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This paper analyses the impact of nationalism on communism in Eastern Europe. It argues that the communist idea, by itself, is too narrow, weak and ambiguous to succeed in real life. Left to itself, communism cannot generate a vigorous, effective political system. But, coupled with the simple, encompassing idea of nationalism, comprehensible and convincing to everybody, communism can become an efficacious political force for a while. On the other hand, when nationalism clashes with communism, political tension results that weakens and/or destroys the latter ideology. In fact, communism has to deny its own nature in order to become an efficacious political movement. It resembles a bottle with a false label: the contents differ from that which the label proclaims. The impact of nationalism upon communism has been twofold, depending on circumstances. It can bolster communism among independent nationals, as in Soviet Russia and—for over a generation—in part of Eastern Europe. Or, nationalism can weak...

An examination of the increase in corruption in Russia and other countries in the Eastern European region, focusing on the links to morality.

After Gorbachev's resignation as Soviet leader in December 1991, it was his successor, Boris Yeltsin, who in effect embarked upon systemic transformation aiming to change Russia into a democratic state with its national economy based on market forces. As Russia had never before experienced democracy and very little, if any, market economy that dual occurrence amounts to nothing less than a revolution. The fact that Russia never experienced democracy b efore does not by itself mean its current efforts to achieve it are doomed to failure. What it means is that it will not be easy to attain an enduring stable democracy without simultaneously achieving a meaningful level of economic success. The fate of democracy in Russia is closely linked to economic progress in the country. This article argues that the ultimate outcome of the ongoing Russian revolution is not yet a foregone conclusion; many things may still happen in the foreseeable future to strongly affect the nascent Russian democracy in oneway...

(1994). The impact of nationalism on communism: The case of Poland. History of European Ideas: Vol. 18, No. 1, pp. 33-39.

During the period 1976 – 1980 the Workers' Defence Committee KOR, more than any other organization, helped to change the pattern of political dissent in Poland. The Committee performed a pioneering role in gradually transforming the expression of dissent from a spontaneous and/or clandestine type of activity into open, organized dissidence. Primarily as a result of KOR's efforts, both social divisions and the state monopoly of information were successfully overcome. Breaking down the division between the workers and the intelligentsia, a division forcibly imposed by the state, was one of KOR's greatest achievements. However, not all KOR's achievements were a result of the Committee's direct activity. More often than not, they were brought about through indirect influence on other individuals. Indeed, one of KOR's most important achievements before the emergence of Solidarity was to change the opinions of a significant proportion of both the Polish workers and the intelligentsia. It was in the sph...

The emergence in 1976 of KOR, the Workers' Defence Committee, transformed dissident politics in Poland, and its long tradition of clandestine operations, spontaneous action and violent insurrection. By contrast, KOR promoted open, institutionalised dissent involving a process of trial and error subject to public criticism. Establishing itself as a model for dissidence, KOR encouraged the proliferation of decentralised activities including an uncensored samizdat press, and the formation of the independent trade union Solidarity. It also deliberately forged links among groups which had been isolated by the communist regime: the intelligentsia, workers, and peasants; and also between the Roman Catholic Church and non‐believers. KOR's impact on dissident activity survived the imposition of martial law — and its own dissolution — and was seminal to the collapse of communism in Poland in 1989.

The aim of the article is to evaluate the impact of a Polish dissident organisation, the Workers’ Defence Committee (KOR), on the trade union Solidarity. KOR, like nearly all Polish dissidents’ organisations before, was formed by the intelligentsia alone. Yet, unlike its predecessors, it aimed at, and succeeded in, overcoming this isolation from other social groups; the isolation was deliberately introduced by the authorities. This success paved the way for the emergence of the free trade union Solidarity. The article argues that KOR significantly contributed both to the formation of Solidarity and to its performance, shaping the union's programme, structure, and strategy.

(1985). The significance of dissent in the Soviet Union. Australian Outlook: Vol. 39, No. 3, pp. 165-170.

KOR: An ABSTRACT It has been widely observed that the pattern of dissenting and oppositional activity in Poland had changed considerably by the early 1980s. While in the 1950s and 1960s it was characterised by spontaneity, lack of programme and strategy, the opposite holds true in the 1980s. Till the second half of the 1970s dissent in Poland was spasmodic and short‐lived, intertwined with relatively long periods of social calm and inactivity. In the mid‐1980s the Poles have become highly politicised people, the previously common political apathy, to a great extent, has disappeared. Clandestine political organisations, inimical towards the communist state, abound. The number of free, uncensored publications can be counted in hundreds if not thousands. In the early 1980s there existed officially in Poland a free trade union which in fact performed some political activity as well. For this and other reasons it was suppressed, however the struggle to restore its official activity continues. Nothing of that n...