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Engagement is widely recognized by higher education institutions, nation-states, and international organizations as the third pillar in the mission of university education. Despite the global reach of this concept, published research is disproportionately based on examples from the United States. This article brings to light the rich and extensive literature on university engagement from Latin America that is largely accessible only in Spanish. Among advocates for engaged universities differences exist in terms of the rationales that justify it and the means used to accomplish it. The authors identify the historical roots and current applications of three models of university engagement-- market-oriented, social justice, and university social responsibility--and use case studies from Latin America to explore more deeply the potential of the third model. This is then used as the basis for developing a research agenda that would inform practices in both the Global North and Global South.

Despite repeated calls to temper the bureaucratic ethos and its associated process-oriented pathologies with more of a democratic ethos grounded in normative values and the public interest, the practice, research, and teaching of public administration continues to largely perpetuate the former. In this paper we build upon the work of Camila Stivers' book "Governance in Dark Times" and Nabatchi and colleagues' subsequent call to search for opportunities to better address issues of war, terrorism, climate change, economic calamity, refugee crises, and other atrocities which characterize dark times. We focus our attention on one specific issue within this realm, that of genocides and mass atrocities, as a way to illustrate that public servants--from street-level bureaucrats through high-level policy makers--may be part of the problem or part of the solution. We assert the responsibility of public affairs educators to ensure that their students are prepared to administer prevention or we risk that traditional administrative pathologies may lead them to inadvertently engage in administering atrocities. We position our overarching proposal in the context of fundamental public service values as well as the United Nations' Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly SDG 16. We also align our more specific recommendations with the Network of Schools of Public Policy, Affairs, and Administration's universal competencies and the core content domains of the Atlas for Public Management.

In the 21st century Master of Public Administration (MPA) programs need to meet the challenge of preparing public affairs professionals for an increasingly global and interdependent world in which complex social problems often span national boundaries and cultural differences. In that context, various internationalization strategies can be helpful in developing the necessary global, international, and intercultural (GII) competencies that public affairs professionals need. In this paper, we evaluate a model known as Cultures and Languages Across the Curriculum (CLAC) as an internationalization at home tool which may have potential in public affairs programs. We describe the philosophical and pedagogical approach of CLAC, and compare our experiences with three levels of CLAC integration within graduate-level public affairs classes. Based on feedback from students and observations from faculty we are able to offer preliminary assessments on the effectiveness of the CLAC approach in MPA education, and advice for MPA programs and instructors who may be interested in using CLAC to develop GII competencies among their students.

Purpose: This purpose of this study is to examine the extent to which accreditation of public affairs programs can be a tool to advance social equity, diversity, and inclusion. The paper is presented in the context of the widespread acceptance of the importance of addressing social inequalities in Latin America and the critical role that public policy and public administration can have on advancing these goals. Design/methodology/approach: International and national accreditation standards are compared using content analysis for their reference to social equity and diversity in their standards regarding faculty, students, curriculum content and learning outcomes. The research applies content analysis of key documents and thematic coding. Findings: International accrediting agencies that focused explicitly on programs in public affairs place a much greater emphasis on social equity and diversity than their national counterparts which accredit a full range of programs and institutions. National accrediting agencies assert the value of diversity, but their standards and reporting requirements suggest otherwise. Research limitations/implications: The research suggests that international accreditation standards have the potential to advance social equity goals more effectively than national standards and that there is great potential to enhance this component of national accreditation standards. Implications for policymakers, accreditation professionals and scholars are identified. Originality/value: The research is original in its focus on the role of accreditation in promoting social equity and its comparison of national and international standards. Although limited to Latin America and public affairs programs, the research provides a basis for examining similar patterns with respect to other disciplines and professions, and in other regions of the world.

Nowhere is the role of civil society organizations (CSOs) in development and democratization more critical than in countries at high risk of mass atrocities. In this article, we examine the actual and potential role of development CSOs in the prevention of mass atrocities based on an analysis of 302 CSOs in South Sudan. The article examines if and how service‐providing CSOs frame their work as contributing to the prevention of mass atrocities. The article seeks to understand how these CSOs deliver services and articulate their work regarding the prevention of large‐scale identity‐based violence. We aim to explore the degree to which organizations describe atrocity prevention as an intentional part of democratization efforts. The article is situated within the larger debates about the service delivery and civil society functions of CSOs. Specifically, we ask: To what extent do development CSOs articulate a contribution to the prevention of mass atrocities? We posit that the service delivery and civil society functions can be better achieved by giving deliberate attention to an atrocity prevention perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pandemic is already forcing many individuals, businesses, and governments to rethink much of what they do and how they do it. As such, it presents an opportunity for public administrators to reimagine the criteria they use when designing and implementing programs and policies, and to more actively engage in prevention of identity-based violence. In this contribution, we suggest a new analytical lens to guide public administrators' decision making, one informed by the theory and practice of mass atrocity prevention. This perspective recognizes that the decisions and actions of public administrators in response to the pandemic will influence whether individual countries and the global community writ large will be at increased risk of mass atrocities or if they will be more resilient and better positioned to prevent such atrocities. The COVID-19 pandemic represents both an imperative and an opportunity to reduce risks of mass atrocities, and public administrators have a vital role to play in this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mass atrocities constitute a "wicked" problem that warrants greater attention from public administration scholars. The role bureaucrats have in committing or contributing to mass atrocities is well documented, yet bureaucrats also have the potential to play crucial roles in stopping current, preventing future, and responding to past atrocities. Despite the central role of public administrators in mass atrocities and prevention, public administration scholarship is largely silent on such topics, effectively ceding this problem to other disciplines and professions. Using three pressing challenges facing atrocity prevention practitioners and scholars as examples, this article illustrates how public administration theories and public administrators in practice can contribute to prevention by focusing their attention on upstream (before conflict) stages. The overarching goal is to frame atrocity prevention in terms that will resonate with public administration scholars while also providing a roadmap for the field's engagement with these issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]