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The problem of divided societies and divisions in societies acquires special significance against the background of growing socio-political tensions in the internal and external political dimensions around the world. The West is ceasing to be an area of predominant tranquility and wellbeing. In recent years, in European societies a trend of increasing divisions has also emerged. The article analyzes old and new socio-political divisions (cleavages) within the Portuguese society. The choice of Portugal as a case study is due to the combination of several factors: the memory of the Carnation Revolution, the attitude towards the European project, the imperial past, Catholicism/secularism, and the historical legacy of the Salazar dictatorship. The theoretical and methodological framework of the study is based on the use of the concept of divided societies and constructivism as the main epistemological tools, while the country studies analysis is also applied. The authors attempt not only to identify the basic socio-cultural divisions in the contemporary Portuguese society, but also answer the question of whether it is possible to speak of a divided society in relation to the Portuguese case. The emphasis is placed on the peculiarities of Portugal’s historical path as a post-imperial state whose specificity is largely due, first, to the heritage of the Portuguese maritime empire, and, second, to the legacy of the 1974 Carnation Revolution. The key cleavages that are at the center of the analysis are the legacy of the Carnation Revolution, the European project, the imperial legacy, the religious configuration, and the Salazar heritage. The conclusion is that the Portuguese society has managed to avoid the most negative scenario of the development of the situation and has a chance of consolidation.

The article analyzes the phenomenon of new populism in Central and Eastern Europe, taking as an example such countries as Hungary and Poland. The object of research is scientific discourse, and the subject is its segment, directly or indirectly related to populism in CEE. The main problems, aspects and positions that exist in the scientific community on the topic of populism are identified. This article explores the questions of whether populists in CEE countries are bearers of the potential for alternativeism.The piece also raises the problem of the model of the world order and the possibility of projecting an Eastern European alternative development-Most attention is paid to the answers to these research questions. In addition, the article outlines possible prospects for the development of the scientific discourse of populism, including in a comparative political key.

The COVID-19 pandemic has rapidly and synchronously changed the lives of billions of people all over the planet. The economic, social, and political problems were entwined in tight contradictions. The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on international and national political issues has been the focus of attention of academia around the world since early 2020. The primary attention has been focused on international and national levels. At the same time, the subnational and local dimensions of the corona crisis "elude" the political science community. Nevertheless, fighting against the new biogenic danger changes the redistribution of power between the national, subnational, and local levels. The article analyses this redistribution and presents its preliminary due to the incompleteness of the pandemic results. It seeks to identify the main patterns of a new round of the evolution of subsidiarity associated with the COVID-19 pandemic. What role does COVID-subsidiarity play now, and what are its prospects in the post-pandemic world? The article employs the concept of megatrends and comparative methods to answer this question. The results show that extraordinary powers have been redistributed worldwide from the national to the subnational level. The essential characteristic of COVID-subsidiarity is the emergence of emergency powers at the subnational and local levels. It happens in states with different political regimes and different political cultures. It is likely that even after the end of the current pandemic, in some cases, the subnational regions will try to retain the expanded powers they acquired during the emergency. This is part of a broader process of transformation of the modern state and its adaptation to the newly emerging political organization of the world.

As relations between the Russian Federation and the West continue to deteriorate, traditional diplomatic instruments become less eff ective. Conversely, the role of alternative diplomatic channels is growing. However, the Russian foreign policy still tends to underestimate their potential. In particular, the soft power potential of the Russian regions appears to be largerly under-utilized. The paper starts with a general overview of the specifi c features of sub-state/sub-national actors in the world politics. In particular, the author emphasizes that these actors are synthetic by nature, which predetermines their particular role on the international scene, as they can use policy instruments specifi c to both state and non-state actors. The author provides a model for classifi cation of the Russian regions based on the level of their international activity. The paper examines by what means the international activities of the regions can infl uence the interstate relations and outlines two basic frameworks for joint actions of the federal center and the regions on the international arena: ‘culture and image-building’ and ‘political plus’. The author emphasizes the importance of the federal-regional cooperation in addressing foreign policy issues, particularly, in response to international crises. The paper assesses the capacity of diff erent Russian sub-national actors to actively participate through their soft power potential in normalization of interstate relations. The author concludes that this potential could be successfully integrated into the Russian foreign policy strategy. However, in order to improve the quality of the federal-regional cooperation on the foreign policy issues, it is necessary to develop a new framework for interaction between the federal center and the regions of the Russian Federation, based on greater involvement of regional representatives in the decision-making process (which implies reassessment of the entire system of federal relations).

Review of the book by Logvinova I.V. Coordination of International and Foreign Economic Connections of the Russian Federation’s regions. Moscow, MGIMO, 2018. 238 p. (In Russian).

The paper is devoted to the problem of asymmetrical international interaction of sub-state actors. It touches upon the erosion of Westphalian sovereignty at present time. This problem is under discussion in conjunction with the evolution of federalism. Author attempts to clarify the relation of international activity of world politics sub-state actors and type of interaction between central and regional levels of government. For this purpose the article presents the analysis of the cooperation between the Republic of Komi (part of Russian Federation) and the Republic of Hungary in the first half of the 1990s. In addition author focuses on the role of international relations of sub-state actors in the democratic transition. The main method of the investigation is historical institutionalism. This research method provides a necessary result. The investigation based on data from the Foreign policy archive of the Russian Federation and publications in Hungarian and Russian newspapers. There are foreign and Russian research papers on the question. Scientists from different fields develop this issue. For carrying out the purpose of investigation offer typology of Russian regions regarding to their external relations, indicate the possible definitions of the key terminology of international activities of Russian regions and is a brief overview of the establishment of Russian-Hungarian relations on a new base in the late Soviet and early post-Soviet periods. It should be noted that the model of interaction between the Komi Republic and Hungary is typical of many of the basic parameters for international activities of Russian regions in the chronological framework. In conclusion the paper reads that to the medium of the 1990s came a partnership type of relationship between Сentre and Komi concerning Komi-Hungarian cooperation. This fact proves the possibility of the positive role of asymmetric international relations of sub-state actors, including the period of democratic transition.

The article is in the genre of the review for textbook O. V. Plotnikova and O. Y. Dubrovina International relations of the regions States: characteristics and features (Moscow: Norma; INFRA-M, 2016. 192 p.). Textbook on international activities of sub-state/subnational actors in international relations. Under the sub-state/subnational actors refers to the regions of the States. The authors propose an along with interstate relations (first level) and supranational organizations (second level) to distinguish a third level of international relations - international relations of the regions in Federal and unitary States. The topic is very relevant due to the ongoing restructuring of the architecture of international relations and world politics. In addition, these processes lead to involvement in international relations new actors. The resulting configuration and the role of traditional players. In addition to long-term evolutionary processes, we should not forget about the position of Russia in the last few years. It is obvious that the current tensions around the Russian Federation may not be fully resolved with the old methods. At the same time, sub-state/ subnational actors as subjects of a combined nature, the role played by regions of the Russian Federation, able to combine harmoniously in its international activities as the techniques characteristic of the traditional actors - States and developments in the tools of non-traditional actors - international non-governmental and non-profit organizations etc. As a result of positive results can be achieved faster and at the interstate level. The review considers the subject and the relevance of the topic, presents the analysis of the content of the work. Marked strengths of the textbook, including those associated with the consideration of the diagonal ties and the political components in the international activities of the regions. In addition to the advantages, attention is paid to the analysis of controversial moments. Some authors benefits seem too rigid or insufficiently substantiated. Noted and some defects. The conclusion about the serious significance of this educational publication is not only for a student audience, but also for practitioners.