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La configuració d’una estructura productiva moderna requereix un subministrament d’e-ner gia suficient a costos competitius. Des del darrer terç del segle xix, la producció de carbó i les millors condicions naturals per generar energia hidroelèctrica a baix cost expliquen, al-menys parcialment, les diferències a favor de Nova Zelanda. Tanmateix, els arranjaments ins-titucionals són un altre factor rellevant de diferenciació. L’argument que planteja aquest arti-cle es basa en el concepte d’endogeneïtat dels recursos naturals i s’aplica per demostrar el pa-per dels diferents estats en els sistemes elèctrics. La intervenció estatal va procurar millorar les condicions de benestar a l’Uruguai sense parar prou atenció als aspectes productius; en canvi, a Nova Zelanda el desenvolupament de la producció va ser el focus de l’acció pública. Com a resultat, es va consolidar una xarxa elèctrica més extensa i densa a Nova Zelanda que, poten-cialment, hauria creat millors condicions de diversificació i producció rural., The configuration of a “modern” production structure requires there to be sufficient en-ergy supply at competitive costs. Since the last third of the nineteenth century, coal produc-tion and better natural conditions for generating electric energy at low cost explain – at least partially – the differences in favour of New Zealand with respect to Uruguay. However, in-stitutional arrangements are another relevant factor of differentiation. Our argument is based on the concept of endogeneity of natural resources, and we use it to prove the differ-ent roles of states in electricity systems: state intervention aimed at improving welfare con-ditions in Uruguay without paying enough attention to aspects related to production condi-tions; while, in New Zealand, productive development was the focus of public action. As a result, a more extensive and denser electrical network was consolidated in New Zealand which, potentially, would have created better conditions in terms of diversification and ru-ral production., La configuración de una estructura productiva «moderna» requiere un suministro de ener-gía suficiente a costos competitivos. Desde el último tercio del siglo xix, la producción de car-bón y las mejores condiciones naturales para generar energía hidroeléctrica a bajo costo expli-can, al menos en parte, las diferencias en favor de Nueva Zelanda. Sin embargo, los arreglos institucionales son otro factor relevante de diferenciación. El argumento planteado se basa en el concepto de endogeneidad de los recursos naturales, y se aplica para probar los distintos ro-les de los Estados en los sistemas eléctricos. La intervención estatal procuró mejorar las con-diciones de bienestar en Uruguay sin prestar suficiente atención a los aspectos productivos; en cambio, en Nueva Zelanda, el desarrollo de la producción fue el foco de la acción pública. Como resultado, se consolidó una red eléctrica más extensa y densa en Nueva Zelanda que, potencialmente, habría creado mejores condiciones de diversificación y producción rural.

As is the case in most of Europe, the system of elderly care in Croatia has relied on combining traditional state provided care, state supported care in the family and the market provided care. In the last two decades of Europeanization and accension to the EU, and being a postsocialist state, Croatia has been continuously working to deinstitutionalize social policy from its strong tradition of social state to a state regulated care done by non-state actors: families, communities, and private businesses. The process successfully reflects the European Union’s paradigm shift in social politics and ethics since entering the so-called “post-neoliberal” phase of working towards social inclusion based on social investments in the human capital. The shift has been characterized by moving away from the idea of the state being an ethical agent and provider of personal and collective well-being to a state regulating social politics through the lenses of economic growth. In the last five years, Croatia spent a significant portion of EU provided resources for social policy on the program “Zaželi” (“Make a Wish”) which aims to secure informal elderly care in rural communities by employing women who are projected as unlikely to successfully compete in the labor market because of age, education and general socioeconomic background. The aim of the program is twofold as it functions both as an employment and elderly care policy. The program falls in line with other social policies being developed in the EU which all remain uncritical of its gendered structure as they continue to exploit women as main providers of care work. The presentation will give a critical overview of the program, focusing on its organizational and practical implementation, and provide a research proposal for a single case study of looking into multilayered gendered aspects of elderly care which are being enacted in the community implementing the program.

This article revisits the developmental state literature that stresses the unitary role of the state in steering economic development in East Asia. Focusing on the Korean state actors’ diversity and their agency after the trend of globalization and democratization, this article highlights various state actors as agents and looks into how the role of state actors has changed with industrial development, using the setting of the Korean online gaming industry over the past two decades. By examining government policy measures on the industry, I found that the state actors have actively engaged with the industry, however, this agency has not been uniform due to the different purposes of the actors and sometimes led a detrimental effect against the needs or expectations of the industry. The findings, thus, contribute to the literature by suggesting the potentiality of agent-driven institutional change and the heterogeneity that comes from the state actors’ policy engagement.

This paper focuses on how a latecomer country can bring a large (infrastructural) technological system (LTS) to a market already dominated by the entrenched systems of global technology leaders. We construct a conceptual framework, building on Hughes LTS theory (1983) and insights from social studies of technology into the specificities of infrastructural sociotechnical systems to analyse the development of China’s 3rd Generation mobile telephony system. We explore the complex dynamics surrounding the distributed governance of innovation, highlighting changes in key system builders. We note the role of the state in addressing critical problems (“reverse salients”), both in terms of aligning players through legitimating and sense-making and also, building the necessary mass and momentum. This includes a more radical reconfiguring of the field to secure the substantial commitments needed to materialise and embed a new LTS infrastructure.

This article contains an analysis of the Russian population’s perception of modern Russian society’s social structure, together with those inequities which characterize the former, using as a basis materials from an all-Russian representative sociological study conducted by the Russian Academy of Sciences’ Institute of Sociology in 2018. It is revealed that the population is very sensitive to the problem of inequality: during recent years of crisis the problem has not only failed to fade into obscurity – the population has even become more sensitive to the issue. Revealed is a slow decrease in the potential for using inequality as motivation to boost productivity, since during the last five years there has been a reduction in Russian people’s tolerance both towards the basis for inequality, which many were previously more inclined to consider legitimate, and towards various displays of non-monetary inequities which are based on unequal income. Given the current institutional conditions, the existing inequities are generally considered by the population to be unjust. An apparent gap between “ideal” and “actual” models of modern Russian society’s social structure, as assessed by the Russian people, is indicative of an imbalance between the population’s reality and expectations. All of this leads to an increasing demand for “equalizing” and revising the social structure model. On the other hand, despite an apparent negative dynamic in recent years, most Russians are still willing to tolerate legitimate (in their understanding) inequities, based on differences in qualification, effort and result, and this could be a key to inequalities bearing a productive and stimulating role after all. The population tends to direct its demand for decreasing inequality towards the government, which likens Russia to other European countries. However, given how people assess the effectiveness of how the government tends to this issue, Russia’s population exhibits mostly negative evaluations. This means that social inequities currently pose a serious challenge for the government, since the outlined goals of “breakthrough” development for the country cannot be achieved without this problem being resolved.

Paper aceite para ser apresentado na ENHR 2018, que decorrerá de 26-29 Junho. Housing policy basically consists of two main areas of action: one is to plan and organize the territory and the other to promote housing, and this approach to housing provision is more focused. Governments are not the only actors in the area of economic policy but play decisive roles in the joint relationship of the efforts of the various organizations and other entities. As in other Southern European countries, Portugal is a legalistic and formalist country. This does not mean that this spirit is not necessary, but it would be more important to care less about laws and more with the analysis of their effects and impacts. The benefits of housing incorporate various quantitative and qualitative aspects, but the purchasers of this good transact the product in order to obtain the best possible return. The factors that determine the price of any capital asset and the income provided by its services are similar. The durability of housing capital implies the existence of an immense stock of supply. The quantity of housing services issued by this stock depends significantly on the owners' own investment decisions. Housing production lacks a set of inputs and its form of occupation provides a set of outputs to households. The price mechanism, as a mechanism of information transmission, is the contraposition between resources used in its relation with the outputs achieved. We intend to analyse within Portugal's housing policy its objectives and instruments and to advocate the economic and social rationality of housing policy as a strand of public policies and, at the same time, focus on housing as a sector of regulation and state intervention which is direct (State promoting) and indirect (Regulating State). The behaviour of simple creative actor and defender of the laws for the protection and development of private property is no longer the main principle characterizing its intervention in the various sectors of activity. The State may change the rules of operation of the economic activity and may even extend or reduce the scope of activity of the private sector in the various sectors. The consolidation of the State with regard to the organization of law and the exercise of power has given great importance to the rules of economic policy and the implementation of public policies. The existence of public policies is justified for several reasons, such as high levels of inefficiency in resource allocation, market structure and imperfect information. Public policies require a set of legal information designed to set the rules for public and private actors, with the aim of transferring or reallocating existing resources among the different strata of the population. With regard to the State, it is characterized by the legislative, executive and judicial powers, and in this study we are interested in its executive function as a promoter of material well-being. The sphere of this promotion results from the exchange between the legislature and the executive branch.

TEZ11289 Tez (Doktora) -- Çukurova Üniversitesi, Adana, 2018. Kaynakça (s. 263-288) var. xviii, 289 s. : res. (bzs. rnk.), tablo ; 29 cm. 21. yüzyılda neoliberal düşünce sistematiği içerisinde ilerlemesi beklenen dünya düzeni farklı bir yöne evrilmiştir. 20. yüzyılın sonlarına doğru Asya, Latin Amerika ve diğer bölgelerde yer alan gelişmekte olan ülkelerde yaşanan krizler, neoliberal modellere yönelik şüpheleri ve eleştirileri artırmıştır. 2000’li yılların başından itibaren Çin, Hindistan, Güney Kore, Tayvan, Singapur gibi Asya ülkelerin büyük atılımı bu bölgeye yönelik ilgiyi artırmıştır. Çünkü bu ülkeler IMF, WB gibi kapitalist kuruluşların önerdiği pür liberalleşme eğilimiyle başarı sağlamamış tam tersine “kalkınmacı devlet” modeliyle devlet müdahaleciliğinin doğru stratejilerle bir araya getirildiğinde ülkelerin çok önemli başarılar elde edilebileceğinin güzel bir örneğini sunmuşlardır. Asya kıtasında yaşanan bu yeni ekonomik paradigma, dünya ekonomisinin ağırlık merkezinin buraya doğru kaymaya başlamasına yol açan süreci de tetiklemiştir. Devlet müdahaleciliğinin 21. yüzyılda değişen rolünün şekillenmesinde etkili olan unsurların başında ABD’de yaşanan 2008 küresel finans krizi gelmektedir. Sebepleri ve sonuçları itibariyle 1929 buhranına benzese de buradan çıkan en önemli sonuç, Keynesyen iktisadın politika önermelerine mutlak anlamda olmasa da yeniden dönme eğiliminin ortaya çıkmasıdır. Sadece gelişmekte olan ülkelerde değil özellikle gelişmiş ülkelerde devlet; kurtarma paketleriyle batmakla karşı karşıya olan şirketleri kurtarmış, mali teşvikleri piyasaya sürmüş, düzenleyici ve denetleyici araçları uygulamaya koymuştur. Özellikle kriz sonrası dönemde devletin rolünün değişikliği en fazla merkez bankalarının mikro ihtiyati politikalar yerine makro ihtiyati politika hedeflerini benimsenmelerinde yaşanmıştır. Sistematik olarak krize yol açan finansal sistemin bir bütün olarak denetlenmesini içeren bu yeni yaklaşım devlete önemli görevler yüklemiştir. Krize karşı alınan bu önlemler alışıla gelen liberal devlet anlayışından oldukça farklı bir yapıyı işaret etmektedir. 2010’lu yıllardan itibaren ise küreselleşme olgusuyla birlikte korumacı önlemlerin ve ulus-devletlerin rollerini öne çıkaran bir döneme girilmiştir. 2010 yılında yaşanan borç krizinin etkilerinin giderilmeye çalışıldığı dönemde İngiltere’nin AB’den ayrılma kararı ve bunun diğer ülkeler üzerinde domino etkisi yaratma ihtimali, Ortadoğu’da yaşanan mülteci kriziyle birlikte gelişmiş ülkelerin ve Türkiye’nin göç konusundaki yeni konumları ve küresel göç yönetimine karşı gösterdikleri refleksler, 2016 yılında ABD Başkanı seçilen Donald Trump’ın milliyetçi ekonomi politikalarını birer birer uygulamaya koyması ve özellikle Çin’in kurlar üzerinden “ticaret savaşı” başlatmakla suçlanması üzerine Çin’e karşı dış ticarette yüksek koruma önlemleri alması, Çin’in de buna misilleme yapması, bir yanda serbestleşme eğilimlerinin sürdürülmesi gerektiğine yönelik inanç diğer yanda bu söylemlerin tersi yönde uygulanan politikaların yol açtığı çoklu küresel dengeler, devlet mülkiyetli şirketlerin uluslararasılaşması yönünde yeni trendlerin öne çıkması, eşitsizliğin, nüfus sorunsalının ve iklim değişikliğinin küresel sorun hâline gelmesi karşısında devletin, küreselleşme çağında sanılanın aksine daha fazla önem çıkmasına neden olmuştur. Türkiye özelinde ise 2017 yılından itibaren geçilen Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemi ile ekonomide teknoloji, enerji, ulaştırma, sanayi, bankacılık ve daha birçok sektörü içine alan yapısal dönüşümler, devletin ekonomik rollerini daha kritik hâle getirecek şekilde öne çıkmıştır. Bu gelişmeler bağlamında neoliberal küreselleşme çağında devletin rollerinin azaldığı yaklaşımının sadece söylem düzeyinde kaldığı dolayısıyla ulus-devletlerin ekonomik rollerinin dünya ekonomisinde farklı formlar altında hâlâ baskın olduğu, ülke deneyimleri ışığında güncel ekonomi-politik gelişmeler dikkate alınarak ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır. In the 21st century, the systematic of neoliberal thought has evolved into a different direction of expected world order. Towards the end of 20th century, economic crises occured in Asian, Latin American and developing counrties which are in other regions that caused to increase suspicion and criticism of neoliberal model. Since the early of 2000s, the great breakthroughs of Asian countries such as China, India, South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore have increased interest in this region. Because these countries have not successed with the pure liberalization tendency proposed by capitalist institutions such as IMF and WB, on the contrary they have provided a good example of how countries can have very important achievements when state interventionism is combined with right strategies such as “developmental state” model. This new economic paradigm in Asia has also triggered the process that led to the center of gravity of the world economy starting to slide here. In the 21th century, one of the most influential factors in the shaping of changing role of the state intervention is the Global Financial Crisis that began in USA in 2008. Although it is similar to the Great Depression of 1929 in terms of its causes and consequences, the most important result of this crisis is the tendency to return again, even if it is not absolately meaningful to Keynesian economic policy propositions. Not only in developing countries but also especially in developed countries, the state has rescued companies that are confronted shinking resque packages, put financial incentives in the market, implemented regulatory and supervisory instruments. In the post-crisis period, the changing role of the state was mostly observed in adopting macro-prudential policies targets instead of micro-prudential policies by central banks. This new approach imposes an important task to the state that involves systematically controlling the financial system that leads to crisis. These measures against crisis indicate that it is quite different structure from conventional liberal state conseption. Since 2010 onwards, with the globalization phenomenon there has been a turning point in protective measures and the role of nation-states. The period in which attempted to eliminate the effects of dept crisis in 2010, Britain’s decision to leave from EU and its possible domino effects on other countries, with refugee crisis in the Middle East the new position of developled contries and Turkey about migration and their reflexes showed to global migration management, USA President Donald Trump put the nationalist economic policy into practice one by one who was elected in 2016 and to take high protection measures against China in forign trade, especially when China is acused of launching a “trade war” over exchange rates, the belief that trends of liberalizations should be maintained in the future and the multi-global balances caused by policies applied in the opposite direction to these discources, the emergence of new trends in the direction of internationalization of state-owned enterprises, the inequality, the population problem and the global problem of climate change have caused the state to become more important than what is believed in the era of globalization. Particularly to Turkey, with the Presidential System of Government which has been started to apply since 2017, in economy structural transformation covering technology, energy, transport, industry, banking and many more sectors was conducted by government leadership in a way that will bring economic role in more critical case. In the context of these developments, it was tried to reveal by examining current economic and political developments in the light of the experience of the countries that the approach of the decrease of the role of the state in the age of neoliberal globalization is just only at the level of discourse and therefore the economic roles of nation-states are still dominant under different forms in the world economy.

Die vorliegende Forschungsarbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Technologie Blockchain und deren Auswirkungen auf die E-Government-Landschaft der österreichischen Bundesverwaltung. Neben den technologischen Auswirkungen werden auch gesellschaftliche, verwaltungstechnische und staatliche Aspekte der Technologie berücksichtigt. Neben den Einflüssen von Blockchain auf bestehende E-Government-Services sind auch mögliche neue E-Government-Anwendungen auf Blockchain-Basis sowie die Auswirkungen auf die (Mittler-)Rolle des Staates zentraler Schwerpunkt dieser Forschungsarbeit. Die Forschungsarbeit wurde als qualitative Forschung durchgeführt. Die Datenerhebung basiert auf leitfadengestützten Expertinnen- und Experteninterviews. Die Datenauswertung erfolgt mittels einer zusammenfassenden, qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse. Die Ergebnisse werden anhand des induktiv ermittelten Kategoriensystems interpretiert. Diese Arbeit gibt zunächst einen Überblick über den aktuellen Stand der Forschung zum Thema Blockchain. Dabei werden speziell technische, staatsrechtliche und wirtschaftliche Implikationen samt Herausforderungen skizziert. Zur Abrundung werden auch ethische und ökologische Implikationen von Blockchain erwähnt. Die theoretische Grundlage für die empirische Forschung bilden die technischen Grundprinzipien der Technik Blockchain und der E-Government-Landschaft in Österreich. Zu letzterer werden noch juristische und organisatorische Grundlagen erläutert. Die Ergebnisse der qualitativen Forschung legen nahe, dass Blockchain als Möglichkeit zu einer ehrlichen Aufgabenkritik vom Staat genutzt werden könnte. Des Weiteren wird sich die gesellschaftliche und soziale Verantwortung des Staates durch E-Government-Blockchain-Services nicht gravierend ändern. Bestehende E-Government-Services werden von Blockchain nicht ersetzt, sondern nur um Funktionen zur Erhöhung der Transparenz und der Datenqualität ergänzt. Blockchain ist für den breiten Einsatz von neuen E-Government-Services noch zu unausgereift, zu viele technische aber auch juristische wie organisatorische Fragen sind ungelöst. Dies ist besonders für heikle E-Government-Anwendungen (z.B. e-Voting, e-Partizipation) nicht förderlich, da solche Systeme nur mit dem Vertrauen der Bürgerinnen und Bürger funktionieren. Einer ausgereiften Technik wird hingegen großes technisches, gesellschaftliches und organisatorisches Potential eingeräumt. This thesis deals with the Blockchain-technology and its impact on the E-Government environment of the Austrian federal administration. Besides the technological effects, also social, administrative and governmental aspects will be considered. Moreover, influences of Blockchain on already existing E-Government services as well as possible new E-Government applications on the basis of Blockchain-services and its effects on the (mediator) role of the state will be a central focus of this thesis. This thesis was carried out as a qualitative research; the data acquisition is built upon guideline-based interviews with experts. The evaluation of the data is carried out by means of a summarized, qualitative content analysis. The results are interpreted by an inductively investigated category system. To begin with, this thesis will provide an overview of the status quo of research concerning Blockchain, focusing on technical, constitutional as well as economical implications and challenges. Furthermore, ethical and ecological associations of Blockchain will be mentioned. The technological basic principles of the Blockchain-technology and the E-Government environment of Austria are the theoretical foundations of the empirical research. Also, judicial and organizational fundamentals will be explained. The results of this qualitative research suggest that Blockchain could be used as a possibility for an open task review of the state and that the corporate as well as social responsibility of the state is not being seriously changed. Already existing E-Government services are not going to be made obsolete by Blockchain but will rather be complemented by functions serving the increase of transparency as well as data quality. Blockchain itself is not yet sophisticated enough to use it in a broader scale of E-Government services, as too many technical, judicial as well as organizational questions are still unsolved. This fact is – especially concerning sensitive applications (e.g. e-voting, e-participation) – not beneficial, as such systems can only work with the complete trust of the cititzens. However, there seems to be great technological, social and organizational potential for a fully developed technology. vorgelegt von: Martin Ollrom Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers Wien, FH Campus Wien, Masterarb., 2017

The article analyses the features of economic consciousness of Russians on the materials of all-Russian studies, their interrelation with the modernization processes is shown. The greatest support the Russians give to the model of economic domain of society, according to which the state will restore the public sector, while expanding economic opportunities for the population. At the same time, the classical market economy, where state intervention is minimized, and the leading role in the economic sphere is given to private actors, is slightly supported. A request has been revealed for a mixed type of regulation of the economy, which increases not only with a growth in the level of income, but also with an increase in the level of education. The role of the state should not be fully reduced to a centralized planned economy and allows for the existence of a private sector, but Russians are not ready to transfer any economic activity into its hands. Discontent with the private property is caused by illegitimacy of its distribution, from the Russians’ viewpoint. It is shown that the request for a fully centralized economy is higher among the groups whose income does not exceed the median level countrywide. Those whose income is higher than the median, have higher request for restoration of the public sector, with the expansion of opportunities for population’s activity. It was found that for half of the respondents a job is not the cause of success, while such factors as luck and the right connections play a more important role. This position is conditioned by the experience of collision with the Russian realia, where success indeed is often by no means connected with labor. It is demonstrated that the norms of economic rationality are not dominant in Russian society. At the same time, they are typical for the middle class, which can become a social base for technological modernization, supporting the relevant government measures. But even for the core of the middle class, it is atypical to accept a free competitive market economy. In summary, it was revealed that the optimal economic model, from the viewpoint of the population, assumes that the state is the main subject of economic activity, although different social groups vary in their views on what should be the degree of government intervention in the economy. At the same time, the economic views of Russians do not contradict with the idea of modernization, but they set a certain framework for it.