Search

Arsenic is a natural component of the environment and is ubiquitous in soils, water, and the diet. Because dietary intake can be a significant source of background exposure to inorganic arsenic (the most toxicologically significant form), accurate intake estimates are needed to provide a context for risk management of arsenic exposure. Intake of inorganic arsenic by adults is fairly well characterized, but previous estimates of childhood intake were based on inorganic arsenic analyses in a limited number of foods (13 food types). This article estimates dietary intake for U.S. children (1 to 6 years of age) based on reported inorganic arsenic concentrations in 38 foods and in water used in cooking those foods (inorganic arsenic concentration of 0.8 μg/L), and U.S. Department of Agriculture food consumption data. This information is combined using a probabilistic software model to extract food consumption patterns and compute exposure distributions. The mean childhood dietary intake estimate for in...

The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has conducted the Total Diet Stuty (TDS) annually since 1961. The TDS is designed to monitor the US food supply for levels of toxic chemical contaminants (pesticide residues, industrial chemicals and toxic elements) and nutritional elements. Foods are generally collected four times a year, once from each of four regions of the country. The foods are prepared table-ready before being analysed. From the results of the TDS, dietary, intakes of these analytes are estimated for selected age-sex groups in the US population. This paper reports on the dietary intake of 10 nutritional and four toxic elements based on measurements made in foods collected in the TDS between 1991 and late 1996. Average daily intakes were estimated for 14 age-sex groups in the US population, as well as the contribution of specific food groups to total intakes. For most nutritional elements, teenage boys and adult males had the highest daily intakes. Intakes by infants were below the intake references for seven of 10 nutritional elements, and young girls and women had inadequate intakes of at least half the nutritional elements. Intakes by children between 2 and 10 years of age, teenage boys, and adult males met or exceeded the reference intakes for the majority of nutritional elements. Intakes by all population groups were well below the reference intakes for all toxic elements.

This study examined the relations between components of gender identity and psychosocial adjustment. The aspects of gender identity assessed were (a) feelings of psychological compatibility with one's gender (i.e.. feeling one is a typical member of one's sex and feeling content with one's biological sex), (b) feelings of pressure from parents, peers, and self for conformity to gender stereotypes. and (c) the sentiment that one's own sex is superior to the other (intergroup bias). Adjustment was assessed in terms of self-esteem and peer acceptance. Participants were 182 children in Grades 4 through 8. Felt gender compatibility (when operationalized as either self-perceived gender typicality or feelings of contentment with one's biological sex) was positively related to adjustment, whereas felt pressure and intergroup bias were negatively associated with adjustment. The results provide new insights into the role of gender identity in children's well-being, help identify sources of confusion in previous work, and suggest directions for future inquiry.

This study examined whether social cognitions that have been assumed to influence aggression actually forecast change in aggressive habits over time. Participants were 189 3rd- through 7th-grade boys and girls; data on social cognitions and social behaviors were collected in the fall and spring of the school year. Aggression-encouraging cognitions assessed in the fall indeed promoted aggression over the school year, but such developments hinged critically on child sex and on initial (fall) levels of aggression and victimization. Results illustrate the principle that cognitions affect behavioral development mainly when the child's transactions with the social environment support the use of the cognitions as guides for behavior.

Two hypotheses were tested. The first was that low self-regard contributes over time to victimization by peers. The second was that behavioral vulnerabilities (e.g., physical weakness, manifest anxiety, poor social skills) are more likely to lead to victimization over time when children have low self-regard than when they are "self-protected" by healthy self-regard. Participants were 189 third-through 7th-grade boys and girls; data were collected in the fall and the spring of the school year. Both hypotheses were supported, especially when self-regard was assessed in terms of self-perceived peer social competence. In addition, the experience of being victimized led to diminished self-regard over time. Poor self-concept may play a central role in a vicious cycle that perpetuates and solidifies a child's status as a victim of peer abuse.