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On the Mediterranean coast of Morocco, many military ships were sunk in the Al-Hoceima region during the Rif war between the Spanish army and the local Riffians. The aims of this study is to detect and to map shipwrecks embedded in sea-floor sediments in Al-Hoceima coastal. It has been carried out using free satellite radar images and the open-source software Sentinel Application Platform. The result of this study shows five possible locations of shipwrecks in the study area, two of them were confirmed by data shipwrecks of the Spanish hydrographic institute.

This article examines Spanish colonial discourse on Morocco during the Rif War from the perspective of gender. It focuses on the most reactionary sections of the Army of Africa, which later revolted against the Second Spanish Republic. The image of the Rifian man in this colonial setting is analysed as playing a decisive role in the shaping of Spanish masculinity, which was built through dialogue with this representation of the other's manhood. This male archetype was especially relevant in the culture of the Africanist soldiers who would later have such a huge impact on the history of Spain. This article reflects on the complexities and ambiguities of the colonial relationship and aims to contribute to the discussion on the exceptionality of Spanish colonialism as compared with other European empires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article explores the intersection of Middle Eastern anti-colonialism and European anti-militarism in the interwar period through a case study focusing on French communist activities within the army during almost simultaneous anti-colonial revolts in Morocco and Syria. It argues that the interaction between revolutionary militancy in these two regions was not unilinear. Just as the impact of European revolutionary traditions was instrumental in shaping Middle Eastern communist militancy, so Middle Eastern anti-colonialism had an - underappreciated - impact on European communism. Through this case study it shows how the Communist International strove to give anti-militarism in the global north and anti-colonialism in the global south a common political language through which the two aspirations could converge. Instead of focusing on high-level decisions, this study takes a tentative step towards situating this alliance - or lack thereof - in the trenches of colonial wars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the Mediterranean coast of Morocco, many military ships were sunk in the Al-Hoceima region during Rif war between Spanish army and the local Riffians. The aim of this study is to detect and to map shipwrecks embedded in sea-floor sediments in Al-Hoceima coastal. It has been carried out using free satellite radar image and the opensource software Sentinel Application Platform. The result of this study shows five possible locations of shipwrecks in the study area, two of them were confirmed by data shipwrecks of the Spanish hydrographic institute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Historica. Historia Contemporánea is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In October 1924, Paul Scott Mowrer, a foreign correspondent for the Chicago Daily News based in Paris, convinced his employers that an interview with Abd-el-Krim, the leader of the Rifian uprising against the Spanish in northern Morocco, would provide original and interesting copy for American readers. This article deals with Mowrer's difficult trek from French Morocco into the Rifian heartland, his observations concerning the Rifian environment and Abd-el-Krim's movement and his two-hour interview with the Rifian leader. Further, it discusses his journey out of the Rif back into French Morocco, his observations concerning French policies in their Protectorate and his general reflections on the Rif War. This essay employs materials from Mowrer's personal papers, his autobiography, and the twenty-one articles he published in the Chicago Daily News from November 1924 to early January 1925. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that Antonio Espina's first novel, Pájaro Pinto (1927), upends nineteenth-century understandings of development, not only through its rejection of linear narration on a formal level, but also through its thematization of the concepts of youth, puerility, and maturity. After situating Espina's novel within the context of the Rif War (1920-26), the literature of Europe's "lost generation," and the transformation of the Bildungsroman in the early twentieth century, it discusses the geopolitics of cultural development that underlies the influential view of modernist art put forth by José Ortega y Gasset in his essays "La deshumanización del arte" and "Ideas sobre la novela" (1925). It then analyzes Espina's nuanced response to Ortega in Pájaro Pinto, highlighting especially how he draws from the aesthetics of film both to dehumanize his text and to advance a critique of the categories of humanity and dehumanization, puerility and maturity that structure Ortega's thought. Finally, these observations are brought to bear on a reading of the story "Xelfa, carne de cera" in order to demonstrate how Espina unravels notions of individual and national formation, condemning both Spain's colonial project in Morocco and the farcical maturity of the European metropolis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the period of the Rif War through an analysis of a documentary of that time as a historical source. The film focuses on the "reconquest" of Xauen and the Al Hoceima landing by the Spanish colonial troops, but also reflects different aspects of these warlike campaigns, exposed in its various parts and scenes: army authorities and officers; various army corps; war material; natives (friends and rebels). The language used in the text title cards, which were inserted in this type of propaganda documentaries about the war and the army, is also studied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The centenary of the Rif War in Morocco (1921–1926) has nearly arrived. This article considers how accounts of the war have been transmitted as acts of memory. It surveys European and American publications on the war from the early military histories through to political accounts explaining the war from imperialist and anti-imperial perspectives. It then examines the first general histories and academic accounts, by anthropologists and linguists, both American and Moroccan. The release of the Spanish Army and French Foreign Ministry archives opened discussion up to historians trained in the western tradition. At the same time the first Arabic-language accounts were published by Moroccan local historians. Finally, it discusses use of the Rif War in modern Moroccan politics, particularly during the truth and reconciliation hearings at the beginning of the 2000s, and later during popular protest movements in the Rif. It concludes with an examination of how Islamists have used the war and compares the Islamist foundation documents of Islamic State with those of the Rifi state. When the centenary of the war comes round in 2021, the commentators and historians and politicians and polemicists will have to integrate all those perceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Why and how was the territorialized state form disseminated through colonial expansion? To begin to answer this question, this study proposes a relational account of the production of territorialized state space, drawing on empirical evidence from two understudied cases of colonial expansion in the early 20th century: Spain in Morocco and Italy in Libya. Drawing on colonial and local archival sources, I demonstrate how colonial territoriality resulted from a violent clash between an aspiring colonial power and a reactive, rural counter-state building movement, led by the Amir Abd al-Krim in the Rif Mountains of northern Morocco and the Sanusi leader, Omar al-Mokhtar, in Cyrenaica in eastern Libya. Territorialization was not imposed from the outside by a European colonial power. Rather, it was produced relationally through violent interactions between the colonial state and a local autonomous political entity. This analysis contributes to the still-nascent study of colonial state space and to contemporary policy debates about political order in North Africa and the Middle East by emphasizing the importance of local political mobilization, the complexity of interactions catalyzed across local and translocal scales by colonial expansion, and the high levels of physical violence endemic to the production of territorialized state space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abd-el-Krim al-Khattabi's guerilla tactics are said to have influenced several renowned revolutionaries, such as Ho Chi Minh and Mao Zedong. There is evidence that Che Guevara equally employed at least some of the tactics and methods, which were devised by the Rifis. After all, Alberto Bayo, the much respected guerilla trainer of Che, had fought during his military career for a relatively long period of time against the Rifis. Castro, yet another role model for Che, mentions in his biography that he read about the battle of Annual, one of the most successful attacks against the Spanish initiated by Abd-el-Krim in 1921. There are also claims that Che had met Abd-el-Krim in 1959 in Cairo. Castro does not mention that he had discussed with Che anything about his readings on the Rif War, but he clearly states that Bayo used to teach in his camp guerilla methods that he had encountered during his assignments in Morocco. However, neither Bayo nor Che (or their biographers) mention that any of the tactics imparted during the training were from the time of Abd-el-Krim's struggle. The only person praised by both men is the Nicaraguan rebel leader Augusto César Sandino. This article compares the tactical teachings of Bayo as well as the operational methods used by Che during his battles in Cuba with the methods applied by the Rifis under Abd-el-Krim's leadership, and highlights a number of tactical similarities. It also finds that the guerilla tactics applied by Sandino have little in common with the methods described by Bayo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of História, Ciências, Saúde - Manguinhos is the property of Casa de Oswaldo Cruz and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Riffian rebel leader Mohammed Abd el-Krim Al-Khattabi (1882–1963) became an important early guerrilla leader by successfully initiating extensively organized resistance in the Moroccan Rif against Spanish and French imperial power in the early 1920s. The Rif War triggered a wave of adventure films since the 1930s. This article will look at some of these, especiallySergeant Klems(1971) andThe Wind and the Lion(1975), and suggest that they can be seen in terms of the wider impact of screen Orientalism derived from the iconic filmLawrence of Arabia(1962) directed by David Lean. The article will show that these films promoted what it terms a colonial gaze by underlining many stereotyped cinematic clichés relating to the Islamic cultural area and Abd el-Krim's revolt that stretch back to the early history of cinema. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Spain's importance in Morocco for much of her 44 years there (1912–56) was subordinate to that of France, yet Spain managed to carry out an independent policy during that time that corresponded with her continental interests. In the early years, her governing policy in the north was shaped by military concerns, especially during the Rif War (1921–26) when Berber warriors under the leadership of Abdel Krim nearly wrested control of the zone away from her. In the 1930s, Rifian troops fought at Franco's side during the Civil War, winning a reputation for steadfastness and ferocity. Spain managed to seize control of Tangier in 1940, but handed the zone back to international supervision as soon as the war ended. After 1953 Spain's Morocco policy lost direction as the tide of decolonisation swept over the region. Clinging frantically to her northern foothold, Spain played a dangerous game of encouraging the nationalists while trying to stay firmly in control. As independence became increasingly inevitable, Spain courted the Arab League, drawing away from ‘imperial’ France and Britain in an effort to become the ‘friendly’ interlocutor between the Arab peoples and Europe. But when France's withdrawal became inevitable, Spain too capitulated, for Franco's regime was ‘not ready to go to war over Morocco’. Spain's tenure in northern Morocco was marred by a bloody war, incapable administrators, unending corruption, harsh military rule, and the absence of clear goals. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

One of the striking features of the study of nationalism in the colonial era in Morocco is the way in which the rural world hardly features in histories of the movement. Issues such as the Rif War and the Jaysh at-Tahrir (Army of Liberation), or even the Rif Rebellion, tend to be treated in isolation, not as integral parts of the overall resistance to colonialism that developed from the 1920s onwards. In part, this is the problem of the ‘subaltern’, in that the rural world has not enjoyed an autonomous historical voice in the same way as has urban nationalism. In part, too, it is due to a lack of professional interest and, until recently, access to the relevant sources. The archives of the French ‘Affaires Indigènes’ (the body responsible for rural administration after the French conquest), for example, were closed for many years. The article below is an attempt to begin the process of developing a history of rural nationalism by examining the ways in which nationalist awareness evolved in the countryside around the Jbala town of Wazzan, from the ‘primary resistance’ of the Rif War epoch to the ‘secondary resistance’ of the 1950s. It seeks to establish how a nationalist discourse was diffused throughout the Jbala region, divided as it was between the French and Spanish zones, by looking at the interactions of town and countryside and the role of markets as arenas of information exchange. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses international relations related to the Spanish protectorate in Morocco from 1912 to 1956, with a focus on the views of the French and British diplomatic representatives in Morocco regarding the colonial policy of Spain in Africa. Particular attention is given to the period of the Spanish Second Republic, especially its policy regarding the Moroccan nationalist movement. Topics discussed include the Rif War in the 1920s between Spain and Moroccan tribes led by military leader Abd el Krim, the role of the Moroccan troops Ejército de África or Army of Africa in the Spanish Civil War, and the July 1936 military uprising in Morocco.

This article discusses the Battle of Annual in the Rif War between Spanish and Moroccan forces in the early 1920s, with a particular focus on the role of Lieutenant Colonel Pardo Agudín of Spain. The author comments on the defense of the city of Nador in Morocco and describes the prosecution of Agudín in a military tribunal following his request to receive the Laureada de San Fernando (Laureate Cross of Saint Ferdinand), one of Spain's highest military honors. An examination of Agudín's military exploits in the defense of Nador is also provided.

The last two decades have seen a proliferation of state apologies whereby a number of states have acknowledged previous wrongs against other states and apologized for historical injustices committed against domestic minorities. This article examines demands for apologies related to the use of chemical warfare by the Spanish army during the Rif War (Morocco, 1921-1926). The article explores the limits and constraints of the so-called "apologetic diplomacy" and its influence in bilateral relations between Spain and Morocco. It argues that demands for apologies present Spain a problem and also an opportunity to improve relations with Morocco in the centenary of the Treaty of Protectorate (1912-2012).

This paper attempts at presenting the existing secondary bibliography on Red Cross initiatives during the Rif War, produced either in Spain or in the international context. This bibliography has provided a basic yet unsystematic account of the activities of the International Committee of the Red Cross, of the Spanish and French Red Cross societies, of several European and non-European Red Cross societies and of other humanitarian associations during the harsh conflict thataffected northern Morocco between 1921 and 1926.

Despite the fact that the Rif War (Morocco, 1921—1926) and its international repercussions have been frequently explored by historians, not much attention has been devoted to the stance of the League of Nations during the conflict, probably because the League simply declared its lack of authority to intervene in the matter when its intervention was suggested. The aim of this article is to provide a more detailed analysis of the reasons given by the League of Nations to justify its role in the conflict. It will argue that the League of Nations acted in accordance with international legislation of the time when it declined to become involved in the Rif War without being explicitly requested to do so either by the Sultan of Morocco or by the protecting powers (France, Spain). However, it will also highlight the tenuousness of these arguments and the contradictory stances the League took at certain stages of the conflict, especially during the period when the Spanish army was publicly accused of using chemical warfare in Morocco. The article concludes by showing how the complex, multifaceted conflict in the Rif encapsulated many of the problems and difficulties of the post-war colonial system, and forced the League of Nations to deal with a series of dilemmas which foreshadowed the difficult circumstances which it would be faced with in the 1930s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the relationships between the surrealists, the Clarté group and the French Communist Party during the Rif War period. The Rif War encourages the French Communist Party to held a general strike in October 12, 1925 while libertarian surrealists collaborates with the Clarté group for them to overcome the political revolution.