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The article focuses on the renewed case for Scottish independence in a post-Brexit Europe. It discusses the United Kingdom (UK)'s decision to leave the European Union and the impact on Scotland's desire for independence. It further argues on a legislation passed by the UK Parliament systematically undermines the devolution of powers and the Scottish Parliament, providing a strong case for Scotland's sovereignty and independence from the UK through democratic secession.

Deliberative systems theorists have for some time emphasised the distributed nature of deliberative values; they therefore do not focus exclusively on 'deliberation' but on all sorts of communication that advance deliberative democratic values, including everyday political talk in informal settings. However, such talk has been impossible to capture inductively at scale. This article discusses an electronic approach, Structural Topic Modelling, and applies it to a recent case: the Scottish independence debate of 2012–2014. The case provides the first empirical test of the claim that a deliberative system can capture the full 'pool of perspectives' on an issue, and shows that citizens can hold each other to deliberative standards even in mass, online discussion. It also shows that, in deliberative terms, the major cleavage in the 'indyref' debate was not so much between Yes and No, but between formal and informal venues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the depiction of the movement for Scotland's independence in the poetry of Scottish poet Hugh MacDiarmid. It aims to provide a literary and political light on the relationship between Scotland and England in regard with communist and nationalist engagement. The association between MacDiarmid's Scottish nationalism and democratic socialism is discussed, as well as the poet's link with the Scottish National Party (SNP).

In most referendum campaigns, voters face a choice between an uncertain "Yes" for a change and a safer "No" for maintaining the status quo. Given this asymmetrical structure in terms of uncertainty, this study argues that individual dispositions toward taking risks play a crucial role in explaining support for referendum proposals. Panel data and two experimental studies provide empirical evidence that in the 2014 Scottish independence referendum and in the 2016 EU referendum in the UK, risk propensity significantly influenced voting behavior—specifically, that risk takers were more likely to vote for a change than risk-averse voters. However, risk propensity mattered less to informed voters than uninformed voters, since only the latter were influenced by risk preferences in their voting decisions. In addition, information affected mainly risk-averse voters, whose support for referendum proposals increased after reading a balanced set of pro and con arguments. The implications of this study extend beyond direct democracy and open up avenues of future research on the interplay between information and general personality traits, including risk propensity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existence, nature, and scope of the pre-Covenanting state in Scotland has been a source of much historiographical debate. This article contributes to this debate by examining the early modern Scottish state through the lens of a short period of war at the start of Charles I's reign. Upon assuming the thrones of England, Scotland, and Ireland in 1625, Charles I looked to intervene in the ongoing Thirty Years' War on behalf of his sister and brother-in-law Elizabeth and Frederick of Bohemia. While the direct involvement of the three Stuart kingdoms in the war did not last long, Scotland played an important role as the supplier of soldiers to allied armies, especially Denmark and Sweden. The near constant demand for soldiers intensified the contact between centre and localities and provided opportunities for Scots at the local level to participate, thanks to print, in debates on a national scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically analyses the debates which have unfolded in the aftermath of the Scottish independence referendum of 18 September 2014 concerning the constitutional arrangements of the UK as a plurinational state and the internal governmental structure of England. The debates unfolding in the UK reflect and illustrate two central themes in planning, territorial development and public policy. First, they highlight the contested distribution of power across multiple layers of government in states with an inherited centralized pattern of governance that are now facing strengthening regionalist and nationalist claims. Second, they illustrate the linked growth in the demand for new governance and strategic planning arrangements in large metropolitan areas with fragmented administrative and institutional boundaries. The article first discusses what the outcome of the Scottish referendum (and its aftermath) means for planning in Scotland. It then turns to the debates on devolution in the rest of UK which were stoked in the wake of the referendum, looking at the planning implications of further devolution in Northern Ireland and Wales, and at the possible consequences of the various options currently being aired to solve the ‘English question’. Finally, ongoing debates on decentralization to regions and city-regions in England are briefly considered. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article focuses on the experiences of Scotland’s largest foreign-born minority group, namely Poles, in the run-up to the Scottish independence referendum in 2014. We draw on 20 in-depth interviews to explore our participants’ intentions and justifications for voting (or not) in the referendum. We found that our participants tended to emphasise thejus domiciliprinciple when justifying their eligibility to vote in the referendum. However, our participants extended thejus domiciliprinciple in their justifications to also include the intention to stay in Scotland as a central aspect of their continuing stake in (and right to vote in the referendum to determine) Scotland’s future. Through exploring our participants’ justifications for voting in the referendum, we were able to examine and better understand how migrants constitute their citizenship through articulating their substantive attachments (social, economic and relational or familial) in their adoptive country and in their country of origin. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various articles within the issue on topics including Scottish independence and devolution, Smith commission, and political reform in Scotland post independence.

The article presents information on European and worldwide nationalism and discusses the 20th and 21st century history of Europe. Other topics mentioned in this article include the Scottish vote for independence in 2014, the role of the global financial crisis, and the role of Germany and its government policy for the European Union.

In the article, the author discusses political developments in England as of January 2015, particularly how new radical politics that embody its best democratic, socialist, liberal and co-operative traditions can emerge in the country. He also cites the growing autonomy of Scotland and Wales, the failed independence referendum in Scotland, as well as his book "Socialism with a Northern Accent."

The article discusses the nationalist and institutionalist forces that have driven the progressive rhetoric of the referendum debate on Scottish independence. Topics covered include the analysis made by Gordon Asher and Leigh French of the rhetoric of the Yes campaign, Iain Macwhirter's insights about the referendum debate which he described as a "festival of democracy," and the analysis of Walter Benjamin's idea of "left melancholy."

The article presents insights about the Scottish independence referendum and the emerging challenges to Great Britain, its constitution and economic model. Author Adam Ramsay believes that the referendum is an offshoot of the British state's failure to renew its constitution. Renewal Editor Ben Jackson underscores the need to heed the arguments of the Scottish nationalists in favor of Scottish independence. Journalist David Torrance talks about recasting the constitution and the House of Lords.

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including an analysis of the September 2014 Scottish independence referendum, the contradictions in multiculturalism, and the purification factor in politics.

The article discusses the Scotland independence referendum's impact on Western liberal democracy as of 2014. Topics covered include the Scots' engagement with cultural identity and political representation issues, and the decisive win of the No to independence faction. Also mentioned are Great Britain's need to acknowledge the oligarchy tendency of both liberalism and representative democracy, and to renew traditions of constitutionalism and "mixed government" to best revive democracy.

An editorial is presented in which the authors discuss the 2014 Scottish Referendum on independence from Great Britain in relation to the commemorations of the Battle of Bannockburn, Scotland in 1314 and the beginning of World War I in 1914. They explore why Bannockburn is related to Scottish nationalism and examine how national identity shifted towards Great Britain during the Great War.

Canada's Clarity Act, an act governing the process and practice of future referendums on Quebec sovereignty, has managed tofind its way into the discourse, discussion and debate surrounding the 18 September 2014 referendum in Scotland. This article explores the notion of 'clarity' as it is being applied to the Scottish referendum, the consequences of this emergent ethos and how the question itself has become a preoccupation for both Separatists and Unionists alike. Having taken form in Canada, and now being utilised by lawmakers in the UK, the 'clarity ethos', as we argue below, is altogether an unattainable ideal. Subject to interpretative/ cognitive bias, referendum questions, and how they are formulated, deserve the same level of analysis as the debate and discussion precipitating them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The prospect of a constituent part of a European Union (EU) Member State attaining independence is growing. The year 2012 saw the confirmation of an independence referendum in Scotland, to take place in the fall of 2014, and sub-state nationalism returned to the fore in Spain, Belgium and Italy. Currently, there is no clear mechanism through which to deal with a part of a Member State becoming an independent state. The premise of this article is that such a state of confusion is not conducive to the smooth functioning of the EU. The article argues that, in order to remain faithful to its normative principles and to avoid a dislocation in the single market, the EU must find a way to handle internal enlargement short of expelling new states that might emerge from existing Member States. The official position set out by the European Commission thus needs to be problematised. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article examines the institutional origins of the referendum for independence in Scotland on September 18, 2014. It claims that the referendums were promised by the minority government of British Prime Minister James Callaghan to gain the support of the Scottish National Party (SNP) and Plaid Cymru. Also examined are the situation in Scotland under Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, as well as the Scottish and Welsh devolution under Prime Ministers Tony Blair and Gordon Brown.

An interview with Alexander Vladimirovich Yakovenko, the Russian ambassador to Great Britain, is presented. He discusses Russian-British relations, with a particular focus on the effects of the 2014 Ukrainian separatist conflict on ties between the two countries. He states that cultural ties between Russia and Great Britain are continuing to grow and compares the Scottish independence movement with the Ukrainian separatist conflict.

The September 2014 referendum is a milestone in Scotland’s history. After 307 years of union with England and a 15-year experience with devolution, Scottish nationalism is within reach of its ultimate goal. Independence would be consensual and Scotland and the rest of the UK would retain multiple links. The EU dimension looms large in the debate and is entangled with the UK’s own review of its membership. Scotland’s referendum is part of a wider trend seeing other ‘stateless nations’ in the democratic world pursuing independence. Even if opinion polls indicate voters will likely reject secession, Scotland’s experience holds important lessons for the wider world. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The debate about Scottish independence raises questions about church-state relations and religious establishment in Scotland as well as about national identity. This article surveys and summarises attitudes in the Church of Scotland on these subjects over the 450 years since the Scottish Reformation. It identifies and explores several key themes, notably the spiritual independence of the church and national recognition of religion. They were hotly debated topics during the reign of King James VI, enshrined in law in the aftermath of the Glorious Revolution and prompted the use of the royal veto by Queen Victoria. The Articles Declaratory of the Church of Scotland, embodied in the Church of Scotland Act of 1921, which provide a unique definition of church establishment, will have to be renegotiated in the event of Scottish independence. There are competing views within the Kirk about the constitutional position of Christianity and more specifically of the Church of Scotland in an independent Scotland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to undertake an analysis of the implications of potential Scottish independence for inward foreign direct investment (FDI), multinational enterprise strategies and the local economy. Design/methodology/approach – This paper takes a multidisciplinary approach drawing on literature and evidence in the international business and management, political economy and economic geography fields to analyse the role and impact of inward FDI in Scotland following possible Scottish independence. Findings – Scotland continues as an attractive location for FDI, with greater diversity than hitherto. While the country’s comparative advantages in immobile natural resources provide some protection from uncertainty, weak embeddedness is a risk factor irrespective of independence. A range of transition costs of independence are identified, which could be high and of indeterminate duration, and some will be sector-specific. There are also new possibilities for tailoring of policies and potential reindustrialization opportunities in renewable technologies. The foreign investors most vulnerable to political risks and uncertainties are those whose market scope is the rest of the UK (rUK) either as exporters or value-chain integrators, in addition to the high political risk industries of energy, banking and financial services and defence. Scottish subsidiaries’ significance within their parent MNE groups will also be a major factor in determining responses to political risks and uncertainties. Originality/value – Specific focus on the impact of potential independence on the foreign-owned sector as a major contributor to the Scottish economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]