When care, one of the most vital human functions, is naturalized and linked to women, it becomes a factor of injustice and inequality (Casado-Mejia et al., 2014). The dedication to care has been associated with age and gender (Del-Pino-Casado, Frias-Osuna, Palomino-Moral, & Martinez-Riera, 2012) and is related to the ideology and attitude of potential caregivers.This ideology associated with gender is supported by the typical familialism (Losada et al., 2010) of the countries in Southern Europe (Shurgot & Knight, 2005) that reinforce the caregiver role of women, hiding a completely inequitable structure in relationships between men and women (Serrano Pascual, Artiaga Leiras, & Davila, 2013).In our aging Western societies, there is an increase in dependency, accompanied by family and personal changes: women are entering the productive world, but men are not entering the reproductive world to the same extent. This highlights the crisis in the informal care system. And it is important to visualize the link between care and women's status as it reveals the impact on health of dependents who need care and the women who are sometimes caught between their traditional and new roles (Casado-Mejia et al., 2014).In this context of crisis in the informal care system, different family measures arise to give new answers (progressive incorporation of men into care and external contracting of mostly immigrant caregivers) and institutional support (Casado-Mejia et al., 2014; Ley de la Dependencia, 2006).Care management strategies have been described as an important factor related to the health status of both the caregivers and the person who is receiving care. The classification of these family strategies has been published before (Casado-Mejia & Ruiz-Arias, 2013), but the relationship between strategies and caregiver burden has not yet been examined. The different ways of organizing care depends on factors that cause a different impact on health, such as having or not having one's own life plan, age, gender, kinship, composition and size of the household, and socioeconomic status. Three different strategies of caring were identified and characterized by informal family caregivers with at least one dependent person at home: total assumption of care (the caregiver assumes all responsibility and the delivery of care), partial care management in coexistence (the caregiver takes responsibility for the care but keeps a personal lifeline, usually paid work), and independent management of care in separate homes (the caregiver is responsible for managing care, the direct care is shared; Casado-Mejia & Ruiz-Arias, 2013).Family care for an elderly person is a stressful experience that may impair one's health. The subjective strain is often analyzed to measure the consequences of care (Pinquart & Sorensen, 2011). It is defined as the state of caregivers characterized by fatigue, stress, and the perceived limitation of social contact and adjustment to their role, which comes from a negative assessment of the care situation, which can jeopardize caregivers' emotional, physical, psychological, and functional health (Gort et al., 2007). Different measurement scales for detecting burden in caregivers of dependent people have been described (Martin, Dominguez, Munoz, Gonzalez, & Ballesteros, 2013), such as the Zarit Burden Interview (Zarit, Reever & Bach-Peterson, 1980) or Caregiver Strain Index (CSI; Robinson, 1983). At the present time, the CSI is the most successful one: Crespo and Rivas (2015) have considered the CSI to be one of the preferential tools for assessing burden. Several investigators agree that it is an easier and simpler instrument than others in identifying excessive burden on family caregivers (Crespo & Rivas, 2015; Odriozola Gojenola, Vita Garay, Maiz Alkorta, Ziatzeta Aduriz, & Bengoestxea Gallastegi, 2008). It can also be a useful tool to detect early signs or symptoms of caregiver's syndrome. …