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Les pays de la Francophonie entretiennent avec la justice pénale internationale des rapports particulièrement ambigus. En effet, l’Organisation internationale de la Francophonie, sous l’impulsion de la France, qui détient en son sein une place historiquement importante, semble faire de la reconnaissance de cette dernière une de ses conditions d’adhésion, en l’érigeant au rang de valeur fondamentale. En cela, et alors même que cette organisation est initialement une organisation à objet linguistique et culturel, l’OIF revêt indirectement mais nécessairement une dimension politique affirmée. Ainsi, elle constitue un véhicule de promotion de la justice pénale internationale dans la politique étrangère de ses pays membres en permettant à la France de diffuser l’un des postulats fondamentaux de sa propre politique étrangère. L’utilisation d’une telle organisation, par la France, à des fins de politique étrangère n’est pas une nouveauté. Elle a en effet l’avantage de constituer une plateforme de discussion entre les chefs d’État des pays francophones adhérents sans équivalent dans le monde des organisations internationales. Pourtant, l’appartenance à la Francophonie, si elle incite formellement les pays à adhérer au Statut de Rome de 1998 instituant la Cour pénale internationale, n’emporte pas d’adhésion réelle à cet édifice juridictionnel. La Francophonie semble constituer un vecteur ambigu d’adhésion à la justice pénale internationale caractérisé par une adhésion qui masque, en réalité, sinon une profonde aversion, à tout le moins une certaine forme de méfiance, y compris lorsqu’elle sert des objectifs de politique intérieure. À cet égard, la justice pénale internationale semble cristalliser une certaine fracture entre pays développés et en voie de développement (en particulier la relation entre la France et ses anciennes colonies), jusqu’à constituer un marqueur de la recomposition de la politique étrangère des pays francophones.

Traditionally confined to the pursuit of economic, social and environmental development objectives, official development assistance has moved into less traditional and more sensitive sectors. By making governance a major focus of official development assistance policies, Western powers have reinforced the strategic and diplomatic dimension of aid. In doing so, they have come up against the challenge of exporting Western-inspired governance models to countries whose historical, political, and cultural norms preclude their acceptance, forcing donors to adapt to local contexts. This is particularly the case in Vietnam which, while being one of the most important historical recipients of international aid, and thus to some extent financially dependent on its donors, is distinguished by its ideological and political independence, especially in the way it runs its domestic affairs. Now facing the challenges of good governance, the country is turning a new page in its relations with its creditors, marked by the difficulty the latter experience in supporting public policies of governance, given the sensitive nature of the subject. Traditionally focused on Millennium Development Goals or Sustainable Development Goals, aid in general, and French aid in particular, have moved into more sensitive areas such as governance. Choosing governance as their new target in developing countries, donors have strengthened the strategic dimension of aid. However, they have encountered several obstacles in exporting western governance patterns to developing countries whose history, social and political background are fundamentally different. This phenomenon is leading donors to draw up a more tailored governance aid policy in developing countries. This is notably the case in Vietnam. While it is one of the most important aid recipients in the world, Vietnam has nonetheless preserved its ideological independence vis-à-vis its creditors. Vietnam is now being urged to tackle governance issues in the country to unlock its growth potential, and has embarked on a new era in its relationships with international aid, characterized by the difficulty of implementing public policies inspired and funded by aid, given the sensitive nature of the topic.

Traditionally focused on Millennium Development Goals or Sustainable Development Goals, aid in general, and French aid in particular, have invested more sensitive topics as governance. Choosing governance as their new target in developing countries, donors have strengthened the strategic dimension of aid. However, they have encountered several obstacles in exporting western governance patterns in developing countries whose history, social and political background, are fundamentally different. This phenomenon is urging donors to draw a more tailored governance aid-policy in developing countries. This is notably the case in Vietnam. As one of the most important aid recipient in the world, Vietnam has nonetheless kept an ideological independence vis-à-vis its creditors, in spite of a high financial reliance on aid. Now urged to tackle governance issues in the country to unlock its growth potential, Vietnam has opened a new era in its relationships with international aid, characterized by a difficult implementation of public policies inspired and funded by aid, as the topic is highly sensitive.