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Domestication is often portrayed as a long-past event, at times even in archaeological literature. The term domestication is also now applied to other processes, including human evolution. In such contexts, domestication means selection for friendliness or prosociality and the bodily results of such selective choices. Both such perspectives are misleading. Using dogs and modern humans as entry points, this paper explores why conceiving of domestication as a threshold event consisting of selection for prosociality is both incomplete and inaccurate. Domestication is an ongoing process, not a moment or an achievement. Selection in breeding, including for prosociality, is a part of many domestication histories, but it alone does not sustain this process over multiple generations. Further, much selection in domestication has little to do with human intention. Care, taming, commensalism, material things, and places are critical in carrying domestic relationships forward.

Research on the evolution of dog foraging and diet has largely focused on scavenging during their initial domestication and genetic adaptations to starch-rich food environments following the advent of agriculture. The Siberian archaeological record evidences other critical shifts in dog foraging and diet that likely characterize Holocene dogs globally. By the Middle Holocene, body size reconstruction for Siberia dogs indicates that most were far smaller than Pleistocene wolves. This contributed to dogs’ tendencies to scavenge, feed on small prey, and reduce social foraging. Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of Siberian dogs reveals that their diets were more diverse than those of Pleistocene wolves. This included habitual consumption of marine and freshwater foods by the Middle Holocene and reliance on C 4 foods by the Late Holocene. Feeding on such foods and anthropogenic waste increased dogs’ exposure to microbes, affected their gut microbiomes, and shaped long-term dog population history.

The history of reindeer domestication is a critical topic in the study of human-animal relationships across Northern Eurasia. The Iamal-Nenets region of Arctic Siberia, now a global centre of reindeer pastoralism, has been the subject of much recent research on reindeer domestication. However, tracking the beginnings of reindeer domestication in this region and elsewhere in Eurasia has proved challenging. Archaeological imagery is an under-utilized source of information for exploring animal domestication. In this paper we explore the abundant reindeer imagery found at the Iron Age site of Ust’-Polui in Iamal, dating from ~260 bce to ce 140. While reindeer were hunted in Siberia long before the occupation of Ust’-Polui, portable reindeer imagery appears abruptly at this time period, co-occurring at the site with equipment thought to be for training transport reindeer. Training and working with transport reindeer required long-term engagement with specific animals that became well known and precious to their human keepers. Creating, utilizing and depositing the reindeer imagery objects at Ust’-Polui was a way of acknowledging critical new working relationships with specific domestic reindeer.

Despite widespread attention to the recent past as an archaeological topic, few archaeologists have attended to the particular social and ecological stakes of one of the most defining material features of contemporary life: the long-term effects of toxic industrial waste. Identifying the present era as the high Capitalocene, this article highlights the contemporary as a period caught between the boom-and-bust cycles of capitalist production and the persistence of industrial waste. Drawing on an archaeological case study from Edmonton, Alberta, we outline how the working-class shanty town community of Ross Acreage (occupied 1900–1950) was formed in relation to the industrial waste that suffused its landscape. Drawing on data from both archaeological excavation and environmental testing, this article argues that the community of Ross Acreage was defined materially by its long-term relationship with industrial waste, what we term a ‘fence-line community’.

The study of reindeer domestication provides a unique opportunity to examine how domestication involves more than bodily changes in animals produced through selection. Domestication requires enskilment among humans and animals, and this process of pragmatic learning is dependent on specific forms of material culture. Particularly with the domestication of working animals, the use of such material culture may predate phenotypic and genetic changes produced through selective breeding. The Iamal region of Arctic Siberia is generating an increasingly diverse set of archeological data for reindeer domestication that evidences such processes. Three early sites, Ust’-Polui, Tiutei-Sale I, and Iarte VI, contain artifacts proposed to be parts of headgear worn by transport reindeer, the earliest dating to just over 2000 years ago. Contemporary Nenets reindeer herders scrutinized replicas of these archeological objects, and comparisons with historic reindeer harness parts from Arctic Russia were also made. Nenets consistently interpreted barbed L-shaped antler pieces from Iamal as parts of headgear for training young reindeer in pulling sleds. Some types of swivels were also interpreted as transport reindeer headgear. Based on these consultations with Nenets and observations of their ongoing reindeer domestication practices, we argue that material things such as headgear, harnesses, and sleds are not merely technological means of using or controlling reindeer in transportation but instead were part of the meshwork within which some reindeer became enskilled to being domestic. Domestication of reindeer and other animals involves ongoing efforts, landscapes, and made things, all of which form the environment within which domestic relationships emerge.

Just as the domestication of livestock is often cited as a key element in the Neolithic transition to settled, the emergence of large‐scaled reindeer husbandry was a fundamental social transformation for the indigenous peoples of Arctic Eurasia. To better understand the history of reindeer domestication, and the genetic processes associated with the pastoral transition in the Eurasian Arctic, we analyzed archaeological and contemporary reindeer samples from Northwestern Siberia. The material represents Rangifer genealogies spanning from 15,000 years ago to the 18th century, as well as modern samples from the wild Taĭmyr population and from domestic herds managed by Nenetses. The wild and the domestic population are the largest populations of their kind in Northern Eurasia, and some Nenetses hold their domestic reindeer beside their wild cousins. Our analyses of 197 modern and 223 ancient mitochondrial DNA sequences revealed two genetic clusters, which are interpreted as representing the gene pools of contemporary domestic and past wild reindeer. Among a total of 137 different mitochondrial haplotypes identified in both the modern and archaeological samples, only 21 were detected in the modern domestic gene pool, while 11 of these were absent from the wild gene pool. The significant temporal genetic shift that we associate with the pastoral transition suggests that the emergence and spread of reindeer pastoralism in Northwestern Siberia originated with the translocation and subsequent selective breeding of a special type of animal from outside the region. The distinct and persistent domestic characteristics of the haplotype structure since the 18th century suggests little genetic exchange since then. The absence of the typical domestic clade in modern nearby wild populations suggests that the contemporary Nenets domestic breed feature an ancestry from outside its present main distribution, possibly from further South., This manuscript demonstrates that the reindeer mitochondrial genome in Northwestern Siberia has gone through massive genetic replacement since medieval times characterized by a significant loss of native mtDNA haplotypes, together with a significant introduction of new haplotypes. The significant temporal genetic shift associated with the pastoral transition suggests that the emergence and spread of reindeer pastoralism in Northwestern Siberia involved the translocation and breeding of a special type of animal with a partly non‐native origin.

In the past, atlatls were used in hunting and warfare to throw projectiles. This article examines evidence for ‘enskilment’ in atlatl use from the Par-Tee site (c. AD 100–800) in northern Oregon. Several whalebone atlatls from the site appear to have been crafted specifically to fit the hands of children. The authors argue that this is the result of equipment scaling—the process of adjusting the size of an object to fit the body size of the intended user. The authors suggest, therefore, that proficiency in the skills required to use the atlatl was probably acquired during childhood.

Trans-Baikal, the interior region just to the east of Siberia's Lake Baikal, has a fairly extensive but largely unstudied archaeological record of human interaction with domestic dogs. This region's archaeological dog remains are documented for the first time in this paper. New radiocarbon dates indicate that dogs first appear in this region by at least 7900 years ago during the Siberian Early Neolithic period. These dogs lived with the region's foragers, particularly in the southern portions of Trans-Baikal, and were sometimes buried, indicating their unique status in these communities. Dogs during this period were likely involved in hunting and burden carrying, but there is no evidence they were eaten. For much of the Middle Holocene, dog remains appear to be absent in Trans-Baikal, a pattern similar to that seen in the Cis-Baikal region to the west. During the Iron Age, dogs become food sources in Trans-Baikal, being abundant in some sites occupied by pastoral and agricultural groups. This same period also witnesses some dog sacrifice. Overall, dogs were clearly widespread in Trans- and Cis-Baikal by ~8000 years ago, and in all likelihood were present in much of Siberia in smaller numbers far earlier than this.

In this paper, we report the stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis results of wild (n = 15) and domestic (n = 21) animal samples from the Proezzhaia I site, a fortified Medieval settlement in Trans-Baikal, Siberia. Additionally, we analyzed five modern freshwater fish samples from the Shilka River, which flows immediately north of the site. Together, these samples provide the first dietary stable isotope data for the entire Trans-Baikal region. Our results reveal a C3 plant dominated diet for all animal taxa sampled, but with a possible minor inclusion of C4 plant material in the diets of some cattle (Bos sp.) and horses (Equus sp.). We infer this C4 plant was likely a type of millet, the remains of which were identified at a contemporaneous site upriver. Additionally, these results indicate that some cattle and horses consumed plant material grown in 15N-enriched soil, which suggests several distinct animal management practices, or may indicate a trade in or movement of animals from an area with a different nitrogen isotope baseline.

Significance The Siberian Arctic has witnessed numerous societal changes since the first known appearance of dogs in the region ∼10,000 years ago. These changes include the introduction of ironworking ∼2,000 years ago and the emergence of reindeer pastoralism ∼800 years ago. The analysis of 49 ancient dog genomes reveals that the ancestry of Arctic Siberia dogs shifted over the last 2,000 years due to an influx of dogs from the Eurasian Steppe and Europe. Combined with genomic data from humans and archaeological evidence, our results suggest that though the ancestry of human populations in Arctic Siberia did not change over this period, people there participated in trade with distant communities that involved both dogs and material culture., Dogs have been essential to life in the Siberian Arctic for over 9,500 y, and this tight link between people and dogs continues in Siberian communities. Although Arctic Siberian groups such as the Nenets received limited gene flow from neighboring groups, archaeological evidence suggests that metallurgy and new subsistence strategies emerged in Northwest Siberia around 2,000 y ago. It is unclear if the Siberian Arctic dog population was as continuous as the people of the region or if instead admixture occurred, possibly in relation to the influx of material culture from other parts of Eurasia. To address this question, we sequenced and analyzed the genomes of 20 ancient and historical Siberian and Eurasian Steppe dogs. Our analyses indicate that while Siberian dogs were genetically homogenous between 9,500 to 7,000 y ago, later introduction of dogs from the Eurasian Steppe and Europe led to substantial admixture. This is clearly the case in the Iamal-Nenets region (Northwestern Siberia) where dogs from the Iron Age period (∼2,000 y ago) possess substantially less ancestry related to European and Steppe dogs than dogs from the medieval period (∼1,000 y ago). Combined with findings of nonlocal materials recovered from these archaeological sites, including glass beads and metal items, these results indicate that Northwest Siberian communities were connected to a larger trade network through which they acquired genetically distinctive dogs from other regions. These exchanges were part of a series of major societal changes, including the rise of large-scale reindeer pastoralism ∼800 y ago.

Analysis of individual animal bodies can provide numerous useful insights in archeology, including how humans provisioned such animals, which in turn informs on a variety of other past behaviors such as human dietary patterns. In this study, we conducted stable carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) isotope analysis of collagen and keratin from four types of tissues from a dog burial at the Ust’-Polui site in the Iamal region of Arctic Russia. Ust’-Polui is an Iron Age site located on the Lower Ob River, a major northern fishery characterized by extreme seasonal shifts in fish presence. During a 6-month period stretching over the coldest months of the year, fish are nearly entirely absent in the Lower Ob River. Despite this, the stable isotope compositions of the dog’s bone and dentine collagen and hair and nail keratin all indicate a monotonous diet focusing on local fish. This pattern indicates the dog was provisioned year-round with fish. This was likely accomplished by mass harvesting of fish using nets or traps. Such fish were then processed and frozen for consumption during the non-fishing season. These findings suggest that people in the Ust’-Polui region also relied to some extent on fish throughout the year. Stored fish likely provided a dietary buffer for uneven returns from reindeer and bird hunting, both of which also are well-evidenced at the site. Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (10.1007/s12520-020-01166-3) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

The study of our long-term relationships with dogs faces many theoretical and methodological challenges. Recent changes in social sciences provide profound new insights on how dogs and humans share their lives. Animals are no longer mere background in stories of human history. Rather, dogs and other animals are critical elements in the assemblages of things interacting to shape our shared experiences and long-term histories. In turn, developments in biological sciences now push us to go beyond analyses of canid remains simply for the purposes of taxonomic identification. Borrowing methods from human osteology and palaeontology, zooarchaeology is increasingly better positioned to explore details of dogs’ lives.

Frantz, Laurent/0000-0001-8030-3885; Ersmark, Erik/0000-0003-4186-7498; Sjogren, Karl-Goran/0000-0003-1791-3175; Bergstrom, Anders/0000-0002-4096-9268 WOS:000583031800042 PubMed ID: 33122379 Dogs were the first domestic animal, but little is known about their population history and to what extent it was linked to humans. We sequenced 27 ancient dog genomes and found that all dogs share a common ancestry distinct from present-day wolves, with limited gene flow from wolves since domestication but substantial dog-to-wolf gene flow. By 11,000 years ago, at least five major ancestry lineages had diversified, demonstrating a deep genetic history of dogs during the Paleolithic. Coanalysis with human genomes reveals aspects of dog population history that mirror humans, including Levant-related ancestry in Africa and early agricultural Europe. Other aspects differ, including the impacts of steppe pastoralist expansions in West and East Eurasia and a near-complete turnover of Neolithic European dog ancestry. SciLifeLab National Projects; Erik Philip Sorensen Foundation; Francis Crick Institute from Cancer Research UK [FC001595]; UK Medical Research CouncilMedical Research Council UK (MRC); Wellcome TrustWellcome Trust [210119/Z/18/Z]; European Research CouncilEuropean Research Council (ERC) [852558]; Wellcome Trust Investigator awardWellcome Trust [217223/Z/19/Z]; Vallee Foundation; Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of CanadaSocial Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) [SSHRC IG 435-2014-0075]; State Assignment of the Sobolev Institute of Geology and Mineralogy; ZIN RAS [AAA-A19119032590102-7]; Smithsonian's Peter Buck Postdoctoral Fellowship; AHRC [AH/J001406/1]; SNIC-UPPMAX [b2016004]; UOXF ARC facilityAustralian Research Council; Wolfson College (University of Oxford); ERCEuropean Research Council (ERC) [ERC-2013-StG-337574-UNDEAD]; Natural Environmental Research CouncilNERC Natural Environment Research Council [NE/K005243/1, NE/K003259/1]; NERC Radiocarbon Facility [NF/2016/2/4] Ancient genome sequencing was supported by SciLifeLab National Projects and the Erik Philip Sorensen Foundation (to P.S.). A.B., T.D., and P.S. were supported by the Francis Crick Institute core funding (FC001595) from Cancer Research UK, the UK Medical Research Council, and the Wellcome Trust. P.S. was also supported by the European Research Council (grant no. 852558), a Wellcome Trust Investigator award (217223/Z/19/Z) and the Vallee Foundation. R.J.L. was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (#SSHRC IG 435-2014-0075). Y.K. was supported by State Assignment of the Sobolev Institute of Geology and Mineralogy. M.S. was supported by ZIN RAS (state assignment no. AAA-A19119032590102-7). A.T.L. was supported by the Smithsonian's Peter Buck Postdoctoral Fellowship. Archaeological work in Serbia was supported by AHRC grant AH/J001406/1. Computations were supported by SNIC-UPPMAX (b2016004) and the UOXF ARC facility. L.F. was supported by the Wellcome Trust (grant 210119/Z/18/Z) and by Wolfson College (University of Oxford). G.L. was supported by the ERC (grant ERC-2013-StG-337574-UNDEAD). G.L. and K.D. were supported by the Natural Environmental Research Council (grants NE/K005243/1 and NE/K003259/1). Dating was supported by the NERC Radiocarbon Facility (NF/2016/2/4).

Domestication has particular salience in archaeology, and numerous recent theoretical papers describe this process as a set of evolutionary, ongoing, social, and material relationships between humans and select other species. In contrast, analytical papers on the domestication of dogs nearly always involve a search for their origins as marked by changes in genes and morphologies. This article explores this contrast through the examination of dog remains from the Iron Age Ust’-Polui site in the western Siberian Arctic. Many of the numerous dogs represented at this site were killed and probably consumed when young, likely as part of sacrifices. Others at the site were intentionally buried. Ust’-Polui also contains abundant evidence of advanced dog sledding, including probable harness parts and portions of several complex sleds. Sacrificing and otherwise killing dogs is a domestication practice, as these activities are a form of selective breeding. Domestication of dogs at Ust’-Polui and elsewhere is more than selective breeding, as it is enabled and dependent upon specific landscapes, built things, and other species. At Ust’-Polui these at a minimum included a rich local environment, sleds and harness swivels, and freshwater fish, all of which intertwined in making the particular domestic relationships at the site possible.

Elk are common in forager archaeological artwork of northern Eurasia. During the Middle Holocene, the peoples of Cis-Baikal produced numerous elk depictions in rock art and mobiliary items. Most of the rock art has now been destroyed. However, Cis-Baikal’s cemeteries and habitation sites are increasingly well documented, with the former generating numerous elk images. To better understand this imagery, we first discuss elk biology and behavior. We then contextualize the imagery within other forms of archaeological data, including cemetery location, dietary patterns, and human population changes and dispersals. We integrate these findings with a model of northern Eurasian forager cosmologies and ideologies. Elk were not a dietary stable in Cis-Baikal. Instead, diets often had a substantial aquatic component, and red deer and roe deer were the most commonly used ungulates. All of Cis-Baikal’s Middle Holocene cemeteries were located near bodies of water. Elk’s ability to cross a fundamental boundary, that between the terrestrial and aquatic worlds, resulted in these animals being considered liminal beings. The elk depicted perhaps were cosmological forces, transporting the souls of the dead to the underworld. They also may have been constituted a generative life force and assisted souls in returning to the living world.

This article is dedicated to the analysis of faunal remains found at the Eneolithic settlement of Gorniy Samotnel-1. This habitation site has a modeled age spanning from 3060 to 2920 cal. BC, firmly within the Middle Holocene. This site is located on the territory of Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Region on the shore of the Ob’ river. The paper considers the identification of faunal remains from the site, their relative abundances, bone modification (such as natural erosion, carnivore gnawing, butchering traces, and tool making), as well as proportions of skeletal elements and reconstruction of age at death of some individuals. The resulting data demonstrate relatively broad use of natural resources by the inhabitants of Gorniy Samotnel-1 during the Eneolithic, despite a relatively small size of the analyzed assemblage. The results of species identification and other faunal analyses are discussed in association with the rest of the archaeological context. In addition, the article includes information on the reconstruction of paleodiet based on the stable isotope analyses of the residues of pottery vessels at the site. Finally we introduce the zoomorphic images at the site, including possible depictions of elk and waterfowl, which were found in a direct association with the site’s faunal remains.

Domestic dogs have been central to life in the North American Arctic for millennia. The ancestors of the Inuit were the first to introduce the widespread usage of dog sledge transportation technology to the Americas, but whether the Inuit adopted local Palaeo-Inuit dogs or introduced a new dog population to the region remains unknown. To test these hypotheses, we generated mitochondrial DNA and geometric morphometric data of skull and dental elements from a total of 922 North American Arctic dogs and wolves spanning over 4500 years. Our analyses revealed that dogs from Inuit sites dating from 2000 BP possess morphological and genetic signatures that distinguish them from earlier Palaeo-Inuit dogs, and identified a novel mitochondrial clade in eastern Siberia and Alaska. The genetic legacy of these Inuit dogs survives today in modern Arctic sledge dogs despite phenotypic differences between archaeological and modern Arctic dogs. Together, our data reveal that Inuit dogs derive from a secondary pre-contact migration of dogs distinct from Palaeo-Inuit dogs, and probably aided the Inuit expansion across the North American Arctic beginning around 1000 BP. Domestic dogs have been central to life in the North American Arctic for millennia. The ancestors of the Inuit were the first to introduce the widespread usage of dog sledge transportation technology to the Americas, but whether the Inuit adopted local Palaeo-Inuit dogs or introduced a new dog population to the region remains unknown. To test these hypotheses, we generated mitochondrial DNA and geometric morphometric data of skull and dental elements from a total of 922 North American Arctic dogs and wolves spanning over 4500 years. Our analyses revealed that dogs from Inuit sites dating from 2000 BP possess morphological and genetic signatures that distinguish them from earlier Palaeo-Inuit dogs, and identified a novel mitochondrial clade in eastern Siberia and Alaska. The genetic legacy of these Inuit dogs survives today in modern Arctic sledge dogs despite phenotypic differences between archaeological and modern Arctic dogs. Together, our data reveal that Inuit dogs derive from a secondary pre-contact migration of dogs distinct from Palaeo-Inuit dogs, and probably aided the Inuit expansion across the North American Arctic beginning around 1000 BP.

This paper examines Holocene tends in subsistence practices through the examination of archaeological faunal remains from the Bugul'deika II habitation site on the west shore of Lake Baikal, Russian Federation. This data indicates that the primary focus of subsistence activities at the site in almost all periods was the hunting of Baikal seals ( Phoca sibirica ). While some deer and other fauna are represented in most cultural layers, they appear to be supplementary resources throughout the Early and Middle Holocene period of site use. By ∼2900 cal. BP, domesticated ungulates appear at the site, and become increasingly more relatively abundant through time. Humans using the site during these periods also continued to use wild fauna, particularly Baikal seals. Yearlings and other juveniles were the most commonly taken seals at the site, and most were killed in the late winter or early spring when the lake was ice covered. The overall pattern of fauna use at the site is very similar to that at other sites located on the open shoreline of Lake Baikal, but contrasts sharply with fauna use at sites located along the Little Sea shoreline of the lake, which focuses of littoral fish. Finally, while Middle Holocene human cemeteries in the study area have abundant remains of deer, and stable isotope data on human remains from them indicate some dietary reliance on such herbivores, remains of deer are not found in abundance in any local habitation site.

We analyzed mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) from ancient marmot teeth (∼7550–6800 cal. BP), which were recovered during archaeological excavations of two contemporary cemeteries near Lake Baikal, Russia: one archaeological site is the Shamanka II cemetery located on the southwest shoreline of Lake Baikal, and the other is the Lokomotiv-Raisovet cemetery located about 77 km to northwest and within the modern city of Irkutsk. Although the teeth had not been identified to species based on their morphology, our ancient DNA analysis revealed that all incisors from ten individuals were of the tarbagan marmot ( Marmota sibirica ), which is currently not distributed around those archaeological sites. In contrast, the black-capped marmot ( Marmota camtschatica ), which also has a dominant distribution in Eastern Siberia and whose incisors are morphologically similar to M . sibirica , was not identified from our ancient tooth samples. In addition, the mtDNA sequence variation showed that the genealogy of marmots in the Shamanka II cemetery could have been different from that of the Lokomotiv-Raisovet cemetery. These data indicate that the ancient people at the Shamanka II cemetery could have used M . sibirica from different regions than those utilized at the Lokomotiv-Raisovet site. This suggests non-overlapping marmot hunting ranges for the people buried at the two Middle Holocene cemeteries.

Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses of human remains from two contemporaneous cemeteries in the Lake Baikal region of Russia indicate similarity in diets among some individuals buried in these two locations. Given that the Middle Holocene cemeteries are only 75 km apart, these dietary data could indicate overlap in foraging ranges between the two human cemetery populations. Incisors from Siberian marmots (Marmota sibirica) are the most abundant type of faunal remains recovered from both cemeteries. Siberian marmots are a steppe species and hibernate over much of the year, being readily accessible to humans only during the summer and early fall. They are a fat-rich and desirable food item today in adjacent portions of Central Asia. To test if the dietary similarity between the two cemetery human groups might be due to overlapping hunting areas for marmots, Barium/Calcium and Strontium/Calcium ratios in a sample of marmot teeth were examined. The results of these analyses indicate very little overla...

Body size is correlated with many critical behavioral and developmental patterns in carnivores, including domestic dogs. The body masses and bite forces of archaeological dog remains from Siberia and the Russian Far East were estimated to make inferences regarding their behaviors and capacitis. The dogs date from ∼10,000–100 cal. BP and derive from archaeological sites spanning from steppe environments in the south to tundra regions of the northern Arctic. The dogs exhibit a four-fold difference in body mass, ranging from 7.6 to 32.5 kg, but have a mean body mass of only 16.4 kg. Bite forces are around only half those of modern wolves, indicating that the dogs had greatly reduced abilities to grasp and masticate prey and food items. The dogs exhibit a slight decrease in body size through time, perhaps due to human selection or greater survival rates for smaller individuals in human-dominated food environments. Dog body size variance within individual archaeological sites was as high as in a sample of modern wolves from throughout the study area, suggesting little strict human control over body size. No correlation was found between body size and site latitude, suggesting that Bergmann’s rule does not hold for these canids. Human shelters may provide a buffer against low temperatures that might favour larger body sizes at high latitudes. About 90% of the analyzed dogs have estimated body masses less than 21.5 kg, suggesting most were best adapted for procuring prey smaller than themselves—the dogs were not capable of taking down larger prey without the assistance of humans. Estimated dog body masses cannot eliminate the possibility that many of the animals were used for pulling sleds, and nearly all were capable of packing modest loads on their backs. Livestock guarding dogs are not well-evidenced by the body mass data, but herding dogs are a possibility in all of the pastoral or agricultural settings analyzed.

Reindeer scapulae are widely incorporated into Indigenous lifeways across the Circumpolar North, especially as hide working tools, fish knives, and divination devices. This article addresses the histories of this particular skeletal element at the Iron Age settlement site of Iarte VI on the Iamal Peninsula, Arctic Siberia. Scapula tools are the most abundant group of implements recovered from the site. These implements, which were only used in Iamal from the 11th to 14th centuries CE, have so far been documented only at Iarte VI and one other site on the peninsula. Their particular forms are not currently known outside the region. We examine how this one element was separated from other parts of the body, which scapulae were chosen for tool production, and how they were transformed into implements. These tools appear to have been used for softening and straightening reindeer skin straps for ropes and lassos, a task now undertaken on the peninsula entirely by men. Drawing upon published accounts and our own ethnographic research with Nenets, we discuss how reindeer scapulae are embedded into perceptions of wild and domestic reindeer, used as hide-working tools, and involved in a variety of social and material practices in this region.

Efforts to identify Paleolithic dogs or incipient dogs have been based mainly on examination of complete or nearly complete crania. Complete skulls are, however, very rare in the archaeological record. Because canid mandible are far more frequently found in Pleistocene assemblages, the objective of this study is to investigate whether it is possible to differentiate these jaws by metric and osteomorphological methods in two morphotypes: Paleolithic dogs and Pleistocene wolves. This paper is mainly based on the very rich canid assemblage from the Gravettian Předmosti site in the Czech Republic, but also includes a few mandible from several other European Paleolithic sites. This study provides additional evidence of the existence at Předmosti of the two canid morphotypes. The metric data indicate that the mandible of the Paleolithic dogs are shorter than those from Pleistocene wolves in all tested measurements of length, and the carnassial crown length is shorter in Paleolithic dogs compared with the length of this tooth in Pleistocene wolves. Furthermore, in eight of nine indexes, the Paleolithic dogs differ significantly from the Pleistocene wolves. The mandible of Paleolithic dogs differ also in non-metric features from the Pleistocene wolves: they present a high frequency of crowded premolars and backwards-oriented apex of the coronoid. This paper furthermore confirms that Paleolithic dogs occur at two late Upper Paleolithic sites (Eliseevichi, Verholenskaya) where previous studies had indicated their presence. In addition, we document the presence of Paleolithic dogs at another Gravettian site, Kostenki-8.

Much of the fossil record for dogs consists of mandibles. However, can fossil canid mandibles be reliably identified as dogs or wolves? 3D geometric morphometric analysis correctly classifies 99.5% of the modern dog and wolf mandibles. However, only 4 of 26 Ust’-Polui fossil mandibles, a Russian Arctic site occupied from 250BCE to 150CE, were identified as dogs and none of the 20 Ivolgin mandibles, an Iron Age site in southern Russia, were identified as dogs. Three of the Ust’-Polui mandibles and 8 of the Ivolgin mandibles were identified as wolves. In contrast, all 12 Ivolgin skulls and 5 Ust’-Polui skulls were clearly identified as dogs. Only the classification of the UP6571 skull as a dog (Dog Posterior Probability = 1.0) was not supported by the typical probability. Other evidence indicates these canids were domesticated: they were located within human dwellings, remains at both sites have butchery marks indicating that they were consumed, and isotope analysis of canid and human remains from Ust’-Polui demonstrate that both were consuming freshwater protein; indicating that the humans were feeding the canids. Our results demonstrate that the mandible may not evolve as rapidly as the cranium and the mandible is not reliable for identifying early dog fossils.

The spread of pastoralism in Asia is poorly understood, including how such processes affected northern forager populations. Lake Baikal’s western shore has a rich Holocene archaeological record that tracks these processes. The Early Bronze Age here is evidenced by numerous forager burials. The Early Iron Age (EIA) is thought to mark the arrival of pastoralists, but archaeological remains from this period have received little analysis. New radiocarbon dates for EIA human remains from 23 cemeteries indicate that no burials were created along this shore for ~900 years. This period, from ~3670 to 2760 cal. BP, spans from the end of the Early Bronze Age to the advent of the EIA. The burial gap may mark disruption of local foraging populations through incursions by non-local pastoralists. Radiocarbon dates on faunal remains indicate that domestic herd animals first appear around 3275 cal. BP, just prior to the first EIA human burials. Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of human remains and zooarchaeological data indicate that domestic fauna were minor dietary components for EIA people. Like preceding foragers, the EIA groups relied extensively on Baikal’s aquatic food sources, indicating that the scale of pastoralism during this period was relatively limited.

Calcified biological objects are occasionally found at archaeological sites and can be challenging to identify. This paper undertakes the differential diagnosis of what we suggest is an Echinococcus granulosus hydatid cyst from an 8000-year-old mortuary site called Shamanka II in the Lake Baikal region of Siberia. Echinococcus is a parasitic tapeworm that needs two hosts to complete its life cycle: herbivores and humans are intermediate hosts, and carnivores such as dogs, wolves, and foxes are definitive hosts. In the intermediate host the Echinococcus egg hatches in the digestive system, penetrates the intestine, and is carried via the bloodstream to an organ, where it settles and turns into an ovoid calcified structure called a hydatid cyst. For this object, identification was based on macroscopic, radiographic, and stable isotope analysis. High-resolution computed tomography scanning was used to visualize the interior structure of the object, which is morphologically consistent with the E. granulosus species (called cystic Echinococcus). Stable isotope analysis of the extracted mineral and protein components of the object narrowed down the range of species from which it could come. The stable carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios of the object's protein, and stable carbon isotope ratio of the mineral, closely match those of the likely human host. Additionally, the d 13 C protein-to-mineral spacing is very low, which fits expectations for a parasitic organism. To our knowledge this is the first isotopic characterization of a hydatid cyst and this method may be useful for future studies. The hydatid cyst most likely came from a probable female adult. Two additional hydatid cysts were found in a young adult female from a contemporaneous mortuary site in the same region, Lokomotiv. This manuscript ends with a brief discussion the importance of domesticated dogs in the disease's occurrence and the health implication of echinococcal infection for these Early Neolithic hunterefisheregatherers.

Previously developed regression formulae for estimating body mass in dogs and wolves based on cranial and mandibular dimensions are evaluated using modern canid specimens of known weight at death. Some of these equations proved reliable, but others have large standard errors of estimate and likely produce unreliable mass estimates. New sets of equations for estimating body mass in dogs and wolves are produced using our datasets, including a set of equations developed from combining the dog and wolf biometric data into a single population. The resulting regression equations allow body mass to be estimated from a series of cranial and mandibular dimensions with relatively low errors. Further, our datasets include larger numbers of specimens of larger ranges of body mass than in these previous studies. When the equations are applied to a suite of dogs and one wolf from Eastern Siberia, several patterns emerge. First, hunter–gatherers' dogs in this region vary widely in terms of body size, even within a limited geographic area and time period. Some were quite large, similar in size to modern Siberian huskies. Second, pastoralists' dogs are less variable in terms of body mass, but this may reflect the nature of our samples. In particular, pastoralists' dogs nearly all were sacrificed juvenile dogs, some of which appear to have been eaten. These dogs seem to have been approached adult body size when they were selected for sacrifice. Finally, our findings help to highlight the need for further refinement in methods used to study ancient canid remains. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Over the past several decades archaeologists have used the spinal pathology spondylosis deformans as an indicator that archaeological dogs were used to pull or carry loads. This interpretive approach is largely based upon observations of prehistoric dog remains and archaeologist's interpretations of veterinary literature on recent sled dogs and other draft animals. However, no comparative large-scale studies of the occurrence of spondylosis deformans in wild canids, transport dogs, and dogs never involved in pulling or carrying loads have been published. To evaluate the reliability of spondylosis deformans in archaeological dogs as an indicator of participation in transport activities, 136 modern non-transport dogs, 19 sled dogs, and 241 wolves were systematically analyzed for the occurrence of spondylosis deformans. Our results indicate this pathology is not a reliable skeletal indicator of dog transport because the disease is prevalent in both dogs and wolves, regardless of their occupational histories. Numerous factors correlate with the occurrence and manifestation of this disease in canids, including age, body size, sex, and inbreeding. As such, it remains extremely challenging to identify specific etiologies for spondylosis deformans in archaeological specimens.

The seals inhabiting Eastern Siberia's Lake Baikal are involved in a suite of meaningful relationships with local people both in the present and in the distant past. Most people rarely see the seals in their natural habitat, but these animals nonetheless are considered icons of the region, particularly among tourists and the broader general public. Our recent interviews with Baikal seal hunters, most of whom are Buriat, revealed relationships of great depth and intimacy with these animals that involved, in part, knowing the animals based on their sounds, smells, taste, fur quality, appearance, and behavior. The hunters and their families maintain relationships with the animals by acting so as to stay in good standing with local spirits and through proper treatment of the animals' bodies after death. Further, Baikal seals have prominent roles in local cosmologies and legends, including the origin stories of some local groups. The region's archaeological record reveals that meaningful relationships...

Lake Baikal in Eastern Siberia is one of the largest and deepest freshwater lakes in the world, and its diverse fauna were extensively utilized by local human populations over many millennia. The regional culture history models primarily are based on radiocarbon dates on human skeletal remains, and in some cases, also on dates on sediments from habitation sites. Analyses of a set of 113 radiocarbon dates from the Sagan-Zaba Holocene hunter-gatherer and pastoralist habitation site (52.6825° N, 106.4760° E) on the western coast of Lake Baikal demonstrates two critical problems in the dating of these sets of materials. First, comparison of AMS radiocarbon dates on terrestrial mammal and Baikal seal bones from Sagan-Zaba reveals the existence of a freshwater radiocarbon offset in the seal remains of at least 700 radiocarbon years. Radiocarbon dates on skeletal remains from humans who consumed the aquatic fauna also should be expected to carry an old carbon offset. Second, comparison of radiocarbon dates made on sediment samples with those made on terrestrial mammal bones demonstrates major inconsistencies. The primary problem with these samples is that the carbon being dated in them is of unclear relationship to human activities of interest at the site. Therefore, the still common practice in this region of radiocarbon dating sediments to establish archaeological chronologies should be abandoned. The AMS radiocarbon dating of bone from species which clearly fed outside of Lake Baikal's aquatic environments should provide more reliable age estimates for human activities at archaeological sites.

Eastern Siberia's Lake Baikal and its tributaries are productive fisheries, and the region's Holocene archaeological sites confirm that this is a long-standing phenomenon. Recent zooarchaeological investigations of sites here allow Holocene fishing practices to be examined in more detail than was previously possible. Along much of the lake's coast, bathymetry is very steep and the water very cold; here fishing appears to have been supplemental to other subsistence practices such as sealing and ungulate hunting. In shallower areas, waters were warmer and supported very productive fisheries for littoral species, perhaps through the use of nets or traps. The region's rivers offered their own resident species but also were used as spawning grounds by some lake fishes. The lake's littoral fisheries, while productive, likely produced fish throughout the year and did not require complex labor organization to be effectively used. Some sections of the region's rivers, particularly those that were spawning...

Spondylosis deformans is a common degenerative condition of the spinal column, especially in modern domestic dogs. The presence and severity of lesions are related to age and physical activity, but they can be influenced by genetics, with some modern breeds being particularly predisposed. Spondylosis deformans also has been reported in prehistoric dogs. Here, we describe three affected vertebrae, likely from three individuals, in a large canid assemblage from the Gravettian Předmosti site, Czech Republic. We compare the proportion of affected individuals from the Předmosti assemblage with that of affected individuals among recent wild Northern wolves, inbred wolves, captive wolves, and recent Northern dogs. The proportion of affected individuals among the captive wolves differs significantly from the other wolf groups. The proportion in the Předmosti assemblage does not differ significantly from that of the wild wolf groups.

The article presents the results of studies of faunal remains from the Ulan-Khada multilayered settlement – one of key habitation sites in the Cis-Baikal region providing information for reconstructing environmental and cultural changes during the Holocene. A complete analysis of the fauna assemblage obtained over the course of long-term excavations is given. For the fi rst time, the site's ichthyofauna is described. The mammalian species composition is revised. Species diversity is evaluated across the time span from the Final Mesolithic to the Late Iron Age. These studies have demonstrated that the main activities at the site during the Neolithic and Bronze Age included seal and ungulate (roe and red deer) hunting. Fishing was also important, especially 4.2–3.8 thousand years ago (Bronze Age).

Remnants of stationary fishing structures on the Northwest Coast of North America are commonly investigated by archaeologists, with most studies focusing on questions of function and chronology. Here it is argued that in Native Northwest Coast ontologies fish and fishing structures were considered animate and part of the social worlds within which humans and fish were engaged. Fish were considered capable of retaliating against those who treated them improperly, and one way of ensuring that no offence would occur was to dismantle fish traps when they were not in use. Using recently documented archaeological fishing structures on Willapa Bay, Washington, USA, as examples, it is argued that these and many other Northwest Coast archaeological fish traps were partially dismantled in the past.