Search

Youth interpersonal firearm violence disproportionately affects Black youth, with residential racial segregation as a key determinant. Racially segregated neighborhoods, which are economically isolated (e.g., neighborhood disadvantage), are linked to increased exposure to violence. This exposure, in turn, is a determinant of youth firearm aggression (i.e., using a gun on someone else). Mechanisms from residential racial segregation to firearm aggression, however, have not been evaluated. Therefore, we tested neighborhood disadvantage and exposure to violence as mediators in the association between residential racial segregation and youth firearm aggression. Participants were 338 Black youth who had used drugs in the past 6 months and sought care in an urban emergency department. Using serial mediation analysis, residential racial segregation was indirectly associated with youth firearm aggression via neighborhood disadvantage and then exposure to violence. While researchers have documented the association between structural racism and firearm violence injury and incidents, our study assessed multiple socioecological mechanisms simultaneously. Identifying the downstream socioecological consequences of residential segregation can guide the development of firearm aggression prevention programs addressing the consequences of racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current equal protection jurisprudence does not permit challenges to discriminatory government expression, no matter how blatant or extreme. This doctrine, which I label the discriminatory treatment requirement, is a manifestation of anticlassification, the prevailing equal protection framework since the mid-1970s. According to anticlassification, only suspect government classifications implicate the Equal Protection Clause. In this Article, I contend that discriminatory government expression violates the Clause because it contributes integrally to racial subordination. Through a process I call coercive ideology, discriminatory government expression serves as a veiled threat that manipulates individuals into performing public compliance with the dominant ideology. Like the script of a stage play, the aggregate of individual decisions to comply with its instructions translates the dominant ideology into a social reality. Coercive ideology reveals how both Lost Cause Confederate monuments and Jim Crow segregation signage contributed to racial subordination as discriminatory government expression in the New South. Because anticlassification fails to account both for the subordinating effects of discriminatory government expression and for the expressive effects of government classification, coercive ideology ultimately raises doubts about its continuing validity as the dominant approach to equal protection jurisprudence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"'Where Do We Go from Here?': Histories of Long-term Black Business Ownership, Community, and Family in Los Angeles County" is an oral history project of African American business owners conducted by the UCLA Center for Oral History Research. This report describes the design and implementation of the project, the challenges of outreach, and the ways in which narrators participated and negotiated their own agendas and investments in the project. It also argues for the importance of business oral history as a means of documenting African American community and social history. As this project shows, business oral histories can record the daily particulars of small business's operations and the challenges business owners face, offer insight into the legacy of African American multi-generational businesses, demonstrate the on-going impact of racism and segregation on Black-owned businesses, and give evidence of how Black business owners conceive their relationship and responsibilities to the African American community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Supreme Court case Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education which deals with educational choice. Topics mentioned include the impact of race and housing patterns on educational policies, the conflict between equal opportunity and diversity over liberty and individual rights, and effect of the city's desegregation policies on student achievement.

This article examines a little-known fight by African American veterans to desegregate the Pennsylvania National Guard from 1920 to 1948. This narrative follows the life of DeHaven Hinkson, a Philadelphia doctor, veteran, and one of the driving forces behind the movement. Building on scholarship of post–World War I activism and the Long Civil Rights Movement, this article demonstrates the need for scholars to consider not only widespread and national civil rights activism, but also the local and more traditional movements as influential in breaking the grip of Jim Crow on the United States. This article also suggests the need to examine conservative African American efforts at obtaining civil rights and how that conservatism remained a part of civil rights activism beyond the 1940s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

America's racial history is largely siloed and compartmentalized, separating minority group experiences as if they were neat rows of isolated, discernable categories. Resisting binary narratives, this article reframes history by focusing on the largely unknown lives of the Chinese immigrants and African American communities in the segregated south. An examination of the intimate histories between the two marginalized groups illuminates how structures of the central white power enforced racial projects that pit Asians and African Americans against each other, laying roots to the tensions we see continuing to play out today. Through my documentary film, Blurring the Color Line, which follows my grandmother's family growing up in a Black neighborhood, I dive into the obscure but illuminating space of in-betweenness to disrupt hegemonic productions of knowledge and to reveal nuanced stories of how cross-pollinating communities moved amongst and against one another in order to survive and thrive. Stories of conformity and co-mingling between two disempowered communities beg us to question how the language of skin informs social placement and how silenced histories speak deeper truths about the processes and consequences of racialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black contexts such as segregated YMCAs are absent from the dominant narrative of leisure history. Although some research has been conducted on Black YMCAs, these studies often concluded that these sites were temporary havens from racism. However, segregation was also connected to fundamental assumptions about Black people (e.g., as inferior), beliefs which could not be warded off by the erection of separate buildings. The question therefore remains: how did the ideology of segregation enter into the everyday operation of Black YMCAs? The present study used archival methods to examine this question. Findings suggested that some Black YMCA leaders employed Jim Crow stereotypes through language used in internal documents, at conferences and in program advertisements. However, other YMCA leaders strategically adopted Jim Crow in order to enable access to White philanthropy. The discussion examines Jim Crow as a force which is both persistent and insidious within leisure settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate the network micro-selection mechanisms responsible for patterns of high school student extracurricular activity (ECA) participation, with a particular focus on those that can lead to ethnoracial segregation. We identify six types of mechanisms by which students select into activities (e.g., peer influence, homophily), which we test using a unique longitudinal dataset that combines student surveys with yearbook data on ECA involvement. These contexts represent two ethnoracially diverse U.S. high schools involving 2403 students and over 200 different activities spanning two school years. Using a stochastic actor-oriented model for two-mode networks, we find support for the hypothesized activity selection mechanisms. Follow-up analyses convey the relative importance of different mechanisms and inform our discussion of how ECA participation patterns develop and possible sources of segregation. Whereas selection is driven by mechanisms that include influence from friends and co-participants and similarity to fellow participants, no single overarching mechanism appears strong enough to fully account for ECA segregation • We outline and test several classes of two-mode network selection mechanisms. • We analyze novel yearbook data on extracurricular activity membership networks. • Mechanisms driving activity selection include peer influence and comember similarity. • No selection mechanism appears inordinately responsible for segregated activities. • We discuss implications for understanding segregation in extracurricular activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the recent Supreme Court decision in Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard College, which invalidated race-conscious admissions programs used by Harvard College and the University of North Carolina. The author argues that the decision reinforces systemic racism and perpetuates barriers to equal protection. However, the Court's invitation for applicants to discuss their race suggests that colleges may continue to consider race in admissions to achieve student body diversity. The article also explores the history of structural racism and its impact on access to healthcare, employment, and education. The text discusses the historical discrimination and unequal treatment faced by African Americans in the United States. It highlights how the Constitution initially considered African Americans as property and denied them citizenship and education. Government-sanctioned discriminatory practices continued even after the abolition of slavery, with segregation and systemic discrimination persisting for decades. The text also mentions the racial disparities that still exist today in areas such as health, wealth, education, and access to college. It argues that considering race in admissions decisions is necessary to address the legacy of unequal treatment and promote equal opportunity. The text discusses the Supreme Court cases of Bakke, Grutter, and Fisher II, which all dealt with the constitutionality of race-conscious admissions programs in universities. In Bakke, the Court invalidated a program that set aside seats for African American students, while in Grutter and Fisher II, the Court upheld the use of race as one factor among many in admissions decisions. The Court recognized that diversity in student bodies promotes cross-racial understanding and [Extracted from the article]

The article examines how Paul Beatty's novel critiques racial stereotypes and challenges the notion of a post-racial America. It argues that Beatty utilizes satire and literary devices, such as trials, to explore African Americans' complex relationship with legal history and cultural identity, drawing parallels with postcolonial theories like Homi Bhabha's concept of mimicry.It also discusses how literature, unlike law, can capture the ongoing trauma and complexities of historical oppression.

This essay situates Sutton Griggs's Imperium in Imperio (1899) as a pragmatic intervention in Jim Crow-era discourses around Black Nationalism. Highlighting Griggs's instrumentalist relationship to race theory in both Imperium and Guide to Racial Greatness (1923), this essay argues that his works are fertile sites for examining a distinctly African American tradition of philosophical pragmatism that sought to conceptualize racial solidarity in nonessentialist ways. It further suggests that Griggs's pragmatism, responding to the unique pressures of the Jim Crow period, emphasized the need for emancipatory efforts to be masked and embedded within the very structures they sought to dismantle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay draws a parallel between the political and social dynamics of Hindu nationalism in India under Narendra Modi and the policies of racial segregation of the Jim Crow era in the United States (from approximately 1880 to 1965). As with the marginalization of black Americans based on race during Jim Crow, Hindu nationalism aims to marginalize Muslim Indians based on religion. Methods similar to those used in the Jim Crow South—including exclusionary laws, segregation, and vigilante violence—are now being deployed in India to subdue Muslims. Such actions go against the principles of equality established by India's 1950 Constitution. As in the Jim Crow South, the judiciary in India has proven slow to play its assigned role as guarantor of liberal constitutionalism. Friends of liberal, constitutional democracy will be wise not to count on judges to salvage the situation. In the end, only the voters can decide to stop Hindu nationalism, or else underwrite its final advance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Riding Jane Crow: African American Women on the American Railroad" by Miriam Thaggert explores the experiences of African American women in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as passengers and workers on American railroads. The book examines their negotiations of respectability politics and the sociospatial race and gender politics that limited their mobility. Thaggert uses literary analysis and archival research to highlight the critical interventions of Black women in challenging Jim Crow car segregation laws and reclaiming their travel experiences as essential to testing America's "national courtesy." The book also discusses the contributions of Black women as food-service providers and maids, and their resistance to the strict oversight of conductors and passengers. Thaggert's work expands on previous scholarship and emphasizes the necessity of locating Black women's counternarratives to the train's symbol of progress and courtesy. While the book focuses on respectability politics, it also acknowledges the radical potential of Black women's resistance and situational riding, which expresses the gendered double consciousness of being Black and a woman on the train. This book is recommended for students studying African American studies and legal studies, as it provides a nuanced understanding of race and gender within Jim Crow car segregation and Black women's resistance to segregation on public transportation. [Extracted from the article]

Black defendants are executed at a disproportionately high rate, an injustice quietly persisting in the shadow of America's dark history of slavery and Jim Crow. While a variety of intersectional factors have perpetuated this injustice, the role of prosecutors who commit misconduct to secure a conviction is significant. Defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty, but when the prosecutors who carry the burden of proving that guilt choose not to play by the rules, they wantonly and recklessly embrace the risk of convicting--even killing--an innocent person. This Comment focuses on two primary forms of prosecutor misconduct: Batson violations that occur during jury selection when a prosecutor uses his or her peremptory strikes in a racially discriminatory manner, and Brady violations that occur when the prosecution suppresses materially exculpatory evidence from the defense. While the Supreme Court has established Fourteenth Amendment safeguards to protect criminal defendants from these forms of misconduct, this Comment argues that those safeguards are incomplete. Fourteenth Amendment jurisprudence fails adequately both to deter prosecutorial misconduct and to guarantee that criminal defendants receive a fair trial. These failures are only amplified for Black capital defendants, who experience disproportionally higher rates of prosecutor misconduct and capital sentencing. Seeking to better deter incidents of prosecutor misconduct and better ensure Black capital defendants receive due process of law, this Comment proposes a four-part Model Act. Inspired by the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984 and the Federal Sentencing Guidelines, this Act (1) creates a state commission for prosecutor misconduct, (2) charges the commission with the role of drafting advisory guidelines for classifying prosecutor misconduct, (3) mandates that the commission consider the guidelines prior to imposing sanctions on prosecutors found to have committed misconduct, and (4) mandates that state judges consider the guidelines prior to imposing remedies for cases affected by misconduct. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Baltimore's exclusionary divisions are palpable in the city's long-standing concentration and segregation of its African American population and in its institutions of governance. The city is synonymous with carceral governance, or governance via the criminal justice system and other practices of control, which constrains the political expression of urban citizenship. A focus on the period since the city uprising in 2015, triggered by racist police violence, underlines that the fundamental struggle concerns the democratisation of the city's governance and how this is envisaged. The research affirms a key schism between incremental change, associated with co-option into the status quo, and visions of radical, transformative change. But considering the choices and activities of three civil society organisations refines this bifurcated understanding of civil society responses to carceral governance. The organisations move from protest to policy by combining outsider strategies, focused on youth leadership development, with insider strategies of collaboration with, and policy advocacy targeted at, different tiers of government. In making choices about when they work with and when they work against the state and city elites, the organisations navigate the co-optive risks of incrementalism when it is perceived as contributing towards their vision of transformative change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the historical racial violence in Nacogdoches, East Texas from slavery until the 1970s to help understand the views of local Africans Americans. Topics covered include slavery's rise since the 1800s, the economic and social injustices faced by the population even after the Civil War emancipation, and the practices of segregation, racial violence, lynching, and of linking crime to race. Also noted is the continuing tense African Americans-police relations into the 2000s.

Considering the critical methods of performance studies, critical race studies, and sensorial studies, this article analyses the creation of social identities through the rubric of touch – a tactile sensibility that provides a cultural foundation for the misperception of bodies as racialized subjects. Touch has been an under-researched and under-utilized methodology for understanding how race works. Specifically attending to the historical period of Jim Crow in the early twentieth century because of its deeply held investments in the politics of separateness, this article examines Paul Green's 1926 Pulitzer Prize–winning play In Abraham's Bosom as one of the rare dramas during this period that actually showed Black acts of touching back on the stage. Green challenges his audience to contend with an oppressive Jim Crow racial regime that forced African Americans to establish alternative modes of freedom outside of more traditional expressions of autonomy and citizenship. Reading Green's work in this way allows for a consideration of the differing strategies at play in the fight toward equality for Black Americans. Taking up tactility, in the context of the United States, as a cultural system used to mark bodies as raced and weaponized to uphold white supremacy, this essay approaches touch as a performative act that is meaningful, effective, and consequential, thereby grappling with the present ways that American society underestimates the social, political, and cultural power that touch wields in our understanding of social identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes how school desegregation in Louisiana in the 1970s was affected by the rise of the carcereal state or the expansion of prisons and policing, and how this contributed to the reproduction of educational inequality along racial lines. He argues that school desegration was not only a civil rights struggle but also a site of criminalization and violence. He shows how school desegration was influenced by the legacy of slavery, Jim Crow, and the black power movement.

The article focuses on the experiences of Mexican American veterans returning to Texas after World War II, highlighting their struggles with discrimination and segregation despite their service and sacrifices. It explores how these veterans faced systemic racism, including denied employment opportunities and segregated public spaces, prompting a reflection on the contradictions between their wartime valor and their treatment at home.

The article focuses on the historical development and proliferation of racial zoning in the U.S., examining its origins in California and its spread throughout the Jim Crow South and the American West. Topics include the Supreme Court's response to single-purpose racial zoning, the federal government's role in promoting racially segregating zoning practices, and the continued impact of strict residential use regulations on racial segregation in cities, along with suggestions for reform.

Keywords: direct injustice; immigration; refugees; structural injustice EN direct injustice immigration refugees structural injustice 262 284 23 06/06/23 20230601 NES 230601 INTRODUCTION The dominant philosophical approach to understanding the moral duties that states in the Global North have toward the 26 million refugees worldwide is what we can call the I Duty of Rescue Approach i .[1] According to this approach, states in the Global North (hereafter Northern states) are mere innocent bystanders overlooking the humanitarian crisis of refugee displacement unfold, and these states have moral duties to rescue refugees from this situation, at least if such states are able to do so at little cost to themselves.[2] Serena Parekh's recent normative analysis ([38], [39]) has sought to challenge this dominant approach. For example, Carens ([4]) argues that one ground for obligations to refugees is states' participation in a global system of states, which, while generally beneficial, is disastrous for refugees insofar as their own state has failed them and they face the perilous task of seeking admission into another state. Parekh highlights certain Northern state policies and practices used in response to refugees while they are displaced and suggests that refugees endure extensive harms as result of such policies and practices, including the harms of containment and encampment, and their being prevented from accessing adequate refuge. By contrast, if these harms are direct injustices, then certain Northern states have indeed acted wrongfully and I are i directly causing harms to refugees, and we are able to hold primary state actors and policies to appropriate account for the unjust harms caused, and such actors will have urgent and compulsory negative moral duties to refrain from causing this injustice against refugees. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A sound-studies-centered reading of Victor Daly's Not Only War: A Story of Two Great Conflicts (1932) and Toni Morrison's Sula (1973) sheds light on the sonic realities of WWI, both before and after, for Black soldiers. Both novels, set during and after WWI, utilize music to subvert the codified system of Jim Crow through sonic resistance. The term generative entropy offers a theoretical intervention in the field of sound studies to enable a better understanding and identification of the emphasis both novels place on narrative possibility rooted in sonic and physical spaces of ambiguity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2011, Kenneth Warren boldly asserted that the collapse of Jim Crow spelled the end of African American literature. While many have sought to refute Warren on the grounds that the social conditions which originally underwrote African American literature persist in the guise of structural racism and mass incarceration, this essay focuses on Warren's claim that such literature "constitutes a representational and rhetorical strategy." Drawing on the work of political scientist Preston H. Smith II, it argues that African American literature represented an attempt to resolve the tensions between "racial democracy," on the one hand, and social democracy on the other. The essay suggests that Sam Greenlee's 1969 spy novel The Spook Who Sat By the Door anticipated some of Warren's concerns and now allows us to see clearly how the demise of Jim Crow rendered any future rapprochement between racial and social democracy narratively untenable. In this way, Greenlee's novel invites us to consider whether too much of a focus on how African American literature ends tends to distract us from the perhaps more important task of analyzing how it fails as an aesthetic practice in a post-Jim Crow world. Refracting Warren's counterintuitive claim through the lens of Smith's dialectic... makes clear that the demise of Jim Crow constitutes an aesthetic problem whereby African American literature enters a vexed, less clearly collaborative relationship with leftist politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "How far do bayonets reach? Violence and colonial rule in Africa" by Tabea U. Buddeberg and Jürgen G. Nagel discusses violence and colonial rule in Africa. It emphasizes that the establishment of European colonies on other continents rarely occurred peacefully and often relied on superior military technology. Southern Africa serves as a case study for the violent seizure of colonies. The article also discusses various forms of violence used in colonialism and apartheid, including radical outbreaks of violence and structural violence. Racially organized segregation spatially and socially excluded the colonized society from many areas of social life. The text deals with the legitimization of power asymmetry in modern colonialism and the connection between racism and science. In particular, racist patterns of thought were justified through religious and later scientific knowledge in South Africa and Namibia. This led to the development of the academic discipline of anthropology, which formed the scientific basis for apartheid. Structural violence and the division of society into ethnic subgroups continue to have an impact on the thinking and actions of people in South Africa and Namibia today. The colonial history is not yet complete and continues to shape societies in the region. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on the role of women in the National Negro Business League (NNBL) under the leadership of Booker T. Washington. It explores how African American women played vital roles within the NNBL, serving in leadership capacities, promoting business growth, and contributing to the uplift activities of the organization. The article also highlights the importance of women in establishing an economic foundation for true freedom during the Jim Crow era.

Since the 1960s, when the United States Center for Disease Control (CDC) began compiling racial statistics on drowning death rates, it has been painfully obvious that African Americans are far more likely to drown than their white counterparts. While segregation denied black people access to most public swimming pools and racial violence transformed natural waterways into undesirable places for swimming, perceptions that swimming is an "un-black" or "white" pursuit have discouraged aquatics within African American communities, rendering black Americans far more likely to drowning than their white counterparts. This article is based on the author's historical scholarship, which uses historical records including newspaper accounts, slave narratives, white-authored travel accounts to Africa and the American South, plantation records, and ship logs to consider aquatic traditions in the African diaspora. Tracing African American's aquatic practices from Africa to America before documenting its twentieth-century decline, this article challenges notions that swimming is historically "un-black." Over the past decade, this author has collaborated with swimming advocates to use this histrory to encourage black swimming in communities throughout America. By further documenting and dissiminating African Americans' swimming heritage, this article seeks to promote aquatics and, thus, reduce drowning death rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article delves into the resistance to integration in Van Buren, Arkansas, from 1954 to 1958, post the Supreme Court's desegregation ruling. The city grappled with complying with the law, involving the school board and the Citizens' Council, resulting in a slow and contentious integration process. African American students faced challenges entering previously segregated schools, encountering resistance that led to a significant protest in 1958. These events in Van Buren mirror the broader tensions and opposition to desegregation in the South during that era. [Extracted from the article]

Background/Context: School segregation scholarship underlines that litigation challenging the segregation of Mexican American students in Texas schools stressed their legal racial identity as white. The other white race strategy, as scholars call it, granted Mexican Americans the right to access resources designated for the country's dominant racial group. Put differently, a defining feature of this argument pivoted on Mexican Americans' non-Blackness. An emerging body of more critical history scholarship has engaged almost exclusively the concept of whiteness to interpret this legal strategy. Few to no comparative analyses, however, examine Mexican American civil rights struggles outside this lens of whiteness, raising questions about Blackness's relationship to Juan Crow and the other white race strategy. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: This historical essay examines analyses of Mexican American school segregation litigation in Texas to consider how these legal arguments affected Black Texans. Positioning these considerations in the history of education to address this historiographical silence, I emphasize four notable court cases from 1930 to 1970: the 1930 Salvatierra case, the 1948 Delgado case, the 1957 Hernandez case, and the 1970 Cisneros case. I highlight how accounts of Mexican American legal strategies against Texas school segregation implicate African Americans. This critique represents an effort to grapple meaningfully with the groundbreaking, extant scholarship on Mexican American education and suggest new vantage points and considerations that interrogate and challenge antiBlackness. Research Design: Conceptually, I couple antiBlackness with Toni Morrison's literary metaphor of the Africanist presence to reveal that a writer's choice to leave Blackness unarticulated does little to invalidate its existence or significance. This historical essay engages particular elements of historiography, framing that affords greater latitude for innovation than the parameters of historiography in and of itself. The chronological organization I use demonstrates links between specific cases and the legal strategy underpinning them in a way that the thematic organization expected of a historiography would obscure. Although much of the scholarship I examine is situated within the history of education, I use wider, interdisciplinary perspectives and other forms of evidence for deeper insight, support, and analysis. Specifically, I integrate primary source evidence alongside germane perspectives from other fields, including legal studies, human geography, Black studies, educational policy, and literary studies. Conclusions/Recommendations: I argue that this historiography has understated the antiBlack implications of the other white race strategy's racial dimension, that is, the specific ways this litigation tactic excused and perpetuated African American segregation. I demonstrate that a conceptualization of school de/segregation in Texas history is more illuminating from a Black/non-Black perspective than from a white/non-white one. This emphasis clarifies how white supremacy has historically worked in tandem with antiBlackness to shape social, cultural, and political behavior and outcomes in education, even for non-Black peoples of Color. This analysis (1) clarifies the central role race and racial identity have historically played in U.S. history, (2) illustrates the possessive investment in whiteness as a valuable form of property that has historically determined access to key resources in this country, and (3) reveals the primacy of antiBlackness that has historically undergirded claims refuting discriminatory treatment experienced by non-Black peoples of Color. This examination represents a clarion call for scholars interested in justice and equity to admit, interrogate, and contest any adherence, witting or unwitting, to antiBlackness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1966 Joseph Waller and other members of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee removed George Snow Hill's Picnicking at Pass-a-Grille (1945) from St. Petersburg, Florida's, City Hall. For more than two decades, the mural had hung alongside its pendant, Hill's Fishing on the Pier (1945). Together, the paintings offered a vision of civic progress that denied Black audiences full participation in public life. Yet even in its absence, Picnicking at Pass-a-Grille troubles the present. The Sunshine City's deferred reckoning with its public artworks and urban projects of racial oppression is a local history with national resonances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A current topic in U.S. public schools is teaching issues of racial discrimination in American history. There are those motivated by political gain for elected office that are trying to shut down conversations about slavery and Jim Crow segregation laws in K-12 schools while others point out the central role that race has played in U.S. history and stress our schools must explore such topics. In this article, we focus on a one-week project with the Tulsa Race Massacre implemented in a sixth grade U.S. history class at a free public charter school in a mid-size Southern city. The conceptual framework of our project was an emphasis on disciplinary literacy skills and the inquiry-based teaching practices argued for in the C3 Framework by the National Council for the Social Studies (NCSS). We coded students' essays summarizing the Tulsa Race Massacre. Seven themes emerged from coding students' essays, which we discuss with excerpts from their work. Finally, we offer a discussion section to reflect on the findings from students' essays and suggest future areas of scholarship with the Tulsa Race Massacre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]