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Striking territorial variations in the 2016 Brexit referendum are neglected in the explanatory literature, a gap our analysis of the British Election Study (BES) helps to fill. Rather than modelling Britain as one political system, we present parallel models for England, Scotland and Wales. Typical in other multinational states, this approach is innovative for 'British politics'. The analysis shows different variables help to explain Leave support in England, Scotland and Wales. To analyse complex multilevel national identities, we develop a relative territorial identity (RTI) measure. The measure shows that those who prioritize their territorial identity in England tended to vote Leave, while the opposite is true in Wales and Scotland. The performance of this RTI measure helps to explain territorial differentiation in the 2016 Brexit vote. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before 1939 continental Europeans were settling in Scotland, in a polity shaped by distinct religious and legal traditions. In the same period, 'Scottish' state institutions were gaining significant powers over welfare, public health and local government. This article, as the foundation for a wider study on migrants in Scotland, uses state records to examine this machinery's attempts to engage with foreignness. It concludes that although officials largely engaged on the basis of increasingly restrictive alien United Kingdom legislation from 1905, this was also a period in which migrants could benefit from the official Scottishness of both ministers and mandarins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Barr's Irn-Bru (previously Iron Brew), Scotland's best-known soft drink, was promoted by recurrent comic strip advertisements in Scottish newspapers from 1939 to 1970. 'The Adventures of Ba-Bru' featured an eponymous Indian character who was joined by a kilt-wearing companion known as Sandy. This article explores how what the firm presents as the longest-running promotional comic strip in history has helped shape the construction of Scottishness in the drink's advertising. The exotic nature of the central Ba-Bru figure provides a counterpoint to manifestations of local particularism but also grounds the drink's discourse on Scottishness in a wider imperial and unionist context. The comic strips also generate examples of intermedial transfer that underline the impact of quotidian consumption habits in a national identity shaped by popular culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research has indicated that English identity was a strong predictor for a Leave vote in the referendum on membership of the European Union, and that it is an identity that is increasingly playing a role in British politics. In this paper, we explore whether Englishness affects even left‐right positioning of parties. Focusing on Labour, we find that it does, even controlling for other attitudinal and demographic variables. Alongside age and perceptions of the party leader, perceptions of immigration change and perceived lack of political efficacy also play a significant role. Given the potential electoral significance of this, we reflect on and propose a range of policy options that Labour could utilise to address this gap between English‐identifiers and the party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning in 1997, with the devolution of Scottish Parliament, the Scottish people had to re-define their shared language in order to establish what it truly meant to be Scottish. The National Theatre of Scotland uses traditional and native performance styles to build on the shared language(s) of its audience during their theatrical productions. This essay examines three NTS theatre for youth productions as case studies which seek to build Scottish cultural confidence in order to explore the effect of interweaving Scottish performance traditions with commonplace cultural traditions, as a form of language, on the cultivation of Scottish national identity in children and young people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vigorous extra-parliamentary public debate over the question of union helped to ensure that Scotland brought into the Union of 1707 a sense of itself as a nation with national opinions. Though the parliamentary electorate remained small, a meaningful number of Scots engaged in public political debate on the question of union. Petitions from shires, burghs and parishes spoke for local communities and pamphleteers presented Scottish voices through archetypal figures such as a 'country farmer'. This allowed opponents to declare that incorporating union was inconsistent with 'the publickly expressed mind of the nation'. After the Union, extra-parliamentary national opinion continued to be expressed and sustained by the Scottish press and petitions, contributing to the maintenance of Scottish national identity within the United Kingdom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay discusses how Scottish newspapers covered the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. It suggests that, in a move away from the positions they had held in the previous decade, indigenous Scottish newspapers openly suggested there was a desire for change in the form of increased devolution. As this option was not on the ballot paper, most of them proposed that increased devolution could still be achieved inside the Union. The mediated debate in the press was not about traditional notions of national identity, but about pragmatic considerations affecting everyday life, such as the future of the economy and public services. Although most of the press in its majority did not support independence, it did not wholeheartedly endorse the status quo either. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constitutional debate in the twenty-first century Scottish media is often presented by reporters and commentators as a uniquely contemporary feature of the nation's civil society. The present article will explore how the Scottish press and eighteenth-century Scotland's highest profile civil society institution - the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland - interacted to facilitate constitutional debate around the legal, social and ecclesiastical meaning of the Union for Scots, some eighty years after the settlement of 1707. The article examines the Glasgow Advertiser's coverage of the 1790 General Assembly debate over a motion to repeal the Test Act (which stipulated a confessional qualification in the Church of England for Kirk members seeking to hold British office) to illustrate how the eighteenth-century Scottish newspaper press sought to uphold the constitutional interests of the nation through extensive coverage of a central institution of Scottish civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Treaty of Union 1707 between Scotland and England and the respective implementing legislation in each Kingdom contained provisions which today we might describe as 'opt-outs'. These opt-outs from incorporating Union preserved aspects of the Scottish legal system which, along with the Presbyterian religion and the system of education, helped to ensure that Scottish identity was supported by some of the most powerful aspects of the state. This essay will examine some of the provisions of the Treaty, analyse aspects of the legal system and law that persisted after the Union, comment on the extent to which 310 years of the Union with England influenced that law, reflect on membership of the EU and the harmonization which it brought to the legal system and consider the impact of the Scottish Parliament on that law and legal system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the contemporary Scottish diaspora living and working in France. It considers the makeup, origins, drivers and influences of the diaspora, as well as considering the attitudes and behaviour of the diaspora itself. Through face to face interviews the paper considers the identity held by individuals within the diaspora, organisations they are (or are not) involved with and how they interact with the host country. It also considers diaspora attitudes held towards the homeland, and towards contemporary socio-political events taking place within Scotland today. The paper discusses the modern nature of the diaspora, the strong sense of national identity it holds, and how the Scottish Government may not be connecting with this diaspora at all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the representation of Scottish national identity and religious pluralism within the literature of Interfaith Scotland: a nationwide interfaith body formed after the establishment of the devolved Scottish Parliament in 1999. I will show that a form of civic and cultural nationalism is evident within that literature. I will also demonstrate that its representations of religious pluralism are structured by the world religions paradigm. It is argued that these different categories are represented as complementary and non-competitive. That representations of religions as universalistic, global and transcendent entail that they do not compete with the limited, bounded and ultimately sovereign national identity of Scotland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a time when all the political parties of Scotland are trying to establish a persuasive vision of the nation, inquiry into where ethnic and racial minorities fit into these debates provides one understudied means of bridging literatures on multinationalism and multiculturalism. Focusing especially on the lesser known question of how elite political actors are positioning minorities within projects of nation-building, this article draws upon original empirical data in which three predominant clusters emerge. The first centres on an aspirational pluralism, in so far as political elites are less inclined – in contrast to counterparts in some other minority nations – to place ethnically determined barriers on membership of Scottish nationhood. The second concerns the competing ways in which the legacy of Scotland's place in the British Empire is appropriated by actors of different political hues, and so assumes a multiform role. The third cluster points to potential limitations in minority claims-making and recognition, especially in terms of formal multilingualism and corporate multifaithism, something that may partly be explained by the tension between multinationalism and multiculturalism. Taken together, the article illustrates how elite political actors can play a vital role in ensuring that appeals to nationhood in Scotland can be meaningfully calibrated to include minorities too. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of an associational world is often regarded as fundamental to the development of civil society, urban cultural life, and political consciousness in early America. The financial roles of voluntary associations, however, remain less well explored. This article draws on a case study of the St. Andrew's Society of Philadelphia to examine the credit functions of a voluntary association and to consider the relationship between ethnicity and economic practice in the urban Atlantic world. Through a focus on the society's charitable, social, and money-lending activities, it argues that associations had a crucial function in colonial communities as providers of credit in its entangled economic and social forms. In placing the society within the context of both early American associational culture and the history of the Scottish diaspora, the article considers why ''Scottishness'' functioned as a basis for trust. Through its various activities, the society manufactured and enforced a sense of Scottishness that was based on the notion of good credit. Ethnicity was a flexible and fluid concept that incorporated the components of credit and individual worth on the basis of social, occupational, and gender identities, providing a framework for interaction within Philadelphia's particular public sphere and a wider Atlantic economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses political attitudes to the union in England, Scotland and Wales after the Scottish independence referendum. Using public opinion data, we explore constitutional preferences and perceptions of national grievance, before examining the role that national identity plays in structuring preferences. Our evidence shows that considerable demand exists for nationally demarcated forms of government within the UK, although these constitutional preferences do not translate in support for policy diversity across the UK. We also find evidence that these constitutional preferences relate closely to national identity, but relate also to appeals to national interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scotland is not the only sub-state unit in Europe where relevant political actors make claims for independence. To generate insights on these independence demands, we compare the drivers, arguments and popular support for secession in Scotland, the Basque Country, Catalonia and Flanders. We argue that national identity, party politics and the economy are behind the independence requests, and the exact articulation of these elements varies from case to case. Currently, the most salient of these demands are the ones from Catalonia; Basque demands for self-determination are less prominent than in the past, whereas the demand for a vote on independence is much less articulated in Flanders. Although the Scottish independence referendum has set a precedent for solving independence disputes, we argue that the possibilities of exporting the Scottish referendum experience to other realities are limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

History has played a central role in the construction of nations in the early modern period when national historiography replaced chronicles as the main historical genre. The treatment of female national characters by historians is therefore key to our understanding of the gendering of the nation in its infancy. This article contends that Scotland is a good case in point to explain why some nations were born ‘womenless’, for not only did Scottish historians of the period exclude women from national heroism, but one historian, Buchanan, went as far as theorising a Scottish exception that deliberately excluded Scottish women from the throne. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article sets out to examine the complexity of national identity and to provide a more nuanced understanding of how inclusive and exclusive characteristics of national identity, which appear theoretically contradictory but show empirically considerable compatibility, relate to each other. In order to empirically investigate the nature of national identity, the article develops a multidimensional model - consisting of an ethnic, cultural, territorial and civic dimension. The article explores the understanding of national identity in two specific groups: members of the Scottish National Party ( SNP) in the United Kingdom and members of the Frisian National Party ( FNP) in the Netherlands. The evidence presented is based on data from two full membership studies, and the model is operationalised using a confirmatory factor analyses. The conclusion is that national identity can be conceptualised as consisting of one, or several, base layer(s) that can be 'topped-up' with secondary layers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the 1970 British Commonwealth Games, held in Edinburgh. It discusses the marketing, ceremonial presentation, and iconography of an event dubbed ‘the Friendly Games’ by Prince Philip, but one that nevertheless had its share of boycott threats and political intrigue. The iconography of these events is placed within the context of Scottish national and political identity, as the presentation of the event – controversially, in some quarters – utilised Balmoral-esque ‘Scottish’ tropes, including tartan Scottish team uniforms, and the copious use of ‘Scottish’ music, imagery and literature in the media and ceremonial elements of the Games. It examines the marketing of the 1970 Games, inclusive of: sponsorship and advertising, the creation of a mascot and logo, and songs. The ceremonial elements of the competition, including the participation of the royal family, opening and closing ceremonies, stamps and medals, and the arrangements surrounding these events and objects are considered. This piece also briefly examines the context of Scottish/British domestic politics, as well as wider contemporary tensions related to ex-Empire nations' participation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article re-examines how willing the English and Scots are to accept or reject claims to respective national identities by people born elsewhere. A previous paper showed, counter-intuitively, that people in the two countries were similar in their willingness to accept claims to national identity. Since then, different political parties are in power in England and Scotland, with differing policies and attitudes to identity. Have the original findings changed in the context of this significant political change? We conclude that the English and Scots continue to be similar on accepting or rejecting claims. However, they have diverged with regard to claims by white people, with national identity a less important explanatory variable than education in Scotland, whereas in England it remains the determining factor. For claims by non-whites, the two societies have become more similar. Education remains in Scotland, and to a considerable extent in England, the more important explanatory variable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scotland seems to be a counter-example to general theories of the relationship between language and national identity or nationalism. These theories point to three components in the ideology of language and nation—that being able to speak the national language is necessary for full national membership, that the national language is a core part of the nation's culture, and that the future of national political autonomy and the future of the national language are connected with each other. In Scotland, it has appeared that language is not central to national membership or culture, and language campaigning has not been central to the political campaigns for autonomy. The article presents new evidence, from the 2012 Scottish Social Attitudes Survey, which questions these beliefs about the relationship between language and national identity or nationalism in Scotland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the post-1707 history of Ailsa Craig, a small island off of the Ayrshire coast in the west of Scotland. The island was a site of tourism for Scots, and for English and other foreign travellers, who offered romantic depictions of what they saw as a uniquely Scottish natural landscape, inclusive of rare species of nesting seabirds. Of more relevance to the world of sport was that granite from Ailsa Craig comprised the majority of the world's curling stones. In terms of its imagery, the island was also used as both a selling point and narrative device by journalists covering British Open golf tournaments at nearby Turnberry. These uses both represented globally-transmitted ideas of what was represented as an ‘authentic’ Scottish sporting material culture. This article goes beyond these depictions, however, to examine the island as a food store and as a playground for its aristocratic owners, and to examine the quarrying ‘industry’ – both as a small-scale family affair, and later as a larger, even riskier venture. The place of Ailsa Craig in discourses on ‘Scottishness’ will be balanced against the difficulty of life on the islands, and concerns over the environmental damage done by man's presence there. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the relationship between European integration and ethnonational demands with the example of selected regions in the European Union (EU). It follows the theoretical premises of new regionalism and explores the ways in which ethnonational groups use the opportunities and resources of European governance to express their identities, material interests, and political demands. Methodologically, it conducts a plausibility probe of the potential effects of European integration on ethnonationalism by testing for regional differences in identities, interests, and political attitudes. The case studies are drawn from the UK (Wales and Scotland), Belgium (Flanders), Austria (Carinthia and Burgenland), Romania (Northwest and Center regions), and Bulgaria (South-Central and South-Eastern regions) as a representative selection of regional interests in the EU. The paper finds that European integration affects ethnonational groups by reinforcing identity construction in the direction of inclusiveness and diversity. Although regional actors are more supportive of the EU than the European publics in general, they also seek access to representation in the authority structures of the state. Based on these findings, the paper concludes that European integration facilitates a growing public acceptance of its resources, in parallel with persisting allegiances to the nation-state, the community, and ethnoregional distinctiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the depictions of gender and national identity within the paintings of 18th century Scottish painter David Allan. The author explores the social context of his conversation paintings and his genre works, examines the economic framework in which he produced his paintings, and discusses the aesthetics of Scottish national identity within his work.

The article focuses on the exhibition of India and Indian goods in Scotland during the 19th century. The author discusses how empire impacted popular culture in Scotland, explores the economic relationship between Scottish craft production and the Indian textile industry, and examines how Indian exhibitions influenced Scottish cultural identity through all social classes.

This paper describes a research study of Scots living and working in a non-English-speaking country, namely the Netherlands, and discusses the question of whether the group may be said to constitute a ‘diaspora’. It describes the Scottish community within the Netherlands, which is essentially made up of first-generation migrants. Using interview data, the paper explores issues of identity and describes the diaspora organisations, which have been established, and concludes that the Scottish diaspora in the Netherlands (and possibly elsewhere in Europe) is mostly of recent origin and has a strong sense of national identity. It may not function as a diaspora in the traditionally accepted sense. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The following article examines the major Burns festivals of the nineteenth century, particularly the Ayr Festival of 1844, in the context of the wider creation of cultural memory through the monumental celebration of national heroes in these years. It argues both that what we now think of as Burns' literary reputation was substantially created by iconic objects, celebrations and events, rather than literary criticism, and that the cultural memory of Burns was ultimately beyond the control of those who sought to stage-manage it. Given the centrality of Burns in Victorian Scotland, both conclusions have much wider implications both for literary canon formation and banal manifestations of cultural and national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using interviews with 10 Orangewomen from England and Scotland, this article analyses how women could articulate a sense of ethnic identity through membership of the Orange Order during the second half of the twentieth century. What emerged from their reflections was a sense of how Irish Protestant identity interacted with, and was shaped by, Scottish, English and British identities. This article argues that these women's identity was rooted, for most, in a family background in Scotland and Ireland, which was strongly intertwined with their membership of the Orange Order. The example of the female Orange Order demonstrates that identities can be formed through the close interplay of family and ethnic associational life, suggesting ways in which historians of migration might further explore the interaction of migrants' public and private lives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article looks at the National Theatre of Scotland (NTS), with a particular focus on its relationship to Scottish politics and nationalism. Details on the NTS's engagement with themes of war, political devolution, and national identity in its productions of the plays "Black Watch" by Gregory Burke and "Dunsinane" by David Greig are presented. Topics discussed include touring, artistic collaboration, allusion, and allegory.

This essay examines the US tours (2007–13) of Black Watch, a docudrama about the eponymous military unit, produced by the National Theatre of Scotland (NTS). I argue that the production manifests a ‘banal theatrical nationalism’ when theatrical national signifiers meet quotidian acts of soldiering and the mundane labour required to remount the production at each tour venue. I focus attention on the regimental history recounted through ‘Fashion’, the play's central military uniform dressing sequence, and introduce into my analysis a New York City fashion show, Dressed to Kilt, to interrogate the stakes of fashion, cultural production and visibility. Black Watch materializes what I am calling a ‘Scottish operative’ that acts on behalf of the NTS in securing international attention and potential investment. In order to query the sociopolitical stakes of this production's US success, I identify political, cultural and military links between the US and Scotland. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The 1917 call for a national memorial to the First World War led to the establishment of the Imperial War Museum in London. It also inspired Scottish, Welsh and Irish national memorials. No English national memorial was ever proposed; instead the Cenotaph and the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier were conceived as imperial memorials. The new statelet of Northern Ireland did not commemorate its overall war effort within its own territory. This article surveys the organization, location and design of the Scottish, Welsh and Irish national war memorials to the First World War. It examines some aspects of the complex set of relationships between the local, regional, national and imperial layers of identity that are inherent in Britishness. In doing so it reveals the confused and contested nature of national identity in the United Kingdom at the close of the First World War. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the context of contemporary debates about Scottish devolution and identity this report investigates the re-emergence of the highland longhouse typology on the Isle of Skye after nearly two hundred years of decline. Following an introduction to post-devolution discourse on Scottish identity and to the postmodern notion of "reimagining," the report looks specifically at one architectural practice, Dualchas Architects, which has been active on the Isle of Skye for the past seventeen years and is attempting to reimagine the highland longhouse for the highland community today. The report concludes by suggesting that through the act of reimagining, a process of taking from the past that which serves the practical, political and cultural needs of the present, Dualchas Architects have triggered a renewed interest in the highland longhouse as a progressive and specifically "highland" architecture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper utilised a combination of explicit and implicit techniques to investigate the ways in which children aged 5–16 from two small European nation-states develop in-group favouritism, and positive and/or negative attitudes towards other nation-states. The study adopted a combination of data collection approaches to gain greater evaluation of variability in the responses obtained. Data were analysed statistically for both quantitative and qualitative data. The findings show self-regulation of overt negativity and clearly demonstrate some disquieting outcomes. It poses questions of the extent to which social norms of xenophobia and racism disseminated to children through access to an adult directed media; and what interventions might diminish out-group negativity and prejudice whilst maintaining a level of in-group favouritism that delivers personal self-esteem, and provides the basis for national regard that does not compromise the rights of others. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This historiographical article discusses the development of Scottish historical studies on the concept of the Scottish nation beginning in the early 19th century. The authors note an early association of nation with the Scottish state, but argue that nation is better understood through an examination of the relationship between the self, Scottish society, and politics. They investigate historical studies that explore the impact of individuals' distinct everyday lives on their understanding of nationalism as well as the implications of Scotland's 1707 union with England. Other topics discusses include the Scottish diaspora and 20th-century Scottish history.

The article discusses the relationship between the study of modernity and the study of history in Scotland. The author evaluates modernity's connection to the development of Scottish national identity and notes studies related to local history, Scottish popular culture, and everyday Scottish life. He examines interdisciplinary research that combines historical and sociological methods in order to investigate themes of identity. Other topics include de-industrialization, cultural history, and social class.

The article discusses the study of gender history in Scotland. Focus is given to historical research that investigates the relationship between gender and such topics as Scottish politics, imperialism, sexuality, family life, and race. The authors begin by distinguishing between the fields of women's history and gender history, and go on to investigate research conducted by such historians as Annmarie Hughes, Megan Smitley, Esther Breitenbach, and Eleanor Gordon. Other topics addressed include the history of masculinity, research on Scottish national identity, and education.

The article presents a series of e-mails sent between the article's two authors that deal with the relationship between Scottish history, Scottish literary criticism, and Scotland's literary tradition. The authors comment on Scottish historians' lack of focus on Scotland's literary tradition and Scottish culture in general as well as the more general concept of historicizing the Scottish imagination. Historians' comparisons between Scottish and English literature are also explained. Other topics addressed include the use of literature as a historical source, the connection between literature and national identity, and Scottish Calvinism.

This article examines the change in name of the devolved governing body of Scotland from the Scottish Executive (1999-2007) to the Scottish Government (2007-present) following the majority result for the Scottish National Party in the 2007 Scottish Parliament elections. In the wider European political landscape this is unusual: while ministries, departments and even political parties change their names relatively frequently, the same cannot be said for top-level political institutions. This paper investigates this discursive act of "rebranding" from a discourse-historical perspective (see Reisigl & Wodak 2009). In addition to critical analysis of various texts about the act of rebranding itself (media reports, political speeches and parliamentary debates, policy documents), the historical, cultural and political contexts are examined in relation to the wider significance of this move for top-down Scottish national identity construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about the controversy regarding the "Famine Song" which highlights the Scottish culture of football environment and Scotland's anti-Irish dispositions. It states that song targets racism on culture and ethnicity than on skin color. Topics include Irish immigration to Scotland, racial and religious prejudices, and Scottish cultural and national identities.

The article discusses the life of Scottish nobleman William Drummond Stewart, with a particular focus on his travels in the American West and on the western memorabilia which he collected at Murthly Castle, his ancestral home in Scotland. According to the author, Stewart saw parallels between Native American and ancient Scottish cultures and viewed his collection as reflective of his Scottish identity. Details on the history of Murthly Castle are also presented.

Consumption of Tennent's lager, brewed in Glasgow, served as an important means of expressing Scottish national identity from the 1960s. The role it came to play in the Scottish psyche ensured that this was no ordinary alcoholic beverage. It soon commanded more than half the lager market in Scotland, a dominance unrivalled among English breweries of lager south of the border. Given this ascendancy in Scotland, Tennent's, consumed in pubs with males as patrons, became linked closely with masculinity. Cans of Tennent's lager began featuring Scottish women in provocative poses from the late 1960s, much to the delight of male drinkers. In the marketing of this beverage, the brewery broadened the basis of Scottish national identity, which now became intertwined with Tennent's lager, masculinity and, soon, football. Sponsorship of Scotland's World Cup Football teams in the 1970s and later the Scottish Cup placed the brewer of Tennent's lager in the forefront of how Scotsmen saw themselves and defined their Scottishness. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Formed within the interplay of history, culture and cognition, the concept of social memory is introduced to evaluate a key element of Scotland's nineteenth-century national tale. Being never more than partially captured by state and monarchy, and only imperfectly carried by institutions and groups, the national tale has comprised a number of narratives. Within the post-Union fluidity of Scotland's place within Britain, and at a time of European conflict, this tale coalesced around social memories of the mediaeval patriot William Wallace. Distinctive to that process was the historical romance The Scottish Chiefs (1810), as it was merged with the public life of its author, Jane Porter (bap. 1776-1850). By situating this fictional account of the life of Wallace within the social memories of its author, and in society more widely, attention is directed towards a set of stories formed in Porter's own cognition. These living memories were forged in her childhood experiences of a new life in Scotland; her claim to have pioneered the historical novel, confirmed by her friend Walter Scott; her personal, familial, and fictional projections of her public self; and in how contemporaries returned to her, and made known to society, their reception of her personality, her deportment, and her fiction. It was in combination that a leading social memory of the nation's tale was formed out of living memory that could not have transcended time and place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the mid-1980s the influence of identity politics and poststructuralism has sought to replace the idea of a ‘unified’ identity with the concept of dynamic, multiple and fractured identities. However, it has been suggested that there is an ontological problem with researching dynamic conceptions of identity and that all too often people treat forming and formative processes (such as the makings and doings of identity) as fixed and formed wholes. This article attempts to address this concern through an exploration of the ‘doings’ of Scottish national identities. Drawing on a nonrepresentational inspired study of (‘Scottish’) musical performances the project presented in this article seeks to explore how a study of the ephemeral, emotionally charged moments of (‘Scottish’) musical performance might shed new light on the nature and (re)production of Scottish national identities in the making or the doing. This article therefore makes a contribution to understandings of ‘Scottishness’ (as lived experiences), but, it also makes a contribution to the geographies of music literature by highlighting the need to further explore the practical and performative dimensions of ‘musicking’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the nineteenth century nationalism and historiography were closely linked, and the absence of separatist nationalism in Scotland had consequences for academic history. This article looks at the content of university history teaching, using sources such as lecture notes, textbooks, and inaugural lectures. The nature of the Scottish curriculum made the Ordinary survey courses more significant than specialised Honours teaching. While chairs of general history were founded only in the 1890s, the teaching of constitutional history in law faculties from the 1860s transmitted an older tradition of whig constitutionalism, based partly on the idea of racial affinity between the English and Scots, which was reinforced by the influence of the English historians Stubbs and Seeley. Academic historians shared contemporary views of history as an evolutionary science, which stressed long-term development and allowed the Union to be presented in teleological terms. Their courses incorporated significant elements of Scottish history. Chairs of Scottish history were founded at Edinburgh in 1901 and Glasgow in 1913, but their holders shared the general unionist orientation. By 1914, therefore, university history courses embodied a distinctive Scoto-British historiography, which was a significant factor in the formation of British identity among the Scottish middle classes; there were many European parallels to this state-oriented form of national history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relics and cult of Saint Merolilanus, a martyr in eighth century Rheims, France of Scottish or Irish (scotigena) heritage. It examines the account of Saint Merolilanus as outlined in the "Historia Remensis Ecclesiae" by Flodoard of Rheims. The author comments on the translation of Saint Merolilanus' relics to the church of Saint Symphorien in Rheims and later to the Scots College in Rome, Italy. Other topics explored include Scottish identity and aspects of Scottish Catholicism.

This paper describes the relationship that exists between Scotland and its diaspora and the ways in which this has changed since the advent of devolution. Based on interviews carried out primarily in the United States, it explores how members of the diaspora have adopted a less historical and sentimental approach to their ‘homeland’ and are increasingly knowledgeable about Scottish constitutional change. In part this has resulted from the growth of the internet and the ease of finding out about developments in Scotland itself, as well as the greater ease and affordability of travel back to Scotland. But, most importantly, the existence of a government in Edinburgh has allowed Scottish politicians and organizations to engage with the diaspora in events such as Tartan Day, in a way in which London-based politicians were never likely to do. Tourist developments promoted by the Scottish government, such as the Year of Homecoming in 2009, have also been highly significant. Thus links between Scotland and its diaspora have been changed and strengthened in various ways. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In opening this special edition of National Identities we will introduce the papers herein, which take Scottish devolution as their starting point for reflecting on Scottish national identity. Before so doing, we contextualize these analyses by giving a background to devolution and to studies of Scottish national identity in general. We lay out some of the approaches taken thus far and, in particular, raise points for further debate, which authors in this issue will take further. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the role of national identity in the behaviour and performance of the Scottish Conservative Party – the main voice of opposition to devolution in the 1990s. In particular, it will address the apparent flat-lining of its popular vote, arguing that this is a direct consequence of the party doggedly adhering to a more traditional form of ‘unionist nationalism’. This can be contrasted with Wales, where the party has adapted well to devolution, and enjoyed a steady improvement in its electoral performances. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the nature of national identity as held by political elites within Scotland. Through an examination of interview data collected from over 60 members of the elected political elite within Scotland, questions such as ‘what is Scottishness?’, ‘who can be Scottish?’, and ‘what boundaries to belonging exist in Scotland?’, are addressed. It begins by considering mass survey data concerning such questions, and then compares the results from elite interviews. The article concludes by highlighting the differences that emerge between the mass and elite conceptions of Scottishness today. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]