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Author(s): Jesus Alfonso D. Datu [sup.1] , Jose Alberto S. Reyes [sup.2] Author Affiliations: (1) 0000000121742757grid.194645.bDivision of Learning, Development, and Diversity, Faculty of Education, The University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, [...], In the Western settings, power positively predicted happiness (e.g., Kifer et al. 2013 (See CR16)). Though, this result may not be generalized across cultures as cultural psychologists recognized that interdependence is more important in collectivist cultures. Consistent with this conjecture, Datu and Reyes (2014 (See CR10)) assessed the relations among power, relations, and happiness in the Philippine setting which revealed that power negatively predicted happiness. However, not much is known on why power could potentially reduce happiness in collectivist cultures. Thus, the current investigation employed qualitative research to offer in-depth explanations on why power may be associated with lower happiness in a collectivist setting. Findings revealed three major themes that characterized reasons on why power may decrease happiness in an interdependent context: a.) Power impairs relationship; b.) Power evokes negative judgments from others; and c.) Power comes with a great responsibility. The theoretical and practical implications of these results are discussed.

Previous studies show there is little or no association between perceived emotional support and well-being in European American culture. The authors hypothesized that this paradoxical absence of any benefit of perceived support is unique to cultural contexts that privilege independence rather than interdependence of the self. Study 1 tested college students and found, as predicted, that among Euro-Americans a positive effect of perceived emotional support on subjective well-being (positive affect) was weak and, moreover, it disappeared entirely once selfesteem was statistically controlled. In contrast, among Asians in Asia (Japanese and Filipinos) perceived emotional support positively predicted subjective well-being even after self-esteem was controlled. Study 2 extended Study 1 by testing both Japanese and American adults in midlife with respect to multiple indicators of well-being and physical health. Overall, the evidence underscores the central significance of culture as a moderator of the effectiveness of perceived emotional support. Keywords: perceived emotional support; self-esteem; wellbeing; culture; independence; interdependence

From the trait perspective, traitedness, or consistency of behavior, is expected in all cultures. However, cultural psychologists argue that behavior may be more determined by traits in individualistic than collectivistic cultures. The authors investigated implicit theories and self-perceptions of traitedness in two individualistic cultures, the United States (n = 342) and Australia (n = 172), and four collectivistic cultures, Mexico (n = 400), Philippines 01 = 363), Malaysia (n = 251), and Japan (n = 192). Although implicit trait beliefs were endorsed in all cultural groups, they were stronger in individualistic than collectivistic cultures. Cultural differences in self-perceptions of one's own traitedness, as operationalized by self-monitoring, were also found, and comparisons involving the United States and most collectivistic cultures were consistent with cultural psychology perspectives. The ability of self-construals to predict implicit beliefs and self-perceptions of traitedness was also investigated. Overall, the results supported efforts to integrate trait and cultural psychology perspectives. Keywords: implicit theories; self-monitoring; self-construals; traits; cultural psychology

Implicit trait and contextual theories encompass lay people's beliefs about the longitudinal stability (vs. instability) of traits; the cross-situational consistency (vs. variability) of behavior; the ability to predict (vs. not predict) individuals' behavior from their traits; the ability to infer traits from few behavioral instances (vs. the difficulty of doing so); and the importance of traits in understanding people (vs. the greater importance of contextual factors such as roles and relationships). Implicit trait and contextual beliefs were investigated in two individualistic cultures, the United States and Australia, and two collectivistic cultures, Mexico and the Philippines. Hypotheses based on an integration of trait and cultural psychology perspectives were supported. The structure of implicit beliefs replicated well, and trait beliefs predicted judgments about cross-situational consistency of behavior in all four cultures. Implicit trait beliefs were stronger, and implicit contextual beliefs weaker, in the United States as compared to Mexico and the Philippines. Keywords: implicit theories; traits; cultural psychology

In lexically based studies, we derived Filipino personality dimensions and related them to the Big Five model. In Study 1, Filipino high-school and college students (N = 629) rated themselves on a near-comprehensive list of 861 Filipino (Tagalog) trait adjectives. In Study 2, Filipino high-school and college students (N = 1,531) rated 280 markers of dimensions identified in Study 1. Some students (n = 473) also completed the NEO Five-Factor Inventory. Seven comparable Filipino dimensions were identified in factor analyses in the two studies. We concluded that the dimensions we labeled Concern for Others (vs. Egotism), Conscientiousness, Gregariousness, and Intellect were quite similar to Big Five Agreeableness, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, and Intellect, respectively. The Filipino Self-Assurance dimension was most similar to Big Five Neuroticism. The Filipino Temperamentalness dimension was more complex in Big Five terms, overlapping Agreeableness, Conscientiousness, and Neuroticism. A final Filipino factor resembled a Negative Valence or Infrequency dimension. More than five factors had to be extracted to obtain Philippine dimensions resembling all of the Big Five.

The authors tested individualism-collectivism (I-C) theory by comparing self-described traits, values, and moods of students in individualistic (U.S., n = 660) and collectivistic (Philippine, n = 656) cultures and in students within these cultures varying in individualism and collectivism. They also examined the cross-cultural generalizability of factor dimensions derived with Hui's I-C measure. U.S. and Philippine students' self-descriptions of their personality traits, valued traits, general values, and moods generally differed in ways predicted by I-C theory. However, in comparing individualistic and collectivistic students within the two cultures, the U.S. results conformed more consistently to I-C theory than did the Philippine results. The cross-cultural comparability of the I-C factor dimensions was fair at best.

We investigated the structure of affect in the Filipino culture and compared our results to those in Western studies. Four samples of students (ns = 397 to 530) rated their mood for today, the past week, or in general, using near-comprehensive sets of Filipino mood adjectives. Results of exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses supported a hierarchical model of affect and the cross-cultural comparability of self-report mood dimensions (i.e., higher-order Positive and Negative Affect, plus specific affects corresponding to hypothesized universal or basic emotions). The results were more consistent with biological theories of affect than a strong social constmctivist perspective.

We assessed self-consistency (expressing similar traits in different situations) by having undergraduates in the United States ( n = 230), Australia ( n = 220), Canada ( n = 240), Ecuador ( n = 101), Mexico ( n = 209), Venezuela ( n = 209), Japan ( n = 178), Malaysia ( n = 254), and the Philippines ( n = 241) report the traits they expressed in four different social situations. Self-consistency was positively associated with age, well-being, living in Latin America, and not living in Japan; however, each of these variables showed a unique pattern of associations with various psychologically distinct sources of raw self-consistency, including cross-situationally consistent social norms and injunctions. For example, low consistency between injunctive norms and trait expressions fully explained the low self-consistency in Japan. In accord with trait theory, after removing normative and injunctive sources of consistency, there remained robust distinctive noninjunctive self-consistency (reflecting individuating personality dispositions) in every country, including Japan. The results highlight how clarifying the determinants and implications of self-consistency requires differentiating its distinctive, injunctive, and noninjunctive components. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study was to explore the experience of career foreclosure (Germeijs, Luyckx, Notelaers, Goossens, & Verschueren, 2012) among Filipino individuals, in order to gain insight on how an interdependent self-construal (Markus & Kitayama, 1991) is revealed in the career decision-making of Filipinos. Interviews of nine Filipino participants aged 16 to 52 revealed seven factors that influence Filipinos to follow in a parent's career footsteps: (a) perceived family legacy; (b) beliefs about genetic pre-dispositions; (c) honoring and paying tribute; (d) creating pooled resources; (e) shared reputation and sense of success; and (f) everyday love language. This study raises implications for career counseling of Filipino adolescents, and poses questions about the application of long-standing Western-derived theories in career research in the Philippine setting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study sought to establish the validity and reliability of a recent measure of interdependent happiness, the Interdependent Happiness Scale (IHS; Hitokoto & Uchida, 2015) with a sample of Filipino undergraduates. Interdependent happiness refers to the state of being relationally oriented, preserving quiescence, and remaining ordinary among others. The IHS was administered to 221 college students from three private, sectarian universities in Metro Manila. The IHS was found to have high internal consistency reliability (Cronbach's alpha = .852). The one-dimensional structure of the IHS was also confirmed, with acceptable goodness of- fit indices: χ2 = 51.88, df = 24, p-value = .001; χ2 /df = 2.16; RMSEA = .07; SRMR = .05; CFI = 0.96; TLI = 0.94. The IHS was significantly correlated with measures of Positive and Negative Affect and with Subjective Well-Being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study aimed to examine the effect of context on the self-evaluation of personality traits. Participants of the study were 78 Filipino counselors (Female=63, Male=14, Not Indicated=1), with age ranging from 22 to 60 years (M =37.62, SD =8.57). The study employed the within-subjects experimental design to determine whether context (more specifically, Overall View of Self, With Clients, With Colleagues, and With Significant Others) significantly impacts the self-evaluations of participants of ten personality traits. The Friedman test was used to analyze variations in the participants' trait ratings, and results showed significant differences in ratings across the four contexts. There were eight out of the ten traits which were given significantly different ratings across the four contexts: Patient, (X²(3)=46.98, p<.05); Understanding, (X²(3)=32.81, p<.05); Honest, (X²(3)=15.28, p<.05); Intelligent, (X²(3)=23.03, p<.05); Brave, (X²(3)=10.03, p<.05); Modest, (X²(3)=16.83, p<.05); Warm, (X²(3)=10.09, p<.05); Punctual, (X²(3)=23.14, p<.05). The findings show that self-evaluations of traits can significantly vary depending on the context in which the rating is being given. Implications on the assumptions usually accompanying use of self-reports in the assessment of personality are discussed. Recommendations for counselors and users of tests are also provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]