countries where it was not implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors discuss whether a small country with shrinking population should apply public enterprises to improve its economic situation for purposes of external economic relations policy. The study refers to Estonia as an example. Estonia has developed public enterprises of the central state and of the municipalities since the reestablishment of the Estonian Republic. As public enterprise use private forms of law, some management problems occur because public firms are legally obliged to practice the management by objectives. The operationalization of welfare maximisation or achievement of sustainability of society to formulate goals for public enterprises was yet not successful. However, public firms should increase income, avoid monopoly positions of private firms, provide special public services, and should realize public goals. The activities of Estonian public enterprises and their goals show that Estonian enterprises can be used as instruments for foreign trade. The authors formulate a simple two-country model comprising a small and a big country. They introduce a public interest function referring to production, demand and employment, which allows the authors to argue that under conditions of shrinking population, the small country’s public interests, becomes reduced. They show that employing public enterprises diminishes negative effects on public interests. Even some types of inefficient public firms may lead to improvements.

This paper analyzes the features of the global financial crisis in the Baltic states, shows the differences between the countries in the process of its development, and examines changes in the mass consciousness of the political establishment in the countries considered.

This paper analyzes the features of the global financial crisis in the Baltic states, shows the differences between the countries in the process of its development, and examines changes in the mass consciousness of the political establishment in the countries considered.

The authors discuss whether a small country with shrinking population should apply public enterprises to improve its economic situation for purposes of external economic relations policy. The study refers to Estonia as an example. Estonia has developed public enterprises of the central state and of the municipalities since the reestablishment of the Estonian Republic. As public enterprise use private forms of law, some management problems occur because public firms are legally obliged to practice the management by objectives. The operationalization of welfare maximisation or achievement of sustainability of society to formulate goals for public enterprises was yet not successful. However, public firms should increase income, avoid monopoly positions of private firms, provide special public services, and should realize public goals. The activities of Estonian public enterprises and their goals show that Estonian enterprises can be used as instruments for foreign trade. The authors formulate a simple two-country model comprising a small and a big country. They introduce a public interest function referring to production, demand and employment, which allows the authors to argue that under conditions of shrinking population, the small country's public interests, becomes reduced. They show that employing public enterprises diminishes negative effects on public interests. Even some types of inefficient public firms may lead to improvements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the emergence of the small arms trade on the international political agenda as a growing security threat. Employing the theoretical framework proposed by the Copenhagen School, this article argues that the issue of small arms gained traction at the international level in the context of the post-Cold War. This was due to the pressure of small countries that were engulfed in violence at the hands of non-state actors in the post-Cold War era. At the regional level in Latin America, although important sub-regional differences exist, various regional initiatives have become an important example for other nations around the globe. In actuality however the positive achievements that securitization initially promoted has decreased. The study of this case leaves us with some relevant lessons both for theoretical reflection as well as for political action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

O presente artigo busca analisar criticamente a política exterior dos países pequenos da América Latina, comparando-os e interrelacionando-os.

Security problems through time have become the area of responsibility for the most important institutions of countries and their experts. The world, in any case, was never safe for small countries because history has shown that it is very easy for major powers to manipulate with these countries, both economically as well as militarily. While a small country is not able to afford a conflict on its own, the only way for it remains the diplomatic struggle to avoid or reduce the risk of conflict. The only way to avoid uncertainty, which for a small country in international relations is much greater than for a large country, is their association in international institutions. For small countries of the Western Balkans there is only one strategic choice and that is Euro-Atlantic integration. In general, the security project and joint defense was the brainchild of major European countries, but the objective to be positioned in the international system was the main motive that forced nearly all small countries to join. The difference between countries that have been able to survive and those who have perished is that some small countries have survived due to their engagements, which led them towards the desired objective, that of military defense. Those who want peace must prepare for war. Preventive military measures of aggression constitute the most difficult problem for security matters, the independence of small and medium countries such as Israel, Switzerland, Singapore, Kosovo, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, etc., and the decision to utilize force if necessary is equally responsible, important as avoiding aggressors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Estonian trade policy in the 1930s on the example of application of non-tariff measures (NTMs). In order to position the trade policy, the article compares the measures implemented in Estonia with the ones implemented in the Nordic countries and in other Baltic countries. Export in these countries mainly depended on the UK and Germany and consisted in a large part of agricultural products. Historiography does contain references to the fact that the implementation of NTMs intensified in the 1930s, but so far no studies with that kind of emphasis and historic perspective have been conducted. The article also provides an overview of the dynamics of Estonian trade volumes and the most significant foreign trade articles. Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Denmark applied exchange control and were considered as more protectionist than Norway, Sweden and Finland, which belonged to the sterling bloc. At first, the objective of the implementation of the exchange control and licenses in Estonia was to protect the national currency. Later, trade-related justifications became more and more important in NTM application. Estonian trade had similarities to Danish trade. Both countries were clearly orientated on the export of agricultural products. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There have been numerous discussions over the last decade concerning the current and future role of small states in the European Union enlargement process. There have also been a number of ideas involving a common European identity within the context of the development and reform of the European Union. These ideas are based on varying elements of common identity, whether they exist or not. It is not all that easy, however, to determine whether a common European identity actually exists. This article will attempt to demonstrate certain possibilities for preserving (small) state national identity in the European Union alongside the creation of a new, common European identity. There are also certain elements of national identity defined by various theories within the framework of the European Union. The Eurobarometer indicates, however, that the idea of a common European identity, which could be as intensive as a national one, is less than feasible. One can consequently argue that national identity still matters, within small states as well. The process of globalization will change the role of national identities and will in all probability strengthen supranational identities. National identities will still, however, be quite important due to their strong roots in society. Each country, particularly small ones, will still have to manage its identity wisely, otherwise the possibility arises of becoming lost in sea of additional identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is concerned with the cooperation patterns of science among European countries from the viewpoint of small countries. This is an issue, which empirical literature so far has overlooked, but which is still relevant for understanding the implications of integration processes in EU. We have replicated and expanded in sample, indicator and time dimensions the empirical analysis suggested by Frenken (Economic Systems Research 14(4):345-361, ) for assessing the homogeneity of cooperation patterns among European countries. We find that small states are less homogenously collaborating with all countries in the European research system and their intra-national research cooperation is also more fragmented. Our analysis reveals the outcomes of cooperation processes, and also highlights the factors such as research funding and research specialisation that can impact the results of the connectivity measurement. We also show that the results are sensitive to the size and measurement of the science system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to explore and verify roles of boards as bundle of tasks in the context of SMEs in a small country. This is a descriptive study based on the perceptions of CEOs. The objective was to find empirical evidence for what boards in small and medium sized companies perceive they do in terms of tasks and roles. A survey was sent out to 560 SMEs in Iceland and the response rate was 21%. Factor analysis shows that three different roles can be measured in SMEs: Monitoring role, Strategic role and Resource and Advice role. The results of this research show that boards in SMEs can and do have more than one role and are more active in strategy than often is assumed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A significant reduction in global greenhouse gas emissions requires international cooperation in emission abatement as well as individual countries' investment in the adoption of abatement technology. The existing literature on climate policy pays insufficient attention to small countries, which account for a substantial proportion of global emission. In this study, we investigate how climate policy and learning about climate damage affect investment in abatement technology in small countries. We consider three alternative climate policy instruments: emission standards, harmonized taxes and auctioned permits. We say that learning is feasible if an international environmental agreement (IEA) is formed after the resolution of uncertainty about climate damage. We find that, either with learning and quadratic abatement costs or without learning, harmonized taxes outperform emission standards and auctioned permits in terms of investment efficiency. Without learning, a large cost of nonparticipation (that a country incurs) in the IEA can be beneficial to the country. Whether learning improves investment efficiency depends on the size of this nonparticipation cost. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As Croatia prepares for membership in the EU (most likely in 2013), its foreign policy is in a need of re-conceptualisation. In the first 20 years of its independence (declared in 1991), Croatian foreign policy has been through three different phases. Each of them was focused on one single objective. The three objectives that have marked three distinguished phases of Croatian foreign policy were: 1) international recognition of its statehood; 2) territorial re-integration and 3) membership in NATO and the EU. When (and if) it joins the EU, the country will have to change its single-objective based foreign policy for a multiple-objectives foreign policy approach. It will have to take into consideration a whole set of new issues, some of which will be global in character. In addition, it will need to harmonise its own priorities with those of other EU member-states. The article focuses on options that are available to foreign-policy decision-makers when they wish to re-orientate the foreign policy of a country. In particular, the author looks at the options available to small states and small powers. The outcome of the process will be influenced by the size and ambitions of the country, as well as by internal political and ideological dynamics in Croatian politics, which would need to become better harmonised with political trends in the EU. The author approaches foreign policy decision-making as a dynamic process in which ideas and values matter. For that reason, he focuses not only on interaction between states but also interaction between three main party families within the European context: 1) Liberals, 2) Conservatives and 3) Socialists. In particular, he looks at the differences they have on two main issues for the future of the EU: 1) further enlargement of the EU and 2) global ambitions of the EU. The article is drawing on contemporary literature on foreign policy of small states and small powers. It argues that Croatia needs more strategic thinking in order to make best use of new opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author deals with the international position of Montenegro throughout history from the aspect of the relation of great powers towards small countries. He looks into how historical experience and tradition affects current foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author deals with the international position of Montenegro throughout history from the aspect of the relation of great powers towards small countries. He looks into how historical experience and tradition affects current foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper deals with institutional emergence in the well-known ‘evolution of cooperation’ framework and focuses on its size dimension. It is argued that some ‘meso’ (rather than ‘macro’) level (to be numerically determined) is the proper level of cultural emergence, diffusion, and retention. Also Schumpeterian economists (K. Dopfer et al.) have discussed institutions as ‘meso’ phenomena, and Schelling, Axelrod, Arthur, Lindgren, and many others have dealt with ‘critical masses’ of coordinated agents, including related segregations of populations. However, the process and logic of emergent group size has rarely been explicitly explored so far. In this paper, ‘meso’ will be explained, in an evolutionary and game–theoretic frame and a population perspective, in terms of a cooperating group smaller than the whole population involved. Mechanisms such as memory, monitoring, reputation chains, and active partner selection will loosen the total connectivity of the deterministic ‘single-shot’ benchmark and thus allow for emergent ‘meso’-sized arenas, while expectations to meet a cooperative partner next round remain sufficiently high. Applications of ‘meso-nomia’ include the deep structure of ‘general trust’ and the surprisingly high macro-economic and macro-social performance in ‘small’ and ‘well-networked’ countries which helps to explain persistent ‘varieties of capitalism’. A strategy for empirical application of the theoretical approach and some first empirical indications of its relevance are presented. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This paper discusses international market and operation strategies of service MNEs from small and open economies (SMOPECs). The focus in the analysis will be on the special challenges that these type of companies face in their internationalisation process. A conceptual framework and propositions are developed based on earlier research of internationalisation of manufacturing companies and companies in different service sectors. A multicase study of four service MNEs, which are telecommunications operators (telcos), is used to illustrate and test the propositions. International processes of the case companies deviate in many areas from those suggested by traditional theories, especially their market strategies. Several industry specific characteristics played an important part in this, as they further enhanced many challenges common to internationalising companies from smaller countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]