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Le proposte educative e ricreative promosse da diversi attori presenti nel territorio milanese necessitano di essere lette e interpretate alla luce dello specifico contesto locale nel quale sono inserite. Le caratteristiche socio-demografiche della popolazione, quali per esempio l’incidenza dei minorenni sull’intera popolazione, le composizioni familiari e la quota di cittadini con background straniero, solo per citarne alcuni, sono elementi che distinguono i territori fra di loro, generando bisogni e proposte educative differenti. Per tale ragione, il presente capitolo offre una accurata ricostruzione del contesto socio-demografico della citta di Milano. Tale analisi socio-demografica - basata su dati provenienti da fonti statistiche ufficiali - ha messo in luce una grande eterogeneità con riferimento alla popolazione residente nella città di Milano, in termini di fasce di età, composizione familiare e presenza di cittadini stranieri. A tale proposito, Milano si conferma una città multietnica e multiculturale, con più di 1 cittadino su 5 residente straniero, dato che peraltro non comprende coloro che hanno acquisito la cittadinanza italiana ma hanno un background straniero.

Il contributo offre una prima ricostruzione delle attività e delle proposte educative rivolte ai più giovani nel contesto ampio ed eterogeneo di Milano, tenendo conto al tempo stesso delle caratteristiche dei diversi quartieri della città e della composizione demografica della popolazione. Nello specifico, per ricostruire il quadro delle proposte educative e ricreative tenendo conto al tempo stesso della complessità dello scenario e delle peculiarità dei contesti, ci si è avvalsi dello strumento delle mappe urbane. Le mappe - costruite per la città di Milano - sono state arricchite di informazioni relative allo spazio urbano, alle caratteristiche della popolazione residente in quel territorio e alle offerte educative e ricreative provenienti dal settore pubblico, dagli oratori, dagli scout, dal privato profit e non profit.

Quali sono e come sono distribuite le proposte educative e ricreative rivolte a preadolescenti, adolescenti e giovani nella città di Milano? Quali bisogni educativi esprimono i ragazzi e le ragazze 11-19enni e come sono cambiati in questo periodo di crisi permanente? Qual è il posto degli oratori in uno spazio metropolitano complesso come quello milanese? A questi e altri interrogativi risponde la ricerca presentata in questo volume, grazie al proficuo dialogo tra diverse discipline – sociologia, pedagogia, demografia e urbanistica – e differenti tecniche di indagine. Il libro ricostruisce – anche attraverso l’utilizzo di mappe urbane – la distribuzione delle proposte educative e ricreative e dei centri di aggregazione dedicati ai più giovani, con un focus sugli oratori, nei 12 decanati della città di Milano, approfondendo inoltre i bisogni educativi espressi e accolti nei contesti oratoriani. Ne scaturisce un ricco patrimonio informativo, utile a una progettazione educativa e pastorale situata nel tempo e nello spazio, capace di abitare nel vivo dei territori.

This introductory piece makes the case for the need to advance our knowledge about migrant descendants’ lived experiences and practices of citizenship through the example offered by Italy. Debates around citizenship, migrant descendants’ identities and mobilisations have gained centre stage in the country in a period marked by increasing polarisation and racist discourses similar to those at the European level. The effects of these broader developments on the inclusion of migrant descendants require a closer examination of their political agency, which this special issue addresses through a collection of ethnographic studies regarding their identity narratives, everyday practices and acts of citizenship.

This paper discusses how research related to migrant descendants’ citizenship could potentially benefit from recent critical literature towards migration and citizenship. On the one hand, we discuss how such research focusing on the so-called “second generation” and citizenship could draw from conceptualisations that approach citizenship as everyday practices and as lived experience. On the other hand, we reflect on how such research could benefit from calls to de-migrantize migration scholarship. In this paper, we also discuss how such critical approaches allow problematising the research categories, such as “second generation” or “migration background”, and what implications this has in terms of understanding the citizenship among migrant descendants. In the end, we suggest possible paths for future research and theorisation concerning citizenship and migrant descendants

Little is known about the value orientations of adolescents in Italy.This paper presents a sociological analysis of Italian adolescents’values. The study draws on a survey of 1,994 students from 44 Italian schools and applies Schwartz’s theory of basic humanvalues. The analysis revealed the centrality of independence andthe search for novelty (openness to change) among theadolescents in the sample and the low priority given toconservation. Gender appears to be crucial in understanding adolescents’values. Significant differences emerged between male and female adolescents: female adolescents attributed more importance to hedonism, self-direction and stimulation than their male peers and less importance to self-achievement and power, in line with previous studies. Overall, the study found that Italian adolescents hold fragmented or even conflicting values, and hedonism and tradition emerged as their two most important values. Based on these findings, the paper discusses implications and provides suggestions for future research.

This article – drawing on data collected during 39 semi-structured interviews with young immigrant descendant activists and other institutional and non-institutional stakeholders between 2017 and 2019 – aims to explore the spaces in which young immigrant descendants in Italy voice their concerns, ideas, and claims. Youth activism is conceptualised in terms of ‘granted’ and ‘claimed’ spaces of participation which enables the multiple manifestations of their activism and their relationships with other stakeholders to be captured. The analysis shows that processes of mobilisation from below (‘claimed’ spaces) strongly integrate with processes of top-down activation (‘granted’ spaces). These spaces are experienced by young immigrant descendants’ activists not as alternative ways of participation but as a pragmatic strategy to reach their objectives, both independently and through cooperation with different institutional and civil society stakeholders. Moreover, young immigrant descendant activists do not engage as ‘children of immigrants’: they express their claims first as young people and their activism is not restricted by their migrant origins, especially in those places – ‘claimed' spaces –created and shaped by themselves.

Quando si smette di essere uno straniero? Fino a quando si è percepiti come migranti? Perchè si tende a definire come migranti solo alcuni cittadini - generalmente provenienti dai paesi più poveri - e non coloro che si spostano da paesi con economie avanzate? Mentre la mobilità umana caratterizza da sempre la storia dell'uomo, la figura del migrante è l'esito di processi di costruzione sociale e di scelte politico-giuridiche che mutano nel tempo. Il contributo offre un quadro teorico sulla mobilità umana affrontando anche le più recenti sfide legate alle dinamiche migratorie.

L’irruzione della pandemia COVID-19 ha causato un’inedita emergenza sanitaria ed economica e ha imposto nuove priorità alla politica e alla società nel suo complesso. Ciò potrebbe indurre a ipotizzare che la diffusione del virus sia stata quindi in grado di “spostare” altrove le paure dei cittadini che, in particolare nel 2019, erano perlopiù rivolte nei confronti dell’Altro (immigrato, ebreo, rom, musulmano). Per affrontare tale questione, sulla base delle più recenti indagini empiriche, il contributo si sviluppa a partire dal contesto italiano pre-Covid, analizzando la presenza e la diffusione del razzismo declinato in alcune delle sue principali forme, e lo pone a confronto con il contesto che si è andato delineando dopo lo scoppio della pandemia, analizzando in particolare gli atteggiamenti di ostilità e repulsione nei confronti degli appartenenti a minoranze etniche. Il contributo propone infine una riflessione sugli scenari futuri aperti dalla crisi che ha investito la nostra società.

In a climate of general social acceptance and of the “normalisation of hate”, the Italian situation has been struck by dark and alarming signals in more recent years: the rise of antisemitism, verbal and physical aggressions against foreign citizens, racist and xenophobic crimes, overt racism in stadiums against Black athletes, the wide spread of hate speech online. Drawing from the most recent empirical studies, the present chapter considers the Italian context pre-COVID, analysing the presence and spread of racism in its principal forms. In particular the chapter aims at answering to the following questions: does the spread of the Covid-19 foster the attitudes of hostility against and rejection of ethnic minorities? Which are the possible future scenarios regarding the interethnic coexistence in Italy in the light of the recent crisis? Indeed, the arrival of COVID-19, and especially of its socio-economic consequences, risks exacerbating tensions, leading to the search for an enemy to blame.

After decades of emergency initiatives and a widespread institutional disengagement, in 2012, Italy adopted the National Strategy for the inclusion of Roma, Sinti and Caminanti communities, which opts for a unifying approach to dealing with the Roma presence. Even though in its formal objectives the Strategy aims at overcoming the fragmentation of the policies focused on the Roma, seven years after its implementation only disconnected, often inconsistent, interventions have followed. The article examines whether and to what extent the implementation of this document has represented a break with the ambiguities and contradictions that characterised the structure of the relevant policies aimed at Roma integration in Italy before 2012. The analysis highlights a failed activation of the beneficiaries of the strategy in terms of both empowerment and participation in the decision-making arena. Although the strategy represents an unavoidable step – at least from a formal point of view – towards a coordinated approach to a controversial issue, it has failed to trigger virtuous circles able to affect the life conditions of the Roma, which remain alarming.

Focusing on individuals aged 14–35 still living with their family of origin, we compare the political activism of Italian natives with their first and second-generation migrant peers. We based our analysis on two different national household surveys, carried out by the Italian National Institute of Statistics (ISTAT) in 2011–2012: the survey ’Condizione e integrazione sociale dei cittadini stranieri’ [Condition and Social Integration of Foreign Citizens] and ’Aspetti della vita quotidiana’ [Multipurpose Survey on the Aspects of Everyday Life]. Our results revealed that natives are more likely to be involved in politics compared to their migrant peers. However, the migrant background is not a factor negatively affecting youth participation or involvement in politics in itself. The gap with native is fully explained by differences in socio-economic background and family political socialisation. When these aspects are controlled, data suggest that no differences exist in participation to most time-consuming acts (such as taking part in political meetings, demonstrations, participation in a political association, etc.). More of it, young people with migrant backgrounds are more likely to be engaged in activities that reflect a general interest in politics, such as discussing politics, seeking information on Italian politics, and listening to political debates, compared to their native counterparts.

Migrant political participation is a central challenge to our democracy, especially at a time when migration is so controversial. This study examines level, forms and predictors of migrant political engagement in Italy, a country where 10% of the total population is foreign-born. We measure migrant political participation on the basis of data provided by the Survey on Condition and Social Integration of Foreign Citizens carried out by the National Institute of Statistics (ISTAT) in 2011–12 (N = 16,056). In addition to individual characteristics, we analyse the role played by the family in influencing migrant political engagement using a multilevel logistic approach. Our analysis shows that migrants in Italy are largely inactive political subjects in comparison with Italian natives. Political disengagement is related to being a woman, low education and residence in South Italy and the islands. Moreover, we analyse the different factors that are driving soft and strong political participation. We also discuss the negligible impact of EU citizenship in enhancing political participation in Italy.

According to the most recent survey from Fondazione ISMU, in Italy the members of the second generation aged be-tween 0 and 35 years are about 3 million. This is a significant number that shows a new phase in the history of the Italian migration. It urges the adoption of renovated theoretical perspectives and interpretative paradigms.

L'Italia, annoverata tra i paesi di recente immigrazione in confronto ad altri di "vecchia" immigrazione, ancora stenta a riconoscere le seconde generazioni come parte integrante della società. Secondo le più recenti stime della Fondazione Ismu, i giovani di seconda generazione nati in Italia da almeno un genitore straniero o giunti minorenni di età compresa tra gli 0 e i 35 anni raggiungono quasi il valore di 3 milioni di unità. Un dato significativo che testimonia l’avvio di una nuova fase della storia migratoria italiana e sollecita l’adozione di rinnovate prospettive teoriche e paradigmi interpretativi. Il numero dei figli di immigrati in Italia, ma anche in Europa, è infatti destinato a crescere. In relazione alle seconde generazioni in Italia, in linea con quanto sta avvenendo in altri Paesi europei, anche in Italia si evidenzia un trend di progressivo miglioramento: il divario tra studenti con background straniero e nativi italiani si va progressivamente riducendo e la percentuale di Neet tra i giovani di origine straniera è inferiore rispetto alla percentuale di Neet (Not in education, employment or training) tra i giovani nativi italiani. In Italia ha preso avvio un nuovo processo articolato e inedito che spinge a ripensare i contorni delle nostre società al fine di valorizzare le sue nuove risorse.

Value orientations of the little-known Generation Z (i.e., young people born between the first and second millennium) may offer a lens through which to better understand the most recent changes in contemporary society. The present paper features an analysis of the values driving the adolescents’ behaviour of Generation Z in the Italian context as well as the continuities and discontinuities detected in comparison with the Millennial generation. The empirical research, based on a sample of 1,994 students from 44 Italian schools, reveals a multifaceted picture of adolescents also characterised by some elements of continuity with the generation of the Millennials. Nonetheless Generation Z, due to its complexity in terms of values inclinations, may not be easily ascribed to standard classifications. This may suggest the necessity to adopt new analytical tools in the study of adolescents and their values.

The present study analyses housing policies in Sweden with a specific attention to support actions adopted in favour of groups who are most vulnerable, among whom we often find migrants. After a brief picture of immigration in Sweden, the evolution of housing policies is analysed. The analysis shows a persistent migrants’ housing segregation. Over the last few years, Swedish housing policies have not been able to effectively deal with this problem, which concerns especially — but not only — the immigrant component of the population. In Sweden spatial segregation is the result of an economic disadvantage which characterizes the immigrant population, as demonstrated by the gap in occupational rates between natives and immigrants.

To govern the presence of immigrants in their territories, some European states have written Integration Plans, a coherent set of principles and objectives as guidelines for the processes of inclusion of the immigrants into the European societies. The present chapter aims at analyzing the situation of integration policies in Europe with a specific focus on Italy.

Per gestire in maniera organica la presenza di migranti sul proprio territorio, alcuni Stati europei si sono dotati di Piani di integrazione, ovvero un insieme coerente di principi e obiettivi per guidare i processi di inclusione dei migranti nelle società europee. Il presente contributo intende offrire una panoramica sui paesi europei che hanno scelto di adottare (o non adottare) tali piani. Il capitolo si conclude con un approfondimento relativo alle politiche di integrazione nel contesto italiano.

The present paper investigates migrant trade union membership in three different European areas, i.e. Western and Nordic countries, Southern countries and Central-Eastern countries, drawing on data from the European Social Survey 2012 Round 6, ed. 2.0. Specifically, the objectives are twofold: first, to compare trade union membership between natives and migrants in the three European areas analysed; second, to investigate the extent to which the possibility of being a member of a trade union is affected by other factors, notably individual characteristics (age, migration background, gender); employment status (economic activity, type of contract) and citizenship practices. The descriptive analysis shows that migrant patterns of unionization vary greatly in the three areas considered. Moreover the multivariate analysis (logistic regression) highlights that some factors are strong prediction variables of trade union membership, specifically the migration background, gender, age, educational attainment, employment status, country area, and some citizenship practices.

The objectives of this paper are twofold: on the one hand to identify a participatory governance model capable of meeting the goal of the inclusion of marginalized and excluded groups; on the other hand to explain how and to what extent the participation of some individuals, belonging to social excluded groups, can effectively improve the design of policies egarding crucial issues for them and for the society as a whole. Accordingly, after a critical review of concepts such as governance and participatory governance, the paper presents strengths and limitations of a participatory governance model, applied in Italy between 2009 and 2010, which pursued the involvement of Roma people – one of the most excluded groups in Europe – in the design of initiatives and actions addressing them. The advantage of this model is the actual participation of beneficiaries in the planning of actions regarding them.

The situation of Roma in Italy is evolving with different actors involved, both institutions and civil society. The present chapter aims at addressing the Roma issue in Italy with a specific focus on the National Strategy for the inclusion of Roma, Sinti and Caminanti communities, wich represents a turning point in the way of addressing this specific issue. Nonetheless, many problems remain and Roma still live in conditions of social, economic anc cultural exclusion.

Nel corso degli ultimi vent'anni la Svezia ha vissuto numerosi cambiamenti sia in termini di flussi migratori - paesi di provenienza dei migranti, cause delle migrazioni - sia di politiche in materia di immigrazione e integrazione. Il presente contributo intende ripercorrere le principali tappe di questi cambiamenti e formulare prime riflessioni sulle politiche di integrazione svedesi.

As in other European countries, the situation of Roma in Italy raises many concerns, especially in relation to their social exclusion. Moreover, despite a strong legislative framework, Roma, and in particular Roma women, suffer multiple discriminations. The experimental project Valore Lavoro shows the efficacy of a participatory approach in promoting the labour inclusion of one of the most excluded minorities in Europe. The direct involvement of Roma through a participatory bottom-up scheme in the design of initiatives addressing them and in the decision-making process represents a way towards effective inclusion in different fields and promotion of active citizenship.

Il presente contributo intende affrontare, a partire dalle rivolte nelle periferie della capitale svedese che hanno avuto luogo nel 2013, la profonda trasformazione che sta interessando la Svezia soprattutto in termini di integrazione dei migranti e sostenibilitàdel welfare state.

L’articolo affronta il tema delle migrazioni sudamericane in Italia con una specifica attenzione alla componente femminile. Offre un quadro quanti-qualitativo del fenomeno e, a partire da questo, propone alcune considerazioni in relazione all'incidenza del genere sul livello e sui processi di integrazione delle donne sudamericane nella Penisola.